Social Structure
Social Structure a term loosely applied to any recurring pattern of social behaviour, or, more specifically, to ordered interrelationships between different elements of a society. Social structure comprises different kinship, religious, economic, political and other institutions as well as of norms, values and social roles of the members of a society. The development of the social structure in any society is historically conditioned. The social structure of Bangladesh, therefore, needs to be analysed in that context.
Bengal is basically an alluvial land with a network of a large number of small and big rivers. The early establishment of settled agricultural economy in the region helped her people to evolve their own distinctive lifestyle. By the end of the eighth century, the people of Bengal constituted a homogenous ethnic whole, possessing a distinct language, culture, and ethos. Ethnologically, however, Bengal is inhabited by a mixed races formed by three main elements, namely, the original non-Aryan people, the Dravidians, and the Aryans. The pre-modern culture in the sub-continent developed predominantly in a rural setting and in keeping with its archaic method of cultivation. It maintained a rigid social structure based mainly on religious principles and largely characterised by caste restrictions including food and attire.
The main caste division was between brahmans and non-Brahmans, the later being the conglomeration of different sub castes evolved through the unregulated interaction of different castes. Some believe that local Brahmans were not conversant with the Vedas and Kaibarta Brahmans from Northern India migrated here to serve as clergymen. The non-Brahman sub castes were broadly divided into three hierarchical categories, within which there were as many as forty one professional caste groups like chandal, swarnakar, tanti etc. The Muslim conquest contributed largely to the spread of islam in Bengal. The new faith achieved the highest popularity in East Bengal, where the religion in vogue till then was buddhism that had certain theological affinities with Islam.
The social structure in pre-British Bengal was different from that in other parts of India not merely because Bengal was ruled by rulers of non-Bengal origins. Many forces contributed to the development of Bengal's distinctive social institutions, the most important among which is the Bengali village and kinship. The village community in Bengal had been historically different in many ways from those of other parts of India. The political and economic structure in rural Bengal during the pre-British period was not similar to feudalism of Europe. Due to several socio-cultural constraints such as caste restrictions, endogamous practices, and also harsh measures adopted by despotic rulers in destroying flourishing urban centres, an independent urban community could not develop in India. More importantly, although a rich merchant class existed in India long before British or Muslim rule, it did not constitute the middle class or the bourgeoisie in the European sense. The Indian merchant class could not generate an anti-feudal force in the Indian body politic and hence did not or could not play the role of its European counterpart. Max Weber termed the differential development in India especially, in revenue administration, as 'prebendalisation'. According to him, a characteristic seigniory had developed in India as in the orient in general, out of tax farming and the tax 'prebends' of a bureaucratic state.
The tax payers included zamindars, talukdars, temporary revenue contractors, and also the jaigirdars, who were given grants for specific politico-military duties, but were not given the proprietary right over land. It is only during the British rule that zamindars were made proprietors of land and other landed interests their tenants.
The British rule, however, brought certain changes in the social structure of Bengal, particularly through the enactment of the permanent settlement Act in 1793 by lord charles cornwallis. New land relations introduced by the British had an adverse effect on many categories of landed interests. A new class of zamindars, mainly evolving from Hindu merchants and moneylending groups, emerged. This development led to a further cleavage between the existing ruling elite and the rising landed elite. By the late nineteenth century, most land ownership in Bengal, including its eastern districts, where Muslims formed the majority of the population came to be concentrated in the hands of rich upper caste Hindus. The Permanent Settlement lead to the beginning of a process of sub-infeudation and subsequently, of multiplication of tenures in land relations of Bengal with the zamindar class atop and a vast peasant cultivator class below. The sub-infeudation, also known as pattanidari in Bangla, generated intermediary rent collecting layers like jotedar, gantidar, hawladar, talukdar and bhuiyan. The aggregate effect was the emergence of a highly stratified society based on land interests.
The 19th century Eastern Bengal experienced the development of a new urban class called bhadralok, which included rich people belonging almost entirely to the highest Hindu castes, Brahman, Kayastha, and Baishya. Nearly one half were landlords who supported themselves partly or wholly by rents paid by their tenants; a quarter were professionals like lawyers, medical practitioners and priests; the reminder were clerks who worked either in government offices or under landlords or traders.
It has always been a matter of debate how the basic principles of caste system ie, purity or pollution, endogamy or hereditary occupation, determined social stratification system within the Muslim community. During the 19th century, Muslims of India, following the manner of the Hindus, fancifully divided themselves into four classes, Syeds, Sheiks, Mughals and Pathans. The scholars, however, identified three broad categories. First, the Ashraf or upper class, which included all undoubted descendants of foreign Muslims (Arabs, Persians, Afghans and others) and converts from the higher Hindu castes. Second, the Ajlaf or ordinary people, which included functional groups such as tanti, dhunari, kalu, napit, and darji. In some places there existed a third class called Arzal, or the lowest of all social groups, and this class included the Halalkhor, Lalbeghi, Abdal, and Bediya people, who were not allowed to enter mosques or public burial grounds and with whom other Muslims would not associate under normal circumstances.
Leadership in the Bengali Muslim community of the 19th century was in the hands of a social layer called Sharif, although in few cases Wahabi preachers had a strong influence among some sections of the Muslim population. Sharifs enjoyed their status, because of their foreign ancestry, land control, and state patronage during Mughal period. But with the withdrawal of state patronage and the grant of freeholds, they found it difficult to hold onto the leadership. They also failed to reorient themselves in the changed situation under British rule. They maintained a distance from the general Muslim masses by speaking a foreign language (Persian), by their distinct food habits and by having a lifestyle different from the local Bengali population. Paradoxically, the upper Sharifs representing the urbanised Muslim community were not influenced by the Western culture introduced by British administration. Instead, the 'renaissance' of the 19th century touched largely the Bengali Hindu intelligentsia. The new Bengali Hindu middle class intelligentsia represented a new formation. Raja rammohun roy took over as their leader. He welcomed the proposal for the introduction of English as the official language and also as the language of instruction. banians and gomastas were among the firsts to come into touch with English and hence, were the agents and beneficiaries of the renaissance and reformation in Hindu society.
After 1947, the social structure of East Pakistan underwent enormous changes as a result of large scale migration of Hindus to India, the acquisition of zamindaries by the state, increased pace of urbanisation, the financial policy of the elite groups who dominated government, and the implementation of development programmes, benefits of which went more to the privileged few than to the masses. The process of urbanisation accompanied a growth in commercial activities and industrial development and thus impacted upon the existing social structure of East Pakistan. A professional and commercial middle class from within Bengali Muslim society itself would eventually arise in the various urban centres of the province.
This emerging middle class acquired some political and economic strength and started giving new elements to the old social structure. The upper strata that had provided leadership in the field of business and industry began to loose its hold over society. After the war of liberation, the leadership fell on the Bengali middle class. Since liberation, Bangladeshi society underwent massive changes in terms of the emergence of capitalism in the agrarian economy, rural-urban migration, and the growth of the informal sector. The rural and urban social structure received differential developments. Rural society is left with a vast mass of proletariat including the peasantry, artisans, and working classes. The different social groups developed in the rural areas are capitalist farmers, rich peasants, middle peasants, marginal peasants and the landless.
The development of the capitalist mode of production and the emergence of a Green Revolution in rural agriculture have led to differentiation and polarisation and a widening of the gap between the classes. Capitalist farmers can invest in large-scale capital, use modern machinery, and employ adequate hired labourers in agriculture. In addition, their affluence enables them to get better access to existing privileges offered by the government and other agencies. In contrast, marginal peasants do not have these opportunities. On the contrary, failing to survive in the competition, they became poorer and are forced to sell their lands. Recent statistics show that 26% of the rural population is landless and 48% of them lead life below the poverty line. Disintegration in the traditional extended family, cleavages among near relatives and social evils are held to be consequences of poverty and landlessness. In addition, poverty has lead great bulk of the rural population to migrate to urban areas.
Important factors that determine the rural power structure in Bangladesh are economic positions, traditional lineages, amount of landholding, and the proximity to political power or government functionaries. Waterlords controlling irrigation can exert enormous influence on the rural power structure. Patron-client relationship forms the basis of rural politics. Rural leaders like Union Council chairmen or members and other local madbars play the role of patrons. Traditionally, the general masses surround them or people enjoying their blessings form various cliques or factions, each having its own norms and values generated usually by its patron.
Traditional norms and values still play a dominant role in the rural social structure. Religious values and superstitions tend to uphold the status quo. Social change is slow, piety is emphasised, and internalisation of modern values sometimes faces constraints. Among Muslims pir, fakir, and maulana are highly esteemed for their acclaimed nearness to Allah. However, the increase in the literacy rate, establishment of schools, colleges and hospitals, decentralisation of administration, penetration of urban values, remittances of native people from abroad etc., are bringing considerable changes in the rural social structure.
Urban social structure is marked by important regional variations. dhaka, chittagong and khulna cities incorporate large industrial and commercial pursuits along with vibrant service sectors. Cosmopolitan culture and modern values transmitted from the West have come to shape the nature of the urban social structure. The urban arena is now endowed with modern classes like corporate executives, civil bureaucrats, professionals, intellectuals, artists, industrialists and businessmen. Wealth and education largely determine urban social status. Traditional factor like lineage and background bears little significance in determining social status. Urban lifestyles, dresses, etiquette, recreational activities etc vary along class lines as well as wealth.
A few large cities of Bangladesh are now afflicted with over-urbanisation, multiplying crimes, unusual growth of slum dwelling and spread of informal sectors. Over the past few years, an unprecedented number of the rural people have migrated to the capital city. Rural values admixtured with urban ones have resulted in a peculiar cultural development. The city poor faces severe housing scarcity, which leads them to live under the roofs of different institutions and in open places including roadsides and parks. The rapid growth of informal sectors has generated categories like domestic workers, prostitutes, and underworld criminals.
The political structure is characterised by encapsulation and rural values and traditional ways have engulfed the major political institutions. Hooliganism and musclemanship have become rampant and are also playing a role in shaping the politics. Nevertheless, the middle class and business communities continue to dominate the power structure. Family background, education, wealth and position in job and politics still tend to determine the status of a social leader. [Gofran Faroqi]
