Banglapedia - User contributions [en]

Zuberi, Itrat Husain

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'''Zuberi, Itrat Husain''' (1910-1964) educationist and founding Vice Chancellor of Rajshahi University. Born in 1910, Itrat Husain Zuberi studied at St John';s College in Agra, Allahabad University, Morton College, Oxford and Edinburgh University where he worked under the celebrated professor, Sir Herbert JC. Zuberi was MA, PhD, DFRSI.

Zuberi joined the Bengal Senior Education Service in 1938 as senior Professor of English in Islamia College, an undergraduate college under the University of Calcutta. Dr Zuberi served Islamia College as a senior Professor and then as Principal until the college was elevated to Rajshahi University in 1953 under the Rajshahi University Act, 1953.

Dr Zuberi joined as Vice chancellor of the Rajshahi university on 7 June 1953 and worked there till 30 September 1957 when he was appointed as the Educational Adviser, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan.

Zuberi was appointed as member of the Executive Board of UNESCO during its 49th session held in Paris on 19 December 1957. Zuberi was the first Indian to have the distinction of being selected as a Carnegie Fellow at Oxford. He died in December 1964. [Fazilatun Nessa] [Nessa, Fazilatun Research Associate, Banglapedia]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জুবেরী, ইৎরাত হোসেন]]

Zoonosis

2021-06-17T19:41:04Z

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'''Zoonosis''' a disease communicable from animals, especially vertebrates, to humans. However, both humans and animals are equally susceptible to this disease. Over 250 organisms are known to cause zoonotic infections, of which 30-40 spread from pets. The disease may be transmitted from direct contact, animal bite, byproducts or products of animals, animal waste, animal excreta, etc. Rabies and Leptospirosis spread with the increase of human and animal population; mobility among men and animals increases the occurrence of plague; trades in animals, animal products and byproducts are responsible for Mad Cow Disease; and destruction of ecological balance by human actions increases the incidence of Anthrax, Rickettsial Pox, Psittacosis, Japanese Encephalites, Yellow Fever, etc. About 35% of cattle in dairy farm are infected with Bovine Tuberculosis in Bangladesh. Buffalo, goat, cat, pig, rodent, and other wild animals are attacked with this disease. In Bangladesh Tetanus and Rabies are two common zoonotic diseases. Bangladesh has achieved considerable progress in adopting programmes against these diseases. [Md Sohrab Ali]

[[Category:Health Sciences]]

[[bn:পশুপাখিবাহী রোগ]]

Zoology Education and Research

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'''Zoology Education and Research''' see [[Fauna|fauna]].

[[Category:Education]]

[[bn:প্রাণিবিজ্ঞান শিক্ষা ও গবেষণা]]

Zoological Society of Bangladesh

2021-06-17T19:41:03Z

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'''Zoological Society of Bangladesh''' a non-political scientific association of the zoologists, established in 1972. Initially after the [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] in 1971, 53 zoologists representing most of the institutions of the country arranged a convention on 12 February, 1972 to form the society. In about two months' a constitution was framed and the Bangladesh Pranibijnan Samity or the Zoological Society of Bangladesh (ZSB) was formally inaugurated on 16 April 1972. The principal objective of the society is to promote the science of zoology in all its branches, both pure and applied, and to coordinate between the society and other international organisations. The office of the society is located at the Department of Zoology, [[University of Dhaka|university of dhaka]].

An elected council consisting of 24 members including a President, 3 Vice-Presidents, a General Secretary, 3 Regional Secretaries, and a Treasurer looks after the activities of the society.

Any science graduate of any nationality having interest in animal sciences may apply for membership. At present the membership stands at about 845 with 65 life members, 78 fellows, and 2 honorary fellows.

The society regularly publishes biannual journal Bangladesh Journal of Zoology and a popular Bangla Bulletin Shankhachil. The journal has an Editorial Board including an Editor-in-Chief and 5 members. The society arranges annual meetings and biannual conferences since its inception. It publishes proceedings following the national conferences. Recently the society published a book, Freshwater Fishes of Bangladesh, authored by AK Ataur Rahman. The society is maintaining its tradition of organising symposia and seminars on subjects of national interest.

The ministries of Education, and Science and Technology of the Government of Bangladesh make annual grants to the society to support its activities. The ZSB also has created a trust fund through donations of the members to ensure continued activities. [SM Humayun Kabir]

[[Category:Society/Associations]]

[[bn:বাংলাদেশ প্রাণিবিজ্ঞান সমিতি]]

Zoological Garden

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'''Zoological Garden''' (''chidyakhana'') public or private park where living animals are kept for exhibition, recreation and study. The menageries and aviaries of China, Egypt, and Rome were famous in ancient times. From the late medieval period many rulers had private menageries, some of which later formed the nucleus of public exhibits. Nearly all-large cities now have zoological reserves. Modern trends include breeding threatened animals in captivity, exhibiting animals in enclosures simulating their natural habitat rather than in cages (open-range zones or safari parks), and educating the public about principles of ecology.

In Bengal in the early 19th century, starting from 1801 there were four well-documented institutions in Calcutta, which could be called menageries or even zoos and a host of hearsay private collections.

The rich forests of Northeast India, Burma (now Myanmar) and other border countries, and the state of Bengal itself has its own rich forests to supply a very great diversity of animal life. Calcutta also was a gateway or seaport to the rest of southern Asia (even South India and Sri Lanka) and South East Asia which guaranteed a steady flow of animal life into Calcutta. These factors alone are sufficient to account for the phenomenon that four early and most interesting zoos or menageries originated in Calcutta. They were: 1. Barrackpore Menagerie, founded c 1801 and closed c 1879; 2. Wazir Ali Shah's menagerie founded c 1830's and wound up c 1880; 3. Marble Palace Zoo, founded 1854 and continuing but in decline; and 4. Alipore Zoo, founded in 1875, continuing and renovating.

[[Image:ZoologicalGardenMarblePalace.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Marble Palace Zoo]]
'''''The Marble Palace Zoo''''' (1854 to present) Rajah Rajendro Mullick Bahadur founded the Marble Palace Zoo in Chorebagan, Calcutta in 1854, and it still stands today in the centre of Kolkata city. The Rajah consciously and intentionally founded it as a public service for education and entertainment of the public. Rajah Rajendro Mullick was a student of natural history and the menagerie in his house contained birds and mammals collected from different parts of the world as well as India. The zoo had important (animal) collections, even before opening to the public. Mullick gave numerous animals to other institutions such as London Zoo. He also gave the Calcutta Zoo valuable animals and was honoured by having the first animal house named after him. Persons who admired and cared deeply about the dramatic and beautiful interesting creatures from around the globe nurtured Marble Palace Zoo. Much thought went into the keeping and display. The first cage ever to be constructed in the Marble Palace Zoo still stands, today holding rabbits and guinea pigs. Even the travelling cages of early days are still there.

'''''Alipore Zoological Garden''''' (1875 to the present) Although Barrackpore Menagerie continued, there were people even as early as 1841, who felt that Calcutta should have a proper zoo. The July 1841 issue of the Calcutta Journal of Natural History relates a proposal by Mr. Raleigh for the establishment of a Zoological Garden. In February 1873, Mr. L Schwendier, a member of the Council of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, detailed the scheme for the establishment of the Zoological Garden. The Society and the Agri-Horticultural Society approved his suggestions. The principal features of the original scheme were: (i) to provide recreation, instruction and amusement for all classes of the community; (ii) to facilitate scientific observations of the habits of animals, more especially those peculiar to tropical countries; (iii) to encourage the acclimatization, domestication, and breeding of animals and to improve the indigenous breed of cattle and farm stock; and (iv) to promote the science of Zoology by the interchange, import and export of animals.

[[Image:ZoologicalGardenAlipore.jpg|left|thumbnail|400px|Alipore Zoological Garden]]
An area of about 14 ha of land was allotted at Alipore by the Government of Bengal and development work started at the instance of Sir Richard Temple, the then Lt. Governor of Bengal. Mr. Schwendler readily donated his fine collection of specimens, and by December 1875 a sizeable menagerie was established with the spontaneous contributions from a number of donors. Raja Surjakanta Acharya Chaudhury of Mymensingh, and the Nawab Abdul Gani and Khajah Ahsanullah Khan Bahadur of Dacca were among the donors. King Emperor Edward VII, the then Prince of Wales, drove through the Garden on his way to Belvedere on the afternoon of 27 December, 1875 in the presence of the elite of Calcutta and inaugurated the zoo formally on the 1st of January, 1875. However, the zoo was made open to the public on the 1st of May 1876. Two young elephants and a leopard were sent to the Garden as a token of interest evinced by His Royal Highness who consented to be the patron of the garden. Ever since the starting of the zoo, the management of the Garden has been vested in an honorary committee appointed by the Government. At present the garden is run under the Alipore Zoological Garden (Management) Rules 1957 framed under the Bengal Public Parks Act, 1904 and the Managing Committee consists of 22 members (of which 10 are ex-officio members), nominated by the State Government.

Twenty thousand visitors a day is not unusual, and on special days the count reaches 100,000. The first attempt of modernisation of the zoo was made in 1957 when the authorities of the zoo constructed an open-air enclosure for tigers. The construction and opening of a freshwater aquarium in l977 added a new dimension to the Alipore Zoo. It was the first significant addition to the zoo after its centenary. It is one of the largest freshwater aquarium in the Eastern India having 17 large and 48 small tanks. It has now about 1500 freshwater fishes belonging to different species both exotic and indigenous.

A spacious (1064 sq m) new reptile house was established in 1979 for better housing and display of different reptiles. It has 48 exhibition cages arranged in circular fashion for display of different species of reptiles and a big central pool with a canopy of dome shaped wire netted roof for exhibition of crocodiles and gharials. The construction of new small carnivora house in 1981 with twelve large cages has provided a good opportunity for better exhibition and breeding of jaguar and other carnivores. An open air enclosure for bears having six dens have been constructed in 1985. An open-air enclosure for elephants was constructed in 1999. The most significant and striking achievement of Alipore Zoological Garden is the breeding of giraffe in 1988. The zoo is still holding a Giant Tortoise in its collection since 1875.

Principally the gate receipts, supplemented by annual grants received from the State Government maintain the garden. The garden, as it stands today stretches over 16 hectares of land with its charming layout of lawns, flower beds, lakes, bridges, avenues, animal houses, aviaries, waterways, plants, and shrubbery. [Md Anwarul Islam]

'''''Dhaka Zoo''''' the largest zoo in Bangladesh, situated at Mirpur about 16 km from the centre of Dhaka city. It is the national zoo under the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock, started as a menagerie at the High Court Premises in Dhaka in 1964, and moved to its present location in 1974. In the same year it was ceremonially opened for public on June 23. The zoo occupies an area of about 75 ha. It has two lakes of about 13 ha, which receive thousands of waterfowls every year in winter.

[[Image:ZoologicalGarden.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Gate to Dhaka Zoo]]
The total number of vertebrate fauna in the zoo is about 2,150 in 191 species. Included in these animals, are about 551 mammals under 64 species, 1,543 birds under 90 species, 73 reptiles under 15 species, and about 104 aquarium fishes under 23 species. To attract visitors besides many fascinating animals, there are 15 tigers, 21 lions, 9 hippopotamus, about 200 monkeys, and 33 pythons. Moreover, some rare and interesting animals such as the rhea, peacock, zebra, elephant, African grey parrot, water buck, impala, emu, baboon, chimpanzee, gayal, black bear, tapir, mandrill, and estuarine crocodile provide additional entertainment to the visitors.

The zoo has a captive breeding programme and successfully bred the Royal Bengal Tiger, lion, leopard, primates, deer, and many birds. It has animal exchange programmes with many zoos of the world. As gifts Bangladesh government presented about 300 zoo animals to different organisations and personalities of different countries including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Iraq. The zoo regularly organizes various education programmes for students. The various ornamental features of the garden provides an aesthetic background to the animal houses, enclosures and aviaries, scattered all over the area, exhibiting indigenous fauna of Bangladesh as well as exotic specimens collected from different countries of the world.

About 3 million visitors visit the Dhaka Zoo every year. Except Sunday the zoo remains open on other weekdays from 8:00 am to 5:00 pm (October-March) and from 8:00 am to 6:00 pm (April-September). It also remains opens to the visitors for certain hours during government holidays. The beautiful natural environments of the zoo offer almost all recreational facilities to the visitors, a large part of which is constituted by the students and children. The zoo has an advisory committee headed by the Minister, Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock.

Outside Dhaka there are 5 more zoos in the towns of Rangpur, Chittagong, Rajshahi, Comilla, and Khulna. The Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock runs the Rangpur Zoo, and the Khulna Zoo is looked after by armed forces. Local government authorities run the other 3 zoos. [M Shahidullah]

[[bn:চিড়িয়াখানা]]

Zoo

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'''Zoo''' see [[Zoological Garden|zoological garden]].

Zoffany, John

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[[Image:ZoffanyJohan.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Zoffany Johan]]
'''Zoffany, John''' (1733-1810) an artist of originality and depth. John Zoffany earned great reputation as a painter in Europe, was decorated with honours by many contemporary professional organisations in Vienna, Rome, and London. He came to Calcutta in search of fortune. Though a great artist, Zoffany could never overcome his poverty by his art activities in Europe. European artists in Bengal, who returned home with great fortune, motivated Zoffany to come to Calcutta (1783) to make fortune. Painters were in great demand in India.

The Indian princes, zamindars, merchants were keen to sit before European painters. Besides, the government also needed painters for pictorial record of things, which are now done by photographers.

Zoffany came to Calcutta and lived there until 1790. During the period he drew portraits of many members of nobility and painted scenes of dramas, bazaars, crowd, ball parties, hunting and shooting. Richard Earlom, the celebrated mezzotinto engraver (1743-1822), engraved some of his paintings.

He painted Sir [[Impey, Sir Elijah|elijah impey]], [[Hastings, Warren|warren hastings]] and the 'Last Supper' for an altar-piece in St. John's Church in Calcutta. In the history of modern Indian art, Zoffany occupies an important place. Fellow of the Royal Academy, the Society of Artists and the French Academy, Zoffany died in England on 11 November 1810. [Sirajul Islam]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জোফানী, জন]]

Zircon

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'''Zircon'''' brown, green, pale-blue, red, orange, golden-yellow, grayish or colourless neosilicate mineral occurring in tetragonal prisms. It is the chief source of zirconium; the colourless varieties provide brilliant gemstones. Also known as hyacinth, jacinth, zirconite. It shows conchoidal fracture and cleavage visible in one direction. Its hardness is 7 on Moh's scale. It occurs in granites, syenites, schists and crystalline limestones. Zircon is occasionally radioactive because of the presence of thorium and uranium, replacing zirconium in the structure. The presence of thorium and uranium makes it a useful mineral for the age determination of such rocks.

''Table'' Reserve of zircon at different localities in Bangladesh.
{| class="table table-bordered"
|-
| Locality|| Raw Sand || Heavy Mineral || Zircon
|-
| Badarmokam (Cox's Bazar) || 1765000 || 411000 || 4932
|-
| Sabrang (Cox's Bazar) || 347558 || 68582 || 4184
|-
| Teknaf (Cox's Bazar) || 1939580 || 442291 || 28306
|-
| Shilkhali (Cox's Bazar) || 2756828 || 489714 || 33300
|-
| Inani (Cox's Bazar) || 729286 || 175476 || 10880
|-
| Cox's Bazar || 5119000 || 920000 || 23000
|-
| Maheshkhali Island (Cox's Bazar) || 4114230 || 784210 || 37112
|-
| Matarbari Island (Cox's Bazar) || 69030 || 15215 || 794
|-
| Nijhum Island (Noakhali) || 379337 || 96348 || 2052
|-
| Kutubdia Island (Cox's Bazar) || 404646 || 120000 || 3900
|-
| Kuakata (Patuakhali) || 2872486 || 831668 || 9647
|-
| Total || 20496981 || 4354504 || 158117
|}
''Source'' Badrul Imam, ''Bangladesher Khaniz Sampad'', 1996.

It is a principal source of zirconium and hafnium for industry and is extracted from [[Sand|sand]]s, the most important sources being beach deposits. In Bangladesh zircon is found as beach sand heavy mineral placer deposits on the sea beaches and coastal islands of Cox's Bazar, Chittagong, Noakhali and Patuakhali districts. It occurs mostly with fine to very fine sand grains. Generally the sands containing it are even finer than the sands containing Ilmenite, garnet and Rutile. The highest concentration of zircon, reported from Shilkhali, is 7%, the lowest concentration is 1% and the average is 4%. The reserve of zircon in Bangladesh is about 158,117 thousand ton (see table with figures in tons). [Sifatul Quader Chowdhury]

[[Category:Natural Sciences]]

[[bn:জিরকন]]

Zinda Pir’s Tomb Complex

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'''Zinda Pir's Tomb Complex''' situated less than half a kilometre to the west of Khan Jahan's tomb at Bagerhat. Zinda Pir's real name is said to be Ahmad Ali. Enclosed by an outer wall of 33.22m square with a triple entrance gateway in the north the complex consists of a single-domed tomb of the saint himself, a single-domed mosque and a number of brick-built graves ascribed to the family members of the Zinda Pir. It is locally said that the saint had his residence, now disappeared, to the north of the complex.

'''''The tomb''''' a brick-built square structure measuring 10.97m a side externally and is now in a very ruinous condition. The exterior angles of the building were emphasised with octagonal towers, bases of which are still in situ. The superstructure has completely crumbled down. Excepting the north wall, which is now preserved to a height of about 2.44m, the three other walls, once fallen down, have recently been repaired to a height of about 0.61m from the floor level. The walls are only 1.52m thick.

The building has three entrances on each of the east, south and west walls, while the north wall depicts a single archway having a large deep arched-niche on either side. The building must have been originally covered with a single dome on brick pilasters, two of which are still seen inside the north wall.

There is a brick cenotaph, under which lies buried the Zinda Pir, in the centre of the floor now cemented. The cenotaph, measuring about 4.88m by 3.66m consists of a triple terraced-podium and a keel-type top like those in the tomb of [[Khan Jahan|khan jahan]] and Pir Ali in the locality.

Since the building is in utter ruin only traces of ornamentation are now preserved here and there. The exterior surface of the north wall depicts two horizontal moulded bands at intervals, each being crowned with a row of blind crests like those in the six-domed mosque (c late 15th or early 16th century) nearby and the Godar Masjid (c Husain Shahi period) at [[Barobazar|bar]][[Barobazar|o bazar]], Jessore.

It is claimed that the Zinda Pir came to this area earlier than Khan Jahan. But the surviving architectural features of his tomb and mosque suggest otherwise. The octagonal shape of the corner towers, the light construction and the exterior surface decoration, as noticed in this building, started appearing much later in the Ilyas Shahi and Husain Shahi monuments of south Bengal. The present tomb building, on ground of stylistic similarity, may therefore be assigned to the later Iliyas Shahi or Husain Shahi period.

'''''The mosque''''' a single-domed square structure to the north-west of the tomb. Built in brick it measures, inclusive of the octagonal corner towers, 7.62m a side externally and 4.88m a side internally. The thickness of the walls is about 1.52m. The building has three arched-openings in the east and only one each on the north and south sides. Corresponding to the central opening, which is larger than the flanking ones, there is only one arched-mihrab inside the qibla wall with the usual rectangular projection on the exterior side.

The single brick dome has lost its upper part. The dome is supported on half-domed squinches springing from brick pilasters - two inside each wall. The cornice of the building has disappeared. Very little of the ornamentation of the mosque is now left. The octagonal corner towers have moulded bands at intervals. Vertical offsets and recesses variegate the exterior surface of the mosque. The eight brick pilasters supporting the dome above are decorated with raised ornamental bands at intervals.

The single mihrab of the mosque depicts usual decoration in terracotta. The mihrab niche, which has a beautiful engrailed arch, is set within a rectangular frame. The semi-circular mihrab niche depicts rows of panels enriched with cusped arch motifs. The rectangular frame of the mihrab is filled with interlocking patterns. The upper part of the frame is topped over by a frieze of blind petals.

The mosque is stylistically similar to the tomb beside. It should therefore be dated to the same period, later Ilyas Shahi or Husain Shahi period. [MA Bari]

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:জিন্দাপীরের সমাধি কমপেক্স]]

Zila Parishad

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'''Zila Parishad''' see [[Local Government|local government]];[[Administrative Reforms| administrative reforms]].

[[bn:জেলা পরিষদ]]

Zianagar Upazila

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'''Zianagar Upazila''' ([[Pirojpur District|pirojpur district]]) area 91.78 sq km, located in between 22°31' and 22°40' north latitudes and in between 90°01' and 90°07' east longitudes. It is bounded by [[Pirojpur Sadar Upazila|pirojpur sadar]] upazila on the north, [[Mathbaria Upazila|mathbaria]] and [[Bhandaria Upazila|bhandaria]] upazila on south, Pirojpur Sadar and Bhandaria upazilas on the east, [[Morrelganj Upazila|morrelganj]] upazila and Baleswar River on the west.

''Population'' Total 71905; male 36119, female 35786; Muslim 65128, Hindu 6756, Buddhist 3, Christian 14 and others 4.

''Water bodies'' Main rivers: Kasha and Baleswar.

''Administration'' Indurkani thana was formed in 1976 comprising Parerhat, Bali Para and Pattashi unions of Pirojpur Sadar upazila. On 21 April 2002 Indurkani thana was renamed as Zianagar upazila after the name of President [[Rahman, Shahid Ziaur|ziaur rahman]].

{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="9" | Upazila
|-
| rowspan="2" | Municipality || rowspan="2" | Union || rowspan="2" | Mouza || rowspan="2" | Village || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Density (per sq km) || colspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Urban || Rural || | Urban || Rural
|-
|
-
|
3
|
29
|
29
|
-
|
71905
|
559
|
-
|
60.99
|}
{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
| colspan="5" | Union
|-
| rowspan="2" | Name of union and GO code || rowspan="2" | Area (acre) || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Male || Female
|
|-
|
Pattashi 51
|
8771
|
13409
|
13426
|
62.46
|-
|
Parerhat 43
|
5214
|
9151
|
8798
|
65.34
|-
|
Bali Para 15
|
8808
|
13559
|
13562
|
55.17
|}

''Source'' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.

[[Image:ZianagarUpazila.jpg|thumb|300px]]
''Religious institutions'' Mosque 141, temple 16.

''Literacy rate and educational institutions'' Average literacy 60.99%, male 61.25%, female 60.73%. Noted educational institutions: Zianagar Degree College (2001), Bhabanipur Secondary School, HF Technical and BM College (1996), Parerhat Rajlaksmi Secondary School (1921), Setara Smriti Secondary School (1998), Girls' Secondary School (1996), Meheruddin Pilot Secondary School (1949), Dakshin Indurkani SMA Secondary School (1967), Togra Darul Islam Alim Madrasa (1955), BGM Mohila Dakhil Madrasa (1980).

''Cultural organisations'' Library 13, club 1.

''Main sources of income'' Agriculture 33.53%, non-agricultural labourer 4.30%, commerce 16.22%, industry 0.99%, transport and communication 3.43%, service 17.61%,' construction 1.32%, religious service 0.44%, rent and remittance 8.48% and others 13.68%.

''Ownership of agricultural land'' Landowner 56.81%, landless 43.19%.

''Main crops'' Paddy, sweet potato, chilli, pulses, ground nut, vegetables.

''Main fruits'' Mango, guava, banana, coconut, betel nut.

''Communication facilities'' Pucca road 30 km, semi pucca road 17 km, mud road 270 km; water ways 8 nautical miles. Culvert 94, bridge 72.

''Extinct or nearly extinct traditional transport'' Goina boat, palanquin, bullock cart, horse carriage.

''Noted Manufactories'' Flour mill 5, rice mill 10, brick field 4.

''Cottage industries'' Bamboo and cane works.

''Hats, bazara and fairs'' Hats and bazars are 16, fair 1, most noted of which are Lahuri Hat, Natun Hat, Kalibari Hat, Parerhat Hat, Indurkani Hat, Pattshi Hat, Ramchandrapur Hat, Khejurtala Hat, Ghoser Hat, Bali Para Hat and Chandipur Hat.

''Access to electricity'' All the unions of the upazila are under rural electrification net-work. However 33.43% of the dwelling households have access to electricity.

''Sources of drinking water'' Tube-well 76.34%, tap 0.87%, pond 19.02% and others 3.77%.

''Sanitation'' 52.92% of dwelling households of the upazila use sanitary latrines and 34.67%' of dwelling households use non-sanitary latrines; 12.41% of households do not have latrine facilities.

''Health centres'' Upazila health centre 1, clinic 4, health and family welfare centre 1. [Md. Moudud Ahmed]

'''References''' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics; Cultural survey report of Zianagar Upazila 2007.

[[Category:Upazilas of Bangladesh]]

[[Category:Local Government]]

[[bn:জিয়ানগর উপজেলা]]

Zia, Begum Khaleda

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[[Image:ZiaBegumKhaleda.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Begum Khaleda Zia]]
'''Zia, Begum Khaleda''' Prime Minister of Bangladesh (1991-96, 2001-06) and the chairperson of Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Khaleda Zia was born on 15 August 1945 at Jalpaiguri in Dinajpur district where her father Iskandar Majumdar was a resident businessman. After the partition of India in 1947, Majumdar left his tea-business at Jalpaiguri and settled in Dinajpur town. Khaleda initially attended Dinajpur Missionary School and later did her matriculation from Dinajpur Girls' School in 1960. In the same year, she was married to the then Captain Ziaur Rahman, who later became the country's President. Khaleda Zia continued her education at Surendranath College of Dinajpur until 1965 when she went to West Pakistan to join her husband.

With the beginning of the [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] in March 1971, Ziaur Rahman revolted against the Pakistan army and joined the liberation war. The Pakistan occupation army took Khaleda Zia under custody, and she was freed in Dhaka only after Bangladesh achieved victory on 16 December 1971. After the brutal assassination of President Ziaur Rahman on 30 May 1981, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) he founded faced serious crisis. Justice Abdus Sattar, the new chairman of BNP and also the President of Bangladesh was ousted from the presidency by a military coup staged by the then army chief General Hussein Mohammad Ershad, who proclaimed martial law on 24 March 1982.

At that time, many BNP leaders left the party and joined the military government. At this critical juncture, Khaleda Zia became the vice-president of BNP and on 10 May 1984, she was elected its chairperson. Under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, BNP formed a 7-party alliance in 1983 and launched a relentless struggle against the autocratic regime of General Ershad. During the 9-year long struggle against Ershad, Khaleda Zia did not compromise with his dictatorial and illegitimate government. The Ershad-government restricted her movements through application of prohibitive laws. She was detained several times in eight years. But undaunted, Khaleda Zia continued to provide leadership in the movement for ousting Ershad.

In the face of a mass upsurge spearheaded by the alliances led by Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, Ershad at last handed over power to a neutral caretaker government headed by Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed on 6 December 1990. In the parliamentary elections held under this government on 27 February 1991, Bangladesh Nationalist Party emerged victorious as a single majority party. Khaleda Zia contested from five constituencies in three consecutive parliamentary elections and won in all the seats.

On 20 March 1991, Khaleda Zia was sworn-in as the first woman prime minister of Bangladesh. She piloted the historic 12th constitutional amendment bill that was passed in the Jatiya Sangsad on 6 August 1991 to reintroduce the parliamentary form of government in place of the presidential one. Khaleda took oath as the prime minister under the new system on 19 September 1991.

While in power during 1991-96, Khaleda Zia's government achieved considerable progress in the education sector, including introduction of free and compulsory primary education, tuition-free education for girls up to class ten, stipend for female students and the Food for Education program. It also went to the credit of her government that during this period, tree plantation had become a nationwide social movement. Further, it was during this period that the physical construction of the Jamuna Multipurpose Bridge had started. Khaleda Zia played a commendable role in revitalizing the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) by hosting a summit in Dhaka in 1993. Her rule, however, was seriously disrupted by the opposition movement for a caretaker government for holding parliamentary elections, which was launched by the major opposition political parties including the Awami League, Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-e- Islami in 1994.

Khaleda Zia became the prime minister for a second consecutive term after BNP emerged victorious in the general elections for the 6th Jatiya Sangsad held on 15 February 1996. All major opposition parties, however, boycotted the elections. Their demand was to bring amendment to the Constitution for making the provision of a neutral caretaker government for conducting parliamentary elections. To meet these demands, the 6th Jatiya Sangsad made the 13th amendment to the Constitution, after which the Jatiya Sangsad was dissolved and Khaleda Zia handed over power to a caretaker government on 30 March 1996. In the polls that followed under the caretaker government headed by Justice Muhammad Habibur Rahman on 12 June 1996, BNP was defeated by the Awami League.

During the 1996-2001 tenure of the Awami League government, Khaleda Zia played the role of Leader of the Opposition in the Jatiya Sangsad. In the next parliamentary elections held under a neutral caretaker government headed by Justice Latifur Rahman on 1 October 2001, the BNP-led four-party alliance won more than two-thirds of the seats in the Jatiya Sangsad. On 10 October 2001, Khaleda Zia was sworn-in as the country's prime minister for the third time.

Khaleda Zia's third tenure in office was marked by a steep rise in export earnings and remittances sent by expatriate Bangladeshi workers, a healthy growth in the industrial and telecommunication sector, gradual rise in foreign direct investments, corruption scandals, Operation Clean Heart and formation of Rapid Action Battalion for improving the law and order situation, and massive crackdown against Islamic fundamentalist outfits including the JMB and HUJI. She left office on 28 October 2006, but her party could manage only 30 seats in the Ninth Jatiya Sangsad election held on 29 December 2008 under the 2-year long caretaker government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. During the caretaker rule of 2007-8, a number of corruption cases were filed against Khaleda Zia and she was kept confined for almost one year. She is now the Leader of the Opposition in the current Jatiya Sangsad.

'''''Governance Successes''''' Vast areas of southern Bangladesh was hit by one of the worst cyclones and tidal bores of the century only 39 days after Khaleda Zia assumed office of the prime minister for the first time on 20 March 1991. The calamitous situation was handled quite efficiently by her government despite acute shortage of relief and rehabilitation materials. The rate of inflation was brought down to an all-time low during her tenure, and industrial and agricultural growth underwent acceleration. A new industrial policy was announced in 1991, which paved the way for private foreign investments and rapid expansion of the private sector, especially in the small and medium enterprises sub-sector. Hundred percent foreign ownership and joint ventures were allowed without any restrictions. The government actively promoted the development of livestock sector, which led to the swift establishment of innumerable poultry and dairy farms throughout the country. The local currency was made partially convertible for the first time and foreign exchange reserve reached an all-time high level. Pragmatic measures were taken to reduce dependence on external aid in the country's development budget by increasing the share of local resources from 21 percent to over 40 percent in five years. Value added tax was introduced for the first time in the country at production and import level during 1993-94 fiscal year, which opened up new avenues for augmenting the mobilisation of domestic budgetary resources. Side by side, there were massive cutbacks on custom duties at the import level as part of the free-market trade liberalisation policy of the government.

The canal digging programme was reintroduced during this period to augment agricultural production and reduce floods. During the Fourth Five Year Plan (1990-95) period, the highest allocation was earmarked for the education sector, 70 percent of which went to primary and mass education sub-sector. A National University and an Open University were set up by the Khaleda government, and establishment of private universities and medical colleges were allowed to prop up the country's higher education sector. A separate Primary and Mass Education Division was created under the Prime Minister's Office in order to make the country's population literate within the shortest possible time. Primary education was made compulsory throughout the country from 1 July 1993. The Khaleda government also introduced the 'Food for Education' programme in 1993 to promote education among the poorer segments of the population. Secondary education for girls was made free in the rural areas and a stipend programme was introduced for the secondary level female students throughout the country.

A permanent Law Commission was set by the Khaleda government for continuous updating of the country's laws. Significant steps were also taken during her first tenure to develop the country's communication network. These included the launching of the physical construction work of the Jamuna Multipurpose Bridge on 16 October 1994, construction of the Meghna-Gumti Bridge on the Dhaka-Chittagong Highway for uninterrupted road communication between Dhaka and Chittagong, construction of a modern railway station in Chittagong and the undertaking of a project to upgrade Chittagong Airport into an international one. For the first time in Bangladesh's history, preparatory work on Barapukuria Coal Mine and Madhyapara Hard Rock projects were completed, and agreements were signed with Chinese and Korean agencies for full implementation of these mining projects. New gas fields were also discovered at Bhola and in the Bay of Bengal during Khaleda's first tenure of office.

Bangladesh's international image was greatly boosted by the holding of the Seventh SAARC Summit in Dhaka in April 1993, where Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was elected chairperson of the regional forum. Because of unrestricted press freedom, the number of newspapers and periodicals nearly doubled during the first tenure of Khaleda Zia. For the first time in the country's history, satellite TV channels like CNN and BBC were allowed to broadcast their programmes in Bangladesh and other international channels followed suit very soon. Cellular mobile telephone also commenced its journey in the country during this period.

Some administrative measures taken by Prime Minister Khaleda Zia during this period included implementation of the recommendations of the national pay commission for enhancing the salaries and allowances of government servants; raising the age of entry in government service from 27 years to 30 years; simplification of the pension-sanctioning procedure and introduction of life-long family pension for widows and offspring in case of deaths of government employees; fixation of minimum wage for workers in 17 sectors; establishment of the Coast Guard for curbing piracy and smuggling in the Bay of Bengal; creation of a Securities and Exchange Commission for overseeing the functioning of the country's stock market. It was also her government which for the first time enacted a bill in Jatiya Sangsad for distribution of voter identity cards among the voters and launched a project for the purpose. There were hardly any allegations against the first Khaleda government regarding politicisation of administration. However, she attracted the wrath of a section of bureaucracy, as she tried to change the status quo and remove disparities among various cadres of Bangladesh Civil Service. The first Khaleda government also showed exceptional political tolerance as no crackdowns or repressions were carried out against political opponents despite record numbers of countrywide strikes, blockades and other forms of disruptive activities during the period by opposition political parties. Prime Minister Khaleda Zia's third tenure (2001-06) in office brought more dividends for the country in terms of socio-economic advancements. For the first time in Bangladesh's history, average GDP growth rate during 2002-2006 period remained above 6 percent. The per capita national income rose from 374 US dollar in 2000-01 to 482 US dollar in 2005-06. The foreign exchange reserve crossed the 3 billion dollar mark from a mere 1 billion in 2001. The flow of remittances almost trebled from 2001 to cross US dollar 5 billion at the end of 2006. Despite the abolition of MFA quota system in 2005, the readymade garments sector continued to thrive due to efficient handling of the situation. The strides made by Bangladesh in the field of industrialisation due to investment-friendly economic policies and strategies pursued by the Khaleda government attracted the attention of the foreign merchants. Foreign direct investment amounted to a remarkable 2.5 billion US dollar during 2002-2006 period; around 9 thousand industrial projects worth 62 thousand crore taka were registered with the Board of Investment in four and half years up to March 2006, which was more than double compared to the previous five years. As a result, the contribution of the industrial sector to GDP exceeded 17 percent and the growth rate in the sector crossed 10 percent during 2005-2006 fiscal year. A new EPZ was set up on the compound of Adamjee Jute Mills in 2004-05 after paying all outstanding dues of officers and employees of this loss-incurring state-owned enterprise.

A Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper was formulated by the Khaleda government as a medium term plan document in line with the Millennium Development Goals declared by the United Nations. The budgetary allocation for poverty alleviation programmes was gradually increased each year and its share stood at 56 percent during 2006-07 financial year. The government expanded the social safety net programmes for direct poverty alleviation of hardcore and underprivileged people in the rural areas. A fund worth over taka 50 crore was created for generating employment opportunities in the country's Monga-infested (famine-like state) northern region during the lean season. A taka 500 crore Char Livelihood Programme was launched for improving the livelihood of poor people living on shoals. The population below poverty line in the country diminished by around 9 percent during the third tenure of Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. Numerous measures were taken for the welfare of backward and neglected segments of society. The monthly allowances received by the widows and distressed women were raised and their numbers increased. Arrangements were made for providing them with training and micro-credit, so that they could become self-reliant. The amount of old age allowance and the number of beneficiaries in the programme were also increased. The Khaleda government also took some notable measures for environmental conservation in the country. 20-year old buses and trucks were withdrawn and CNG driven 4-stroke baby taxies were introduced on the roads in place of 2-stroke diesel-driven ones. Production and marketing of harmful polythene bags were banned throughout the country.'

The Khaleda government also achieved some successes in the education sector. The net enrolment rate in primary schools was raised to 97 percent, education for female students was made free up to class twelve, and gender parity was achieved among boys and girls in schools. Besides, two new girls' cadet colleges and three new polytechnic institutes for women were also set up. Initiative was also taken to establish an Asian University for Women in Chittagong with assistance from the USA. Side by side with modernising the madrasa education system, the Khaleda government decided to recognise the 'Dawra' certificate of Qaumi madrasas and made Fazil-Kamil degrees equivalent to bachelor and master's degrees. A number of new public universities were set up for expanding the opportunities for higher education, which mostly comprised of universities of science and technology. Many new private universities were also allowed to go into operation. Effective steps were taken for promoting vocational education. Existing vocational institutions were upgraded into colleges and their number was raised to 64 from the previous 51.

The Khaleda government also implemented many programmes to reach healthcare services and concomitant infrastructural facilities to the doorsteps of the common man. The number of beds was raised to 50 from 31 in upazila hospitals, from 50 to 100 in hospitals of new district towns, and from 100 to 250 in hospitals of greater district towns. Besides, some new medical colleges and hospitals were set up. Infant and maternal mortality rates decreased in the country due to measures taken by the government. The rate of population growth came down to 1.47 percent due to strengthening of the family planning programme.

The Khaleda government also attached much importance to the development of the telecommunication sector. The number of fixed telephones in the country was increased to 12 lakh 20 thousand from 6 lakh 85 thousand at the time of her assumption of office. The number of fixed-phone subscribers of private telephone operators also crossed 150 thousand in 2006. Digital telephone exchanges were set up in 64 districts of the country and the upazilas were also gradually brought under digital telephone network. The total number of fixed and mobile telephone connections in the country crossed the one and a half crore mark during Khaleda's tenure. 17 private companies were given permission to provide fixed-phone services in order to make fixed telephones more accessible to the common people. Side by side, government-owned Teletalk Bangladesh was also providing mobile phone services to the public. Bangladesh was connected to the information super-highway through linking up with a submarine cable. As a result, overseas communication, data exchange and internet connections became speedier, cheaper and easier.

Although the Khaleda government did not do much to raise the power generation capacity in the country, a network of 89 thousand kilometres of new transmission lines was installed during the period for supplying electricity. Because of stringent measures, system loss in the power sector was reduced to 22 percent from the previous 28 percent. It was also possible to bring almost 50 thousand villages under the purview of rural electrification programme. Fifteen new upazilas were created by the Khaleda administration, thereby raising their number to 480. The post of a Tax Ombudsman was also created by the government for the first time in the country.

It was during the third tenure of Khaleda Zia that the direct bus service between Dhaka and' Agartala was launched and the direct railway link between Dhaka and Kolkata was finalised. Besides, railway service between the eastern and north-western part of the country via the Jamuna Bridge was also started during the period. Some notable road-bridges constructed during this period were: Shikarpur and Dwarika Bridges on Dhaka-Barisal highway, Fakir Lalon Shah (Pakshi) Bridge on the Padma, Khan Jahan Ali Bridge over the river Rupsha on Khulna-Mongla highway, Haji Shariatullah Bridge over the river Arial Khan on Dhaka-Khulna highway, Dhaleshwari Bridge on Hemayetpur-Singair road, Mollarhat Bridge over the river' Modhumati, the second Buriganga Bridge at Babubazar, the Dharla Bridge on Kurigram-Bhurungamari road, the Chandpur Bridge over the river Dakatia and the Fenchuganj Bridge over the Kushiara. Another notable project undertaken with assistance from the Kuwait government was the construction of the Third Karnaphuli (Shah Amanat) Bridge at Chittagong.

It was the Khaleda government which constituted an Anti Corruption Commission through an Act passed by the Jatiya Sangsad as a successor organisation to the erstwhile Bureau of Anti-Corruption. Another notable administrative measure taken by the Khaleda government was the introduction of a new national pay scale for government servants in 2005. However, promotions given to higher echelons of bureaucracy during her tenure were not always above controversy and there were many allegations of juniors superseding the seniors on political grounds. The role and influence of Hawa Bhaban, the Banani office of the BNP chairperson, in administrative matters and governance drew flak from many quarters and allegations of corruption against the Bhaban functionaries were quite rife.

During the third tenure of Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, Bangladesh was elected to 13 UN bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Council, Peace Building Commission and ECOSOC. Besides, Bangladesh became a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum. She also discharged the responsibility of SAARC Chairperson after hosting the 2005 summit. Bangladesh also played a crucial role in global peace initiatives during the period by sending the highest number of troops to the United Nations Peacekeeping Missions. The government lent its whole-hearted support to the West in the war against international terrorism, but at the same time the Khaleda regime strove to reinforce mutually beneficial and cooperative relationships with the Muslim countries of the world. [Helal Uddin Ahmed]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জিয়া, বেগম খালেদা]]

Zenana Mission

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'''Zenana Mission''' short for the 'Ladies' Association for the Support of Zenana work and 'Bible women' in India, in connection with the Baptist Missionary Society', established in England in 1867. It was formed as an auxiliary branch of the Baptist Mission Society, a Protestant society founded in England in 1792 for the purpose of missionary work overseas (the Serampore trio William Carey, [[Marshman, Joshua|joshua marshman]] and William Ward were the first overseas missionaries of the BMS). The function of this body was to send Christian women missionaries to India to do proselytising work by becoming peripatetic governesses to women of the upper classes who were otherwise inaccessible to missionaries. In 1880 the Zenana Mission added medical work to its ministry and came to be called the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission.

Zenana is a Persian word meaning 'woman'. The term is also used to denote the private part of a household that is reserved exclusively for women. Zenana and Zenanamahal are interchangeable terms used for women or women's quarters. The upper classes of both Muslim and Hindu communities took pride in preserving the purity of their women by means of such seclusion. Thus girls from these families did not attend the schools established by the missionary societies. This posed a problem of proselytisation among the upper classes. The problem was tackled by sending women missionaries as peripatetic governesses to the homes of persons wishing to give their female wards an English education. Thus, under missionary initiative, the old tradition of home teaching gained the new cognate 'zenana education'. Zenana work is thought to have begun in Jessore of Eastern Bengal by Mrs. John Sully in the early 1840s, although there is some confusion about the exact date. The peripatetic governesses were assisted by local converts, mostly from the lower classes, who were called 'Bible Women'.

The zenana education scheme complemented government and private efforts to spread female education and enjoyed government patronage after the Indian Education Commission of 1882, popularly known as the Hunter Commission, recommended that peripatetic governesses may receive grant-in-aid. The pioneering work of the Zenana Mission in Bengal prompted almost all Christian missionaries of various denominations to take up zenana education in their pursuit of conversion, thus increasing demand for women missionaries in the second half of the nineteenth century. By the turn of the 20th century there were about forty such mission organizations working in India.

The other Societies engaged in proselytizing the women of Bengal through imparting education were: Society for Promoting Female Education in the East, established in 1834; Ladies' Society for Female Education, Free Church of Scotland, established in 1837; Women's Union Missionary Society, established in 1861; Baptist Female Missionary Society, established in 1870; LMS Ladies' Committee for Missions in India and China, established in 1875; Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, established in 1880.

The missionaries failed to achieve their goal of winning over the womenfolk by giving them vernacular and English education so as to enable them to question the validity of 'heathen' belief and social practices. The Hindu revivalism of the late nineteenth century and the rise of nationalist feelings forced the missionaries to retreat into the background. Economic stringiness during WWI and the changed global socio-political environment of the post- World War I era also weakened Christian missions. The government recognized the futility of peripatetic zenana education tours and abolished the system in 1933. [Asha Islam]

[[bn:জেনানা মিশন]]

Zenana

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'''Zenana''' a Persian term originating from zan or 'woman'. Zenana is primarily a Muslim social institution under which a separate apartment is assigned to women members and women guests and visitors to the family. More simply, male and female members of the family work and interact and relax in separate spaces within the family precinct during working hours of the day. Women members themselves are also euphemistically called zenana.

It is a system of keeping womenfolk secluded from the male members of the family not only on social and religious grounds but also on the ground facilitating day to day work. Under the zenana system, men and women work in separate spaces within the family and its men and women members are entrusted with separate activities. The system is also known as andarmahal/antapur. Zenana is closely related to [[Purda|purda]]. What is zenana within the precinct of the family is purda in the larger setting of the society. Zenana system became particularly popular in Bengal after the region came under Muslim rule from the early 13th century. During the Sultani and Mughal periods, the Muslims, particularly of extraneous origins, strictly practiced zenana, and influenced by them, the high caste Hindu families and local Muslims also started practicising the zenana system.

Until late nineteenth century, zenana was a social and religious practice both among Muslims and Hindus. It was the Brahma Movement which first attacked the zenana system for Hindu families. The Brahma women began to work and intermix within the family and later they even came out of home without wearing veils. But the Muslim society, particularly of ashraf classes, maintained the system until very recent times. Modernism, urbanization, rise of middle classes, social mobility, empowerment of women, and other forces, including the housing system in urban areas, led to the decline of the zenana institution from the early 20th century. But in the rural areas, where housing system is largely unchanged still, the system is quite operative even now. [Sirajul Islam]

''See also'' [[Harem|harem]];[[Purda| purda]].

[[bn:জেনানা]]

Zanjira Upazila

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'''Zanjira Upazila''' ([[Shariatpur District|shariatpur district]]) area 239.53 sq km, located in between 23°16' and 23°27' north latitudes and in between 90°13' and 90°26' east longitudes. It is bounded by [[Lohajang Upazila|lohajang]] and [[Tongibari Upazila|tongibari]] upazilas on the north, [[Shariatpur Sadar Upazila|shariatpur sadar]] and [[Naria Upazila|naria]] upazilas on the south, Naria upazila on the east, [[Shibchar Upazila|shibchar]] and [[Madaripur Sadar Upazila|madaripur sadar]] upazilas on the west.

''Population'' Total 179322; male 92030, female 87292; Muslim 177476, Hindu 1801 and others 45.

''Water bodies'' Main river: [[Padma River|padma]].

''Administration'' Zanjira Thana was formed in 1973 and it was turned into an upazila in' 1984.

{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="9" | Upazila
|-
| rowspan="2" | Municipality || rowspan="2" | Union || rowspan="2" | Mouza || rowspan="2" | Village || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Density (per sq km) || colspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Urban || Rural || | Urban || Rural
|-
|
1
|
12
|
126
|
195
|
17352
|
161970
|
749
|
37.6
|
30.3
|}
{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="6" | Municipality
|-
| Area (sq km) || Ward || Mahalla || Population || Density (per sq km) || Literacy rate (%)
|-

|-
|
13.18

|
9

|
19

|
17352

|
1317

|
37.56
|}

{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
| colspan="5" | Union
|-
| rowspan="2" | Name of union and GO code || rowspan="2" | Area (acre) || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Male || Female

|-
|
Kunder
Char 51

|
10000

|
5019

|
4651

|
35.46

|-
|
Joynagar
43

|
3580

|
6744

|
6612

|
33.42

|-
|
Zanjira
94

|
3993

|
3375

|
3472

|
27.49

|-
|
Naodoba
65

|
4119

|
9988

|
9097

|
29.15

|-
|
Paler
Char 73

|
9744

|
7832

|
7509

|
31.28

|-
|
Purba
Naodoba 80

|
5573

|
8013

|
7428

|
27.68

|-
|
Bara
Krishnagar 21

|
2724

|
5828

|
5116

|
31.51

|-
|
Bara
Gopalpur 12

|
2148

|
4565

|
4418

|
28.20

|-
|
Barakandi
14

|
5772

|
9315

|
8702

|
27.29

|-
|
Bilaspur
29

|
3124

|
7270

|
7337

|
27.59

|-
|
Mulna
58

|
3977

|
6465

|
6180

|
36.72

|-
|
Sener
Char 87

|
4438

|
8791

|
8243

|
30.11
|}
''Source'' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.

[[Image:ZanjiraUpazila.jpg|thumb|400px]]
''History of the War of Liberation'' During the [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] in 1971 a number of skirmishes were held between the freedom fighters and the Pak army in this upazila. During this time the local razakars burnt the village south Namakandi; they also caused heavy damages in the village. A number of freedom fighters of this upazila were killed during the War of Liberation.

''Marks of the War of Liberation'' Martyrs' memorial 1; memorial monument 6.

''Religious institutions'' Mosque 747, temple 4, tomb 1, ashrama 1. Noted religious institutions: Zanjira Upazila Parishad Jami Mosque.

''Literacy rate and educational institutions'' Average literacy 31%; male 35.5%, female 26.4%. Educational institutions: college 4, technical college 1, primary teachers training institute 1, secondary school 17, primary school 70, community school 6, kindergarten 12, madrasa 11. Noted educational institutions: Zanjira Degree College, Zanjira Mohar Ali Pilot High School (1938), Zanjira Hat Model Government Primary School, Zanjira Samsul Ulum Madrasa.

''Cultural organisations'' Library 1, club 2, community centre 1, music school 1, shilpakala academy 1, cinema hall 2, auditorium 1, theatre group 1, cultural organisation 2, women's organisation 2,' playground 10.

''Main sources of income'' Agriculture 71.32%, non-agricultural labourer 1.80%, industry 0.79%, commerce 12.77%, transport and communication 1.79%, service 3.96%, construction 0.45%, religious service 0.20%, rent and remittance 1.89% and others 5.03%.

''Ownership of agricultural land'' Landowner 74.40%, landless 25.60%; agricultural landowner: urban 60.23% and rural 75.96%.'

''Main crops'' Paddy, jute, wheat, mustard, onion, garlic, kalijira, vegetables.

''Extinct or nearly extinct crops'' Kaun, linseed, gram.

''Main fruits'' Mango, blackberry, jackfruit, banana, wood apple.

''Fisheries, dairies and poultries'' Fishery 14, dairy 45, poultry 63.

''Communication facilities'' Pucca road 59 km, semi-pucca road 270 km, mud road 77 km; waterway 2.5 nautical miles.

''Extinct or nearly extinct traditional transport'' Palanquin, horse carriage, bullock cart.

''Noted manufactories'' Rice mill, oil mill, saw mill, ice factory, welding factory.

''Cottage industries'' Goldsmith, blacksmith, potteries, bamboo work and cane work.

''Hats, bazars and fairs'' Hats and bazars are 16, fairs 4, most noted of which are Kazir Hat and Laukhola Hat.

''Main exports'' Hilsa fish, jute, vegetables, onion, garlic, kalijira.

''Access to electricity'' All the wards and unions of the upazila are under rural electrification net-work. However 11.59% of the dwelling households have access to electricity.

''Sources of drinking water'' Tube-well 96.60%, tap 0.33%, pond 0.63% and others 2.44%. The presence of arsenic has been detected in shallow tube-well water of the upazila.

''Sanitation'' 19.23% (rural 16.43% and urban 44.75%) of dwelling households of the upazila use sanitary latrines and 76.59% (rural 79.52% and urban 49.92%) of dwelling households use non-sanitary latrines; 4.18% of households do not have latrine facilities.

''Health centres'' Upazila health centre 1, satellite clinic 3, union health and family welfare centre 12, community clinic 16, private clinic 3, diagnostic centre 2, veterinary hospital 1.

''NGO activities'' Operationally important NGOs are [[BRAC|brac]], [[ASA|asa]], HEED Bangladesh. [Shahjahan Khan]

'''References''' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics; Field report of Zanjira Upazila 2007.

[[Category:Upazilas of Bangladesh]]

[[Category:Local Government]]

[[bn:জাজিরা উপজেলা]]

Zamindari Association, The

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'''Zamindari Association, The''' reckoned to be the first political association of modern India. Formally launched in Calcutta in March 1838, it was renamed the Landholders' Society shortly afterwards. Landed magnates like Raja [[Deb, Radhakanta|radhakant dev]], [[Tagore, Prince Dwarkanath|dwarkanath tagore]], Prasanna Kumar Tagore, Rajkamal Sen and Bhabani Charan Mitra were its leading members. The promotion of landholders' interests through petitions to government and discreet persuasion of the bureaucracy was its professed object. Among its aims were securing a halt to the resumption of rent-free tenures and an extension of the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] of land all over India, including the grant of lease of waste land to their occupants. The demand for reform of the judiciary, the police and the revenue departments was also on its agenda.

To attain its aims and objectives, the Society maintained close contact with the bureaucracy in Calcutta, established links with the British India Society of London and appointed its President, George Thompson, the Landholders' Society's agent in London.

With its distinctive mark of loyalism, the Landholders' Society was an exclusive aristocratic club of native [[Zamindar|zamindar]]s and compradors. Membership of the club was also extended to non-official Britons engaged in trade and commerce in Bengal. It was beyond the means of ordinary [[Raiyat|raiyat]]s to become its members. The Landholders' Society failed to take root in areas outside the Bengal Presidency, where the Permanent Settlement was not in vogue. With its limited field and range of activity, its only achievement was the concession it had extracted from government in the form of exemption of Brahmottara (land donated for the services of Brahmins and temples), to the extent of ten bighas, from rent. The Landholders' Society may be said to have inaugurated the new course of modern institutional politics in India.

The Landholders' Society did not endure long. It became inactive around 1842, becoming almost moribund by 1843, although maintaining a precarious existence till 1850. It was superseded by the [[Bengal British India Society|bengal british india society]]. [BR Khan]

[[Category:Society/Associations]]

[[bn:জমিদার সমিতি]]

Zamindar Family of Teota

2021-06-17T19:40:58Z

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'''Zamindar Family of Teota''' was one of the large landholders based in Teota of manikganj district. Founded by one Panchanan Chaudhuri, born (c. 1740) into the Dasgupta family of Shaitghar-Teota in western Manikganj, the 'Sankars'; (the family middle name) were a relatively progressive, enlightened and unostentatious zamindar family. A number of its members made notable contributions to public life at all Bengal level.

The Teota zamindari comprised a number of estates spread out in the districts of Dhaka, Faridpur and Pabna, and Dinajpur along with some small properties in Rangpur and Burdwan. In 1914, the Dinajpur properties alone were valued at over Rs 11 lakhs. The estate paid over Rs. 60,000 in annual government revenue, and was managed by educated and trained officials. It would also appear that this estate was comparatively generous towards its employees – among other things, it paid a 'dearness allowance';, and took care of the medical expenses and 'living costs'; of its staff. The head office/ manager';s office was at Teota, and the estate was broadly divided into a few circles, each having a number of ''kachharis'' under it. The Teota zamindari remained undivided for almost a hundred and fifty years. By 1920, however, it had been amicably partitioned into the eight anna Teota Joy Sankar Estate, and other smaller shares. The zamindari ended with the abolition of zamindari system, and the acquisition of the estates by the government, under the provisions of the [[east bengal state acquisition]] [[and tenancy act]] of 1950.

Panchanan Chaudhuri, the founder of the family, began his 'career'; away from home, in Dinajpur. His earliest investments, it seems, had been in the tobacco trade, in which he flourished. With the profits earned from his lucrative business, he soon started to invest in land when a land market was created under the operation of the Permanent Settlement. He acquired his earliest properties in the Dinajpur region. Some time later, he returned to his ancestral village, and established himself as the first zamindar of Teota. A devout vaisnab, it was also during his time that 'Sridhar'; came to be the 'family-god';, Panchanan being the first 'sebaiyat';. He lived till ninety-three, and saw in his own lifetime the zamindari maturing into one of the largest in Eastern Bengal.

Very little is known about Panchanan Chaudhuri';s only son, Kali Sankar, who died very young, in his early thirties, but left behind two sons – Joy Sankar and Tarini Sankar (born, 1800s-1810s). Both of them were brought up to be 'traditional'; aristocrats (of the 'Nawabi Bengal'; mould), the younger Tarini Sankar having even been sent to Murshidabad for his education. However, he did not have a long life, and died in his thirties, and was survived by Shyama Sankar (later [[raja shyama sankar ray bahadur]] of Teota) and Pran Sankar.

Joy Sankar considerably augmented the inherited properties. He undertook such welfare activities as the digging of ponds and the construction of roads, besides generously maintaining the 'atithi-sala'; (guest house) at Teota set up by his grandfather. He, however, decided to renounce his family and his worldly possessions, and left for Puri – one of the best destinations for a practising vaisnab – leaving his two minor sons (Parbati Sankar and Hara Sankar) under the care of their mother and grandmother. It was there that he died shortly afterwards (c 1860). His sons later built a 'dharamsala'; in his memory at Gaya (in Bihar), and also made the necessary initial arrangements for a 'math'; to be founded at the site of his cremation in Puri.

The next generation of the family saw a marked shift towards the metropolis. Although the (first) Calcutta residence of the family had been built at 50, Darmahutta Street (now Maharshi Debendra Road) in the Pathuriaghata area in the 1820s, it was only from the sixties that male members of the family began to live in the city for extended periods. The ladies of the family left the village much later, in the 1880s or 1890s, when a new, more sprawling residence was built at 44, European Asylum Lane. That apart, the family also had a number of residential houses elsewhere. The Teota rajbari in Benaras (there were two, in fact) have been immortalised by [[bibhutibhushan bandyopadhyay]]';s novel, and subsequently by the [[satyajit ray]] film, '''Apar''''a''''jit''''a''';.

The eldest among the four cousins of this generation, Shyama Sankar Roy, was a noted philanthropist, an enterprising landlord who made numerous attempts at improvements and innovations in agriculture, and a Theosophist. He was conferred the personal title of 'Raja'; in the 1877s. [[rai parbati sankar chaudhuri]] was also an 'imaginative'; zamindar. Among other things, he introduced the system of co-operative grain banks (''dharmagol''''a'') within the zamindari, and was one of the founders of the [[indian industrial association]]. Hara Sankar Ray, who was a Presidency College graduate and had a degree in law, was an honourary magistrate (of Teota). The next generation saw yet another shift, with many of the cousins being sent to British universities for their first degrees and legal training at the Inns of Court, although only one of them, Dr Kumar Sankar Ray, turned out to be a 'professional'; in later life. KS Ray, a non-practising barrister and a philanthropist, was prominently involved in Congress electoral politics and represented Bengal (along with a few others) at the Council of States in New Delhi in the 1930s and 40s. The best-known names in the generation were however: the politician, [[kir]][[On sankar roy]], and [[kumud sankar ray]] (Dr KS Ray), the medical luminary and Swarajya-Congress leader.

The family seat was at Teota – an expansive complex, close to the bank of Jamuna, comprising a maze of courtyards and buildings, the earliest ones dating from the early nineteenth century, and the most recent from the early 1900s. The remarkable Navaratna adjoining the ''r''''a''''jb''''a''''ti'', built in honour of the family god and used during the 'Dol'; festival, is among the tallest and most elegant ones of its kind. The 'High/ Entrance School'; in the village, called Teota Academy, founded by the Teota Zamindar Family in the 1880s was – apart from the town school – for a long time the only one in Manikganj sub-division, now a district. The school also had a 'boarding'; for resident scholars, and its students used to stay at the 'Bahir-bari'; of the Calcutta residence of the Sankars when appearing for the University matriculation and other examinations. Besides this, there was a 'pathsala'; and a charitable dispensary maintained by the estate. Also, Teota was one of the very few places in the district having a sitting honorary magistrate and a 'bench';.

The big structures of the zamindar family still survive though abandoned and left uncared since 1957. These are now occupied by squatters. Structurally, the magnificent Teota buildings carry the spirit and technique of the blends of Mughal and European architecture. [R Roy] [Roy, R Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata]

[[bn:তেওতা জমিদার পরিবার]]

Zamindar

2021-06-17T19:40:57Z

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'''Zamindar''' The term zamindar (from the Persian zamin or land, and dar which is an inflexion of the verb dashtan, denoting to have, hold or possess) has passed into the historical vocabulary of medieval India to signify the superior landed interest. Zamindars during the Mughal period came to denote all rent, receivers above the actual cultivators. They were merely possessors of proprietary right in the collection of rent but not in land. The holders of land on the other hand were the [[Raiyat|raiyat]]s (peasants) in whose names jamabandis or rent-rolls were prepared. In this sense zamindars were mere farmers of revenue - intermediaries between the government and the inferior revenue farmers, excluding the huzuri (independent) talukdars who paid revenues straight to the khalsa (exchequer) and the peasants.

The appellation zamindar, a straightforward translation from the current native terms bhuiyan or bhupati, signifies hereditary landholder. The Mughals fashioned the existing land tenure into a new mechanism to serve their economic and political interests. However, the traditional power structure and modes of production were little affected. The zamindari institution as it developed under the Mughals lacked uniformity in its characteristics, even in the [[Subah|subah]] of Bengal, Bihar and [[Orissa|orissa]] itself. In Bengal, unlike some parts of India, land was not directly controlled by the Crown. [[Akbar|akbar]]'s Land Regulation System (1582), that aimed at direct settlement with the individual cultivators, was not feasible in the distant province of Bengal for various reasons, including peculiar geographical and climatic conditions. In pre-modern Bengal land was not only a factor of production, but also a status symbol and a source of social and political influence. Hence land control offered manifold prospects to all aspirants.

With the Mughal conquest of Bengal zamindar became a generic title embracing people with different kinds of landholdings and rights that ranged from the autonomous or semi-independent chieftains to the peasant-proprietors. The independent or semi-independent chieftains, humbled or befriended, became peshkashi (tribute-paying) subordinate allies keeping their administrative autonomy virtually unimpaired. The rest were mostly mal-wajibi (land revenue paying) who collected revenue for the Mughals. Unlike the autonomous or frontier chiefs, the hereditary status of the rest of the zamindar class was circumscribed by the Mughal government, and the heir depended to a certain extent on the pleasure of the sovereign. They were removable for insurgency or failure to pay the stipulated revenue. In return for their services, they enjoyed perquisites, khilats (robes of honour), and titles depending upon their status, resources and some other factors.

In pre-modern India, civil administration mainly revolved round the management of revenue affairs. Hence the assignment of land carried with it a host of administrative responsibilities. Zamindars were required to prepare details of revenue assessment, collect rent from the peasants and remit it to the state authorities and were also obliged to assist the imperial officers in the peace-keeping of the locality and to supply troops whenever needed. The superior landed interests who derived their strength and authority partly from the share of the produce and partly from their traditional superior position in the locality were well-suited to perform the state functions reposed in them by the imperial [[Sanad|sanad]]s.

Though the basic rights and duties of zamindars remained the same until the introduction of the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] (1793), some changes were occasionally brought in the structure of land control system to suit the needs of the ruling elite. Thus, the Todarmal Settlement (1582) which had initiated the zamindari system in the far-flung subah of Bengal continued till 1658 when some vigour was put into it by the revenue settlement of Subahdar [[Shah Shuja|shah shuja]] (1657), followed by Subahdar Murshid Quli's mal-zamini (land revenue) system in 1722. To achieve the goal of maximisation of public revenue and its punctual remittance, Murshid Quli divided the province into 13 chaklahs (administrative divisions) instead of the previous 34 sarkars and placed the smaller zamindars under the jurisdiction of chaklahdars who were none other than the larger zamindars. Chaklahdars, installed as stewards over their juniors were officials, not owners, to ensure an efficient collection of revenues. But the policy of making the principal zamindars immediately responsible to the khalsa for the imperial share of the revenue added to their traditional power and position. In addition, various government assignments offered to the promising zamindars provided wider scope to enhance their standing in the court and furtherance of their own cause. The process of change from revenue-managers to landlords was complete by the middle of the 18th century.

The foremost duty of zamindars was the collection and punctual remittance of the revenue and in most cases, it is this pivotal role that determined their relationship with the government. The sanad conferring zamindari rights obliged zamindar to 'conciliate and encourage the raiyats and promote the advancement of cultivation, the improvement of the country, and the increase of its produce'. The revenues to be paid by zamindars were of three sorts: (1) the mal, made up of rents from arable land and uncultivated lands containing woods, groves, marshes and ponds; (2) the sair, the next important source of revenue that consisted of tolls and excise collected on river traffic and markets and of fees paid by the various service classes; and (3) baze-jama in the form of fines, forfeitures and marriage fees. The stipulated amount to be paid by zamindars was decided upon neither by a proper measurement of land nor by an assessment of the produce thereof, but by a sort of summary assessment known as nasaq. Zamindars paid a fixed sum which, however, was subject to arbitrary increase by the Nawab, though the power was seldom exercised. The revenue demand on the mal-wajibi zamindars was fixed on arable lands. Zamindars obliged to reclaim the wastelands and forests were empowered to dispose them of. The wastelands, extensively used as charity and religious endowments, created under-tenure holders of various denominations. The reclaimed land, often passed by the name of khamar; the produce of which was shared by the tillers and zamindars, formed a permanent source of additional income to zamindars. In large zamindaris the rentals were usually much lower than their real value. The government being aware of the fact levied occasional [[Abwab|abwab]]s or cesses on zamindars.

While the revenue demand on zamindars was fixed by the rent-roll, the rental burden on an individual raiyat was assessed by zamindars. The scant information available renders it difficult to ascertain the exact rate of rent. As man-land ratio was always in favour of man, zamindars could not afford to be oppressive on their raiyats. To keep them on the estate, zamindars found it to their interests to protect the rights and traditional privileges of the raiyats.

All categories of zamindars under the Mughals were required to perform certain police, judicial and military duties. With elements of both fiscal and political power at their disposal, zamindars exercised enormous local influence that made them the most undisputed potentates within the bounds of their territories. However, a full-fledged police system did not develop in rural Bengal during the period and hence some revenue staff were simultaneously entrusted with police duties. For instance, the gram-saranjami paiks who were employed primarily to assist zamindars in the collection of rents and guard the crops on the fields, were also made responsible for apprehension of thieves and robbers and preservation of peace, law and order in public places such as hats and bazaars, and fairgrounds. The regular police forces of big zamindars were organised and controlled within a system of thanas which were the largest police units, and under these came the smaller posts known as chaukies or pharies. In the heyday of the Mughals, the faujdar retained supreme authority over the thanas, nominally placed under the zamindari control. In the nawabi Bengal the thanas gradually fell under the control of the monopolistic zamindari estates.

The territorial zamindars had judicial powers. Naturally, judge-magistracy, as an element of state authority conferred status with attendant power, which really made them the lords of their domains. They held regular courts, called zamindari adalat. The courts fetched them not only power and status but some income as well by way of fines, presents and perquisites. The petty zamindars also had some share in the dispensation of civil and criminal justice. The chaudhuris, who were tiny zamindars in most cases, had authority to deal with the complaints of debts, thefts and petty quarrels and to impose paltry fines. Having no penal establishments, the smaller zamindars would refer the serious cases meriting confinement or capital punishments to the nearby Qazi or thanadar. In caste disputes, the high caste zamindars of good reputation were the most desired arbiters. But some prime zamindars, though low in caste ladder were seen to decide caste disputes under the dictates of exigencies. In fact, when the local [[Panchayet System|panchayet]] (council of elders) failed to satisfy the aggrieved party, appeals were lodged to zamindars. Although the zamindari bichar (trial) was easily accessible, speedy and often cheap, the custom of vesting both executive and judicial functions in one person had its inherent weaknesses. Some zamindars might turn out tyrants to the tenantry by taking the advantage of local autonomy. To obviate such prospect, the government always kept vigilance on the activities of individual zamindars.

Zamindars, specially the principal ones, were required to furnish military assistance to the faujdars or military governors stationed at the faujdari circles with a limited number of troops and drought animals in the event of serious rebellions or external invasions. Since the Mughals did not maintain a large standing army, they had to depend heavily on the indirect recruits of soldiers drafted from the territorial chiefs, clan or caste leaders. Some zamindars were even enrolled personally into the imperial service as mansabdars (nobles, holding military titles or ranks) and were remunerated in grants of [[Jagir|jagir]]s, proportionate to their status. Moreover, torrential monsoon rain in the flat and riverine Bengal rendered the cavalry and artillery almost useless except in the dry season. In such a situation, to fight against the rebellious chiefs, the Magh and Feringi pirates who had been intermittently raiding the southern and eastern frontiers of Bengal, the Mughals had to depend greatly on the military assistance of the zamindars who were obliged to provide the troops with victuals and other daily necessaries and to cut off supplies to the enemies of the government. The great territorial zamindars were empowered to keep armed establishments and construct forts with a view to defending their territories, protecting [[Agriculture|agriculture]], [[Trade and Commerce|trade and commerce]], ensuring the safe despatch of the revenues and keeping the raiyats under control. But the erosion of the imperial authority and the subsequent unsettled condition of the subah considerably weakened the nawab's hold on the landed gentry, who changed their loyalties as the tide of conflicts between the nawab and the Marathas or the nawab and the English [[East India Company, The|east india company]] flowed and ebbed.

Zamindars developed a system of zamindari management of their own through their privileged hereditary position and built up their courts and a style of private life vying with each other in pomp and grandeur. The landed aristocracy of the pre-British period included few absentee zamindars. Those who retained their official position as qanungos or chowdhuris were zamindars of the same locality. Consequently, the social life and public activities of the landed class were usually confined within the bound of their 'little kingdoms'. Their luxurious lifestyle boosted local crafts and small-scale industries like fine quality cotton textiles, exquisite silks, jewellery, decorative swords and weapons. Again, the extravagance of the prime zamindars in socio-religious festivities helped in no less degree the circulation of wealth in the society. Their darbars (courts) were modelled after the nawabs', and the Mughal dress, food, art and architecture were emulated which paved the way for a synthesis between the Turko-Persian and the indigenous cultures.

Zamindars under the Mughals were, in fact, more the public functionaries than revenue collecting agents. Although zamindaris were allowed to be held hereditarily, the holders were not considered to be the proprietors of their estates. The zamindari estates, which were never divisible between the successor of the incumbents or transferable to others, were then not inherited but obtained by a successor of the deceased incumbent with a fresh sanad from the government. The sarkar or government had always reserved the right to cancel or forfeit such sanads any time. A sanad was a charter of inviolable rights and responsibilities on the part of the zamindar. A zamindar continued his status through good conduct, not through any right. A failure of revenue payment punctually did not lead automatically to foreclosure of the zamindari right to the state unless it was deliberately done contumaciously or through any conspiratorial motive. A zamindar could seek relief from the government when raiyats failed to pay revenue due to natural disasters or any other factor beyond their control.

Despite the cooperation and services rendered by the zamindar class to the causes of the Mughal government, the inherent clash of interest between the two remained unresolved. The erosion of the imperial authority following the death of [[Aurangzeb|aurangzeb]] (1707), the succession wars for the vice regal throne, the wrangling of parties at the nawab's court coupled with the entry of the East India Company in the political arena of Bengal, increased the dependence of the [[Nawab|nawab]]s on zamindars. The big zamindars, in league with the emerging banking class and the Company entered the mainstream of politics, aligning themselves with the contenders for the nawabi. Thus, the role of zamindars impacted profoundly on political and financial turmoil. With the government inaction buttressed by the inefficiency and corruption of the officers, the powers of zamindars continued to grow unabated till the transfer of the [[Diwani|diwani]] (revenue authority) to the East India Company in 1765.

The zamindari institution of the Mughal times had undergone revolutionary changes under the colonial regime when zamindars lost many old rights and privileges and gained many new, and when the modified institution was exposed to constant metamorphosis until its formal dissolution in 1951.

The acquisition of the diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa by the East India Company was the first step towards the new status of zamindars. But until 1772, when zamindars were replaced by revenue farmers, the institution did not suffer much structural changes. Naib Diwan Syed Mohammad [[Khan|reza]] [[Khan|khan]], who managed diwani administration on behalf of the Company, was a strong believer in the Mughal Revenue System, and hence during his administration zamindars could somehow sustain their status, though the period was already marked by erosion of zamindari powers. Without a formal declaration, zamindars were shorn of their traditional powers and privileges and reduced to mere revenue collectors.

Warren [[Hastings, Lord|hastings]], first Governor (1772-1774) and then Governor General in Council of the [[Fort|fort]] [[Fort|william]] in Bengal (1774-1785) assumed the Diwani administration into his own hands at the instruction of the court of directors, and sent Reza Khan, the naib diwan, behind bar. In the land control system, Hastings took a revolutionary measure by departing from the centuries-old revenue administration and replacing the established zamindars and [[Taluqdar|talukdar]][[Taluqdar|s]] by the highest bidding [[Ijaradar|ijaradar]]s or revenue farmers. For traditional zamindars, the measure was stunning indeed, and yet they did not resort to widespread rejection of the system because their wrath was much moderated ostensibly by holding out to them an unearned income of ten percent of the actual collection of revenue as malikana or so-called proprietary allowance. Hence, financially they were not losers at all, rather gainers, as they would receive more or less the same income without bearing the cost of revenue collection and without undergoing the drudgeries of rent collection.

But the farming system, known as Quinquennial Settlement, did not yield the desired effect. The revenue farmers, who mostly came from trade and commerce, had no previous experience about [[Land Management|land management]]. In their desperate attempts in collecting rent for paying government revenue and also for making a profit out of their investment in the farming speculation, the farmers in general resorted to rack-renting. Many of them were compelled to do so to save themselves from ruin, because their speculation had no relation with the actual resources of the land. The raiyats, being rack-rented and oppressed, resorted to desertions and disturbances. The revenue collection showed downturn and uncertainty. The general economic conditions of the country were declining fast.

In view of the ruinous effect of the farming system, the court of directors suggested to the Calcutta government to revert to the old zamindari system for revenue collection at the end of the Quinquennial Settlement. In 1777, the term of the farming system expired and according to the direction of the court, revenue settlements were made with zamindars for a term ranging from one to three years. In 1778-79, revenue settlements were made with zamindars again on short-term basis. But the process of decadence of zamindars and talukdars as a class, that started silently from the time of the acquisition of the diwani in 1765 and got heightened in the late 1770s, turned the landholders into an impoverished and ignorant class. They proved to be unable to respond to the new circumstances and adjust with them. It was found that zamindars got used to living with unearned income of the farming period and when they got the land settlements in their own names, they were found to have resorted to the same [[Ijara|ijara]] system. All large zamindars had divided their estates into numerous blocs and leased them to ijaradars. The change of 1778 did not, therefore, improve the situation. The declining trend of the economy could not be arrested and the revenue collection could not be made certain.

Under [[Pitt’s India Act, 1784|pitt’s india act]] of 1784 the Calcutta government enacted many rules and regulations with the object of reorganising the colonial state on a permanent basis. Attempts were made to make settlement of land with zamindars and frame durable rules and regulations to govern the state efficiently and to the benefit of both the rulers and of the ruled. lord cornwallis was sent as governor general with the positive instructions to make the new kingdom strong and stable economically and politically. Under the Act and under the instructions of the court of directors, Cornwallis was obliged to abandon the path of ruinous experiments and make permanent settlement with zamindars, talukdars and other landholders of the country.

Cornwallis concluded the permanent settlement with zamindars in March 1793. The status of zamindars and their roles came to be very different under the Permanent Settlement. The landholders of all categories were declared proprietors of land. As proprietors, zamindars were to pay government revenue without any alteration for all time to come. The zamindari property, like any other property, could be freely transferred or mortgaged without the necessity of taking any sanction from the authorities. The zamindari right was also inheritable among the successors of zamindars according to Hindu and Muslim laws of succession. Zamindars got these proprietary rights entirely gratis. In return for these rights and privileges, zamindars were required to pay revenue to government absolutely punctually according to the contract, otherwise, their lands were made liable to be sold in public auction. Zamindars were formally stripped of all state powers and privileges they had been enjoying traditionally as local potentates. Traditional zamindari adalat (court) was banned. The zamindari right to sayer collection was abolished and all sayer mahals (hats, bazaars, ganjes, octrois, fisheries) were resumed and brought under direct rule of the district collector. In the eyes of law, zamindars and raiyats were made equal.

Predictably, zamindars responded to the permanent settlement very sharply. They accepted the settlement because there was no alternative before them. They were asked either to accept the settlement or to surrender the right in lieu of an annuity. Zamindars, by and large, tried to swallow the pill of the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent]] [[Permanent Settlement, The|settlement]], because they saw with horror that those who resisted the new system were ruthlessly suppressed.

To zamindars, the most invidious aspect of the permanent settlement was the revenue sale law, which they called euphemistically the Sunset Law. The law provided that the public revenue was to be paid at the district collectorate in twelve kists (installments). If the payment of any installment fell in arrears, the district collector would realise it in the following month by selling the equivalent amount of land of the defaulter. Since the very beginning of the operation of the permanent settlement hundreds of zamindari estates were sold under the operation of the Sunset Law, which in effect led to the eclipse of a ruling family.

The rise of a new zamindar class at the expense of the older ones was in-built in the very mechanism of the Permanent Settlement. The authors of the system were conscious that the regulations of the Permanent Settlement, when set to operation, would create a competitive land market, which would operate in eliminating the weak and incapable zamindars from land control and infuse new blood into land ownership. It was anticipated that new men of capital and enterprise, who would enter land control through the operation of the Permanent Settlement, would be catalysts for changes in the agrarian landscape.

But unfortunately, in estate management, the new zamindars most of whom came from zamindari service, government jobs and trade and commerce were not fundamentally different from the old zamindars. While the traditional zamindars tended to show indolence and lack of motivation, the newcomers in land control were found to have been more eager in enhancing their income by increasing rent without making any capital investment in agricultural improvement.

The relation between zamindars and raiyats deteriorated progressively in the early part of the 19th century. The conflict between the two classes mainly originated from zamindari attempts of enhancing the established rent rate. The pressure of the permanent settlement, decline in zamindari income through rise in prices and many other factors including litigation, family feuds and fragmentation of the parent estates among successors, persuaded zamindars to enhance rent of raiyats. But raiyats were steadfastly resisting such attempts on the ground that zamindars had no right to change the pargana nirikh or established rate of rent. But zamindars refused to accept such demand and argued that as absolute proprietors of land they had the right to revise the rate of rent according to the fluctuation of prices and value of land. The consequence was growing peasant unrest and occasional uprisings in different parts of the country. The unrest led to the great anti-zamindari peasant uprisings in the 1870s including the Tushkhali Movement (1872-75), Pabna Uprising (1873), and Chhagalnaiya (Noakhali) and Munshiganj Uprising (1880-81).

All these peasant movements only indicated that there was considerable awareness among peasants of their rights in land. They very strongly asserted these rights which zamindars refused to accept and about which courts were giving contradictory verdicts. The customary rights of peasants were vaguely recognised in the [[Cornwallis Code|cornwallis code]] but these were never expressly defined. The widespread peasant discontents in the country led the colonial government to study the whole situation and take necessary measures to establish peace in the countryside. Another problem was the creation of hierarchic intermediate classes in land control. Most zamindars, particularly of the eastern Bengal districts, had created permanent intermediate tenures called madhyasvatvas ([[Hawla Tenure|intermediate]] [[Hawla Tenure|tenure]]), which had far removed zamindars from their raiyats. In-between zamindars and raiyats there were several degrees of interests one upon another all of whom drew their rental income from the same plot of land and from the same raiyat. Overburdened raiyats responded to such situation by desertion or organised resistance.

A Rent Commission was established in 1880 to study the agrarian situation and report to the government suggesting remedies. Based on its report (1883) the Bengal Legislative Council enacted the [[Bengal Tenancy Act 1885|bengal tenancy act]] 1885. The Act tried to define the rights and liabilities of all interests in land including various categories of raiyats, madhyasvatvas and landholders. Under this Act the powers of the superior landed interests to make arbitrary enhancement of rent were severely curtailed. This Act recognised the right of superior raiyats to transfer their holdings subject to payment of a namzari selami (registration dues) to the proprietor. The Act also recognised the rights of all intermediate interests. Zamindars lost the right to enhance rent without showing reasons. Under this Act they could raise rent only when they could prove that they invested capital in land development or that the prices had gone up. All these restrictions meant the serious curtailment of zamindari power. The legal recognition of special tenurial position of rich peasants and tenure-holders was a positive negation of the status accorded to zamindars under the regulations of the permanent settlement.

The twentieth century developments like Indian nationalism, politics of agitation, Muslim separate electorate and separatist politics, penetration of communist ideas, and the like had seriously undermined the social authority of the zamindar class which was politically moderate and loyal to British raj. Peasant politics was entirely against zamindari system. As most zamindars were Hindus, the Muslim peasantry, who formed the majority of the population in the countryside, was vehemently against zamindars. The zamindar-tenant relations so changed that all the leading political parties participating in the general elections of 1937 had made commitments that the zamindari system would be abolished if they were voted to power. Accordingly, the [[Bengal Provincial Muslim League|muslim]] [[Bengal Provincial Muslim League|league-krishak praja party]] coalition government constituted a commission to report as to the zamindari system. The commission, [[Floud Commission|floud commission]] as it was called, recommended for the abolition of the Permanent Settlement. But the post-war situation, communal strife and politics of partition obliged the government not to implement the recommendation of the commission. The zamindari system was finally abolished in Bangladesh under the [[East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act 1950|east bengal state acquisition and tenancy act]] of 1950. [Sirajul Islam and Shirin Akhter]

'''Biblography''' Shirin Akhtar, The Role of the Zamindars in Bengal 1707-1772, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh 1982; Sirajul Islam, The Permanent Settlement in Bengal: A Study of its Operation 1790-1819, Bangla Academy 1979; Ranajit Guha, A Rule of Property for Bengal: An Essay on the Idea of Permanent Settlement, Orient Longman 1981, first published 1963; FD Ascoli, Early Revenue History of Bengal and the Fifth Report, 1812, Oxford 1917.

[[bn:জমিদার]]

Zaman, Sultana

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[[Image:ZamanSultana.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Sultana Zaman]]
'''Zaman, Sultana''' (1935-2012) actress, film producer, was born on 2 September, 1935 in [[Natore District|natore]] district. Her father, Syed Abdur Razzaq was an officer of the zamindar of Natore and Mother was Rahima Khatun. Her family name was Musammat Hosne Ara Sharifa Begum but she is popularly known as Sultana Zaman. She passed her childhood and adolescence in Natore town. Sultana Zaman passed SSC examination from Natore Girl's School, HSC examination' from Rajshahi College and then admitted in BA class. In 1956 she got married to Q M Zaman, the first chief cameraman of Film Development Corporation (FDC) of the then East Pakistan and the cameramen of numerous movie include the first Bangla full-length commercial film Mukh O Mukhosh (Face and Mask, 1956).

Sultana Zaman began her career in 1959 as one of earliest Bangali and Muslim actress through the film Matir Pahar which was produced by SM Parvez and directed by Mahiuddin. Later, she adopted her name as Sultana Zaman through the film Anek Diner Chena (1964) directed by [[Rahman, Ataur|khan ataur rahman]] (1928-1997).

Sultana Zaman, one of the influential actress of the 1950s and 1960s, acted in numerous films both in Bangla and Urdu languages such as Sonar Kajal (1962, Jointly directed by [[Sharafi, Kalim|kalim sharafi]] and [[Khan, AM Jahiruddin|jahir raihan]]), Chanda (1962, directed by [[Ehtesham|ehtesham]]), Zoar Elo (1962, directed by Abdul Jabbar Khan), Satrang (1965, directed by [[Lohani, Fateh|fateh lohani]]), Zanazani (1965, directed by Ali Mansur), Mala (1965, Mustafiz), Uzala (1966), Abar Banabase (1966), Rupban (1966), Mayurpabkhi (1968), Saptadibga (1968), Natun Diganta (1968), Maner Mato Bau (1969), Trisna (1978).

Alongside her acting in films she produced two films as Bhanumati (1969) and Chhadmabeshi. Besides, she was the presenter of the lyric program 'Chhayachhanda' in commercial service of Radio and acted on several Radio play such as Krtadaser Hasi,Tajmahal, Zafran.

Abu Jafar Ahmed, Assistant Cameraman and film producer of Film and Publication Department of Information Ministry, made a documentary on Sultana Zaman, titled Sultana Zaman-er Jiban O Karma Shirsak Pramanyachitra (Documentary on activities and life sketch of Sultana Zaman). Apart from featuring life and works on Sultana Zaman, the documentary also includes interviews of noted actor-actress as they speak of Sultana. The documentary includes short interviews of Shabnam, Razzak, Hasan Imam, Amzad Hossain and family member of Sultana Zaman.

In recognition of her contribution in film industry Sultana Zaman was honoured with numerous honours, such' as Chitrakash Award, National Film Award (2009), National Award (2011) by the Bangladesh Mahila Parishad. Sultana Zaman died on 20 May 2012 in Dhaka. [Shamima Akhter]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জামান, সুলতানা]]

Zaman, Selina Bahar

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'''Zaman, Selina Bahar '''(1940-2004)''' '''Parveen Sultana Chaudhury, popularly known as Selina Bahar Chaudhury, and after marriage Selina Bahar Zaman, was born at Kolkata on February 15, 1940. She was the eldest daughter of Habibullah Bahar Choudhury and Anwara Bahar Chaudhury who were known for their progressive and non communal attitude. The influence of the father who was a close associate of poet Kazi Nazrul Islam and Ananta Singh, the revolutionary leader, the organizing experience which he acquired as the Calcutta Mohammadan Sporting Club Football team leader and the organiser of the Bangio Muslim Sahitya Samaj, and also the impact of the devoted teacher, writer and social activist mother and aunt Shamsunnahar Mahmud greatly impacted the life style of Selina Bahar since her childhood.

Though her school life started at Kolkata it ended at the Qamrunnesa School at Dhaka after the family"s migration following the Partition of India in 1947. A brilliant student, she passed her Mariculation Examination in 1954 securing 2nd position among the girls. After graduation with Honours in Mathematics she passed her M. Sc from the University of Dhaka securing first position in first class in Pure Mathematics in 1960. Starting her service career as a Lecturer at the Eden Girls'; College, Dhaka, she went to the UK for higher studies on a government scholarship. After a long successful teaching career she retired from the Jagannath University College, Dhaka in 1997 as the Head of the Department of Mathematics.

Selina Bahar left her imprint on various aspects of socio-cultural life. She joined the Radio Pakistan in 1950 as a juvenile artist and excelled in recitation and dance. Her keen interest in dance and drama continued during her period of study at Dhaka University. Her participation in the dance-drama 'Chandalika'; at Curzon Hall stage in 1957 was an epoch making event for a Muslim girl to dance in a public function.

Her earlier interest in the publication of book found expression in the juvenile literature like ''Pikur Chhagal'' (goat) and ''Bulir Murgi'' (hen) (1978). The Bangla Academy published her first mathematical work, ''Number'' in 1986.

Her pastime included the collection and caring of the rare documents and souvenirs. Her collection titled ''Nazrul Pandulipi'' and edited by her was published by the Bangla Academy. The other valuable manuscript, Nazrul';s ''Dhumketu'' was published by the Nazrul Academy. Besides, the Muktijuddha Jadughar, Bangla Academy, Bangali Samagra and some other institutions have been enriched by the rare souvenirs and documents donated by her.

Selina Bahar Zaman';s multifarious socio-cultural contribution did not end there. At her own expense and putting tremendous pressure on her health she engaged herself in publishing some valuable commemorative volumes. With the re-printing of the ''Habibullah Bahar Smarak Grantha'' (1995) started her new phase of literary work. ''Jahur Hossain Chaudhury Smarak Grantha'' (1996), ''Anwara Bahar Chaudhury Smarak Grantha ''(1997), ''Shamsuddin Abul Kalam Smarak Grantha'' (1999), ''Shamsunnahar Mahmud Smarak Grantha'' (2002), ''Begum Rokeya Smarak Grantha'' (2002) and ''Shaukat Osman Smarak Grantha'' (2003) completed the list of this genre. Her latest remarkable work was the compilation of letters of some luminaries of colonial and post-colonial period titled ''Kaek Chatra Praner Patra ''(2004) containing 86 rare letters and 51 photographs.

Selina Bahar';s last piece of literary work, ''Pathe Chale Jete Jete,'' remained unfinished and unpublished because of her sudden death on 4 December, 2004. [Shirin Akhtar] [Akhtar, Shirin Professor (retd) of History, Jahangirnagar University]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জামান, সেলিনা বাহার]]

Zakiganj Upazila

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'''Zakiganj Upazila''' ([[Sylhet District|sylhet district]]) area 287.33 sq km, located in between 24°51' and 25°00' north latitudes and in between 92°13' and 92°30' east longitudes. It is bounded by [[Kanaighat Upazila|kanaighat]] upazila and Meghalaya state of India on the north, [[Assam|assam]] state of India on the south and east, [[Beanibazar Upazila|beanibazar]] upazila on the west.

''Population'' Total 198399; male 99822, female 98577; Muslim 177842, Hindu 20513, Christian 10 and others 34.

''Water bodies'' Main rivers: [[Surma River|surma]], [[Kushiyara River|kushiyara]]; Balai Haor; Dhankuri Beel, Dubail Beel, Singaikuri Beel are notable.

''Administration'' Zakiganj Thana was formed in 1947 and it was turned into an upazila in 1983.
{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="9" | Upazila
|-
| rowspan="2" | Municipality || rowspan="2" | Union || rowspan="2" | Mouza || rowspan="2" | Village || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Density (per sq km) || colspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Urban || Rural || | Urban || Rural
|-
|
1
|
9
|
119
|
276
|
16307
|
182092
|
690
|
48.75
|
44.91
|}
{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="6" | Municipality
|-
| Area (sq km) || Ward || Mahalla || Population || Density (per sq km) || Literacy rate (%)
|-

|-
|
6.39

|
9

|
17

|
10762

|
1684

|
53.41
|}

{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
|-
| colspan="6" | Upazila Town

|-
|
Area
(sq km)

|
Mouza

|
Population

|
Density (per sq km)

|
Literacy rate (%)

|-
|
9.56

|
3

|
5545

|
582

|
39.39

|}

{| class="table table-bordered table-hover"
| colspan="5" | Union
|-
| rowspan="2" | Name of union and GO code || rowspan="2" | Area (acre) || colspan="2" | Population || rowspan="2" | Literacy rate (%)
|-
| Male || Female

|-
|
Kajalshar
47

|
9708

|
11115

|
10932

|
41.97

|-
|
Khas
Kanakpur 38

|
4616

|
8274

|
8433

|
45.67

|-
|
Kholachhara
57

|
7658

|
9574

|
9273

|
37.48

|-
|
Zakiganj
85

|
5349

|
7102

|
6704

|
45.86

|-
|
Bara
Thakuri 19

|
5111

|
9861

|
9873

|
41.22

|-
|
Barahal
15

|
439

|
13994

|
14038

|
42.94

|-
|
Birasree
28

|
8268

|
10255

|
9959

|
51.34

|-
|
Manikpur
66

|
9884

|
12958

|
12537

|
46.27

|-
|
Sultanpur
76
|
5481
|
11157
|
11598
|
49.69
|}
''Source'' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.

[[Image:ZakiganjUpazila.jpg|thumb|400px]]
''Archaeological heritage and relics'' Nawabi Mosque at Khilgram, Sajid Bazar Mosque, Gayibi Dighi at Bara Thakuri (a stone inscription of 400 years old, now preserved in the [[Bangladesh National Museum|Bangladesh national museum]], has been discovered from this dighi).

''History of the War of Liberation'' The Pak army entered into Zakiganj in April 1971 for the first time. During the [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] the Pak army conducted mass killing and extensive plundering in the upazila; they also set many houses on fire.

''Marks of the War of Liberation'' Mass grave 2 (Atgram Bazar and Kaliganj Bazar)

''Religious institutions'' Mosque 463, temple 73, tomb 9.

''Literacy rate and educational institutions'' Average literacy 45.22%; male 49.97%, female 40.46%. Educational institutions: college 4, secondary school 23, primary school 127, community school 14, kindergarten 4, madrasa 47. Noted educational institutions: Gurusadoy High School (1857), Barahal Ahia High School ((1935), Ichamati Bohumukhi High School (1957), Phultali Alia Madrasa (1920).

''Newspapers and periodicals'' Quaterly: Banshari; defunct: Shishir.

''Cultural organizations'' Library 3, club 8, press club 1, literary society 1, playground 10.

''Main sources of income'' Agriculture 46.06%, non-agricultural labourer 9.06%, industry 0.74%, commerce 12.84%, transport and communication 1.64%, service 5.80%, construction 1.84%, religious service 1.19%, rent and remittance 6.93% and others 13.90%.

''Ownership of agricultural land'' Landowner 51.31%, landless 48.69%; agricultural landowner: urban 44.41% and rural 51.94%.

''Main crops'' Paddy, soybean, vegetables.

''Extinct or nearly extinct crops'' Sesame, mustard, sweet potato.

''Main fruits'' Mango, jackfruit, banana, papaya, betel nut.

''Fisheries, dairies and poultries'' This upazila has a number of fisheries, dairies, poultries and hatcheries.

''Extinct or nearly extinct traditional transport'' Palanquin, horse carriage, bullock cart.

''Noted manufactories'' Rice mill, welding factory.

''Cottage industries'' Goldsmith, weaving, wood work, tailoring.

''Hats, bazars and fairs'' Hats and bazars are 3, most noted of which are Zakiganj Bazar, Kaliganj Bazar and Shahagli Bazar.

''Main exports'' Betel nut, fish.

''Access to electricity'' All the wards and unions of the upazila are under rural electrification net-work. However 17.54% of the dwelling households have access to electricity.

''Sources of drinking water'' Tube-well 36.83%, tap 1.61%, pond 59.81% and others 1.74%. The presence of intolerable level of arsenic has been detected 18.19% in shallow tube-well water of the upazila.

''Sanitation'' 27.44% (rural 25.35% and urban 50.44%) of dwelling households of the upazila use sanitary latrines and 68.68% (rural 70.93% and urban 43.93%) of dwelling households use non-sanitary latrines; 3.88% of households do not have latrine facilities.

''Health centres'' Upazila health centre 1, union health and family welfare centre 10, private hospital 4.

''NGO activities'' Operationally important NGOs is [[BRAC|brac]]. [Md. Abdul Hakim]

''References'' Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics; Field report of Zakiganj Upazila 2010.

[[Category:Upazilas of Bangladesh]]

[[Category:Local Government]]

[[bn:জকিগঞ্জ উপজেলা]]

Zakat

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'''Zakat''' an Arabic word, meaning sanctity and growth. In fact, the mind of a person who gives zakat is sanctified from the greed for wealth and from miserliness. Moreover, the poor have a right on a portion of the wealth of the rich. Allah says, “And in their wealth and possessions (was remembered) the right of the needy, him who asked, and him who was prevented from asking” (51:19). Therefore, the wealth of the rich is sanctified by donation of a part of it as zakat. Allah says, Of their goods take alms (''s''''a''''d''''a''''q''''a'') that so though mightiest purify and sanctify them” (9:103). The word zakat means growth. It is mentioned in the [[quran]] that “that which ye lay out for charity, seeking the Countenance of Allah will increase: it is these who will get a recompense multiplied” (30:39).

According to Shariah, if the wealth of a Muslim is sufficient enough to meet the necessary expenses of himself and his family in a year and the wealth remains in his possession for the year, he is to donate certain amount from the accreted surplus to purposes sanctioned by the Shariah. Such donation is called zakat.

Like [[namaz]], zakat is a ''farz'' (obligatory) religious rite. The instruction to give zakat and perform namaz appears conjointly in many places of the Quran. For instance, the surah Al-Muzzammil says, “And establish regular Prayer and give regular Charity; and loan to Allah a Beautiful Loan” (73:20). It is to be noted that before the revelation of detailed rules on zakat the companions of the Prophet (Sm) used to donate almost all their surpluses that remained after meeting their necessary needs. On this issue the Quran mention: (Oh Muhammad,) They ask thee how much they are to spend; Say: “What is beyond your needs” (2:219). Still later, with revelation of the verse 9:103, the zakat was perfected and it was made a farz for all Muslims.

Hazrat Abu Bakr (R) declared a ''jih''''a''''d'' against those two Muslim clans who refused to give zakat. He said, “I swear upon Allah, I will start ''jihad'' (holy war) against any person who will differentiate between zakat and namaz” (Bukhari and Muslim, ''Kit''''a''''b-uz-Zakat'')

An analysis of the Quran and the texts of [[hadith]] literature suggests that in the Islamic social system, zakat is treated as the main mechanism of attaining equitable distribution of income, social harmony and economic equity and equilibrium. Zakat has been made for the rich a tool for circulation of wealth in the society and its expansion, solution to the unemployment problem, and poverty alleviation. No other religion has such economic programme. The Great Prophet (Sm) said, “Take it for sure that Allah made it obligatory for the rich to give zakat that should be collected from them for distribution among the poor” (Bukhari and Muslim, ''Kitab-uz-Zakat'').

The people who can be taken care of by the zakat system are the destitute and the needy, such as the poor, orphans, widows, crippled and male and female persons who have no capacity to earn and buy the minimum for survival.

The surplus amount of wealth of a person that calls for an imposition of zakat is called ''nis''''a''''b''. Nisab is equal to (a) two hundred ''dirh''''a''''ms'' (52.5 ''tol''''a''''s'' in measures of Bangladesh) of silver; (b) twenty ''mihk''''a''''ls'' (7.5 tolas) of gold; or, (c) one-fortieth of the total value of gold, silver and commodity in possession. The amount of zakat to be given on crops harvested from land irrigated by rivers, rains or any other natural means is one-tenth of the harvest; in case a farmer irrigates land by other means, the zakat will be one twentieth of the harvest; on wealth obtained by way of booty in war with non-Muslims, or the wealth extracted from mines or excavations, the zakat is one-fifth of such wealth.

Zakat is to be given for the possession of livestock, too. Subject to zakat are animals such as camels, cattle, rams (goats/lambs), and (according to Hanafis,) horses. Nisab is accounted for (a) five camels, (b) thirty heads of cattle, or (c) forty rams (goats/lambs). In these cases, the zakat comprises a ram (goat/lamb), a two-year old calf, or a ram respectively.

The heads under which zakat can be distributed have been fixed by Allah Himself. This is why zakat can not be utilised in heads other than the fixed rates. In identifying these heads, Allah says: “Alms (sadaqa) are for the poor and the needy, and those employed to administer (the funds); for those whose hearts have been reconciled to truth; for those in bondage and in debt; in the cause of Allah; and for the wayfarer: (thus is it) ordained by Allah, and Allah is full of knowledge and wisedom”(9:60). [Muhammad Mansurur Rahman] [Rahman, Muhammad Mansurur former Principal, Madrasa-e-Alia, Dhaka]

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:যাকাত]]

Zakaria, Mohammad

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[[Image:ZakariaMohammad.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Mohammad Zakaria]]
'''Zakaria, Mohammad''' (1923-1993) actor and producer, was born in the district of Birbhum, West Bengal. He passed the matriculation examination from Sewri Benimadhab Institution. While studying for the Intermediate examination at Hetampur College he took a government job in the office of the Registrar of Joint Stock Company. Mohammad Zakaria was instinctively attracted to acting. In 1944, he first acted in Navanna, a play written' by [[Bhattacharya, Bijan|bijan bhattacharya]] and produced by' Indian People's Theatre Association of [[Calcutta|calcutta]].

Subsequently, he became associated with different theatre groups such as Bahurupi, Theatre Centre, Lokanatyam etc and became famous for his acting ability. This was quite unusual in contemporary Muslim society. Among the plays in which he acted with distinction are Ulukhagda (1950), Chhenda Tar (1952), Dashchakra (1952), Dharmaghat (1953), Raktakarabi (1954), Dakghar (1957), Aghatan Ajo Ghate (1961), Ek Peyala Coffee (1962), Psychotherapy, etc.

In 1956, at the invitation of [[Bulbul Lalitakala Academy|bulbul lalitakala academy]] (BAFA) Bahurupi came to Dhaka and staged [[Tagore, Rabindranath|rabindranath tagore]]’s Raktakarabi and [[Lahiri, Tulsi|tulsi lahiri]]’s Chhenda Tar.

In 1964, Zakaria came to [[Dhaka|dhaka]] from Calcutta and acted in two films directed by [[Raihan, Zahir|zahir raihan]] Bahana (1965) and Behula (1966) and in Syed Mohammad Parvez's film, Begana (1966).

In 1966, Mohammad Zakaria joined the Dhaka centre of Pakistan Television as a producer. This move helped him to use his talents for the stage, and to produce Radio and Television plays in Dhaka. In Dhaka, he first performed in [[Chowdhury, Munier|munier chowdhury]]'s Kabar (1972), a play produced by Theatre. He was one of the founding members of Theatre and also its vice-president. Major stage and TV plays he acted in subsequently include Subachan Nirbasane (1974), Chardike Yuddha (1976), Payer Aoyaj Paoya Yay (1976), Dui Bon (1978), Othello (1981), Macbeth (1983), Akhano Krtadas (1983), Pratibeshi and Idiot. His interpretation of the characters of 'Baba' (father) in Subachan Nirbasane, 'Pirsaheb' in Payer Aoyaj Paoya Yay and 'Mathurda' in Dui Bon earned him the admiration of many.

Zakaria introduced a distinct style of acting in the work he did from the 1940s to the 1980s. He became noted particularly by translating plays and writing creative essays on the theatre. He was felicitated and given enthusiastic receptions and prizes by various institutions for his literary and cultural achievements.

Among the prizes he received are the National Drama Festival Award (New Delhi, 1954), Ekushey Padak of Bangladesh Government (1981), Kazi Mahbubullah Zebunnesa Trust Medal (1983), Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy Prize (1978), Bangladesh Film Journalist Association Prize (1985), Sequence Award of Merit (1980), and Sammilita Sanskritik Jot Padak (1992). He was honoured in the Gunijan Sangbardhana of Dhaka Theatre (1981), a reception organised by Loknatya Dal (1991). In 1999, Theatre introduced the 'Mohammad Zakaria Memorial Medal' in his honour. [Anupam Hayat]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জাকারিয়া, মোহাম্মদ]]

Zainuddin Ahmad Khan

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'''Zainuddin Ahmad Khan''' naib nazim (deputy governor) of Bihar under Nawab [[Alivardi Khan|alivardi khan]] and Father of Nawab Sirajuddaula. He was the youngest son of Haji Ahmad, elder brother of Alivardi Khan. His real name was Mirza Muhammad Hashim. He was invested with the title of 'Khan' during the time of Nawab [[Shujauddin Muhammad Khan|shujauddin khan]]. Like his brothers [[Nawazish Muhammad Khan|nawazish muhammad khan]] and [[Sayed Ahmed Khan|sayed ahmed khan]], he contributed much in strengthening and infusing efficiency in administration and worked harmoniously with Alivardi Khan. Zainuddin married Alivardi's youngest daughter [[Amina Begum|amina begum]] (mother of [[Sirajuddaula|sirajuddaula]]), and after Alivardi's assumption of office as the nawab of Bengal, he was raised to the post of naib nazim of Bihar and was given the title of Haibat Jang.

During the time of Nawab Alivardi Khan, the Marathas conducted repeated raids and pillaged and sacked vast tracts of land in Bihar and Bengal. There was a large number of Afghans serving in the nawab's army. When the Marathas invaded in 1744 under Bhaskar Pandit, Alivardi Khan, in collusion with Mustafa Khan, the Afghan general in the Bengal army, treacherously killed Bhaskar along with most of his followers. The remaining Maratha army fled away for safety. After this Mustafa Khan expected that he would be remunerated by the nawab for his gallantry with the post of governorship of Bihar. When he was deprived of it, he revolted and an armed conflict became imminent. The revolted general stormed Mongyer and then made an assault on Patna. At the first instance Zainuddin defended the capital and put down the revolt. Subsequently Nawab Alivardi Khan arrived there with a huge army and chased the rebels out of Bihar.

Mustafa Khan again invaded Bihar and also instigated Raghuji Bhonsle to make an attack on Bengal. Zainuddin promptly repulsed the Afghan attack. Mustafa Khan was shot and killed. Raghuji next entered Burdwan and passed through Birbhum. His troops looted and plundered whatever they found on their way. Although Raghuji was driven back, his follower Mir Habib got a chance of entering Murshidabad and continued their plundering there. Finally Alivardi Khan was successful in pushing them back.

In 1748, in the wake of Ahmad Shah Durrani's invasion of the subcontinent, the Afghans were inspired to establish their rule in the eastern provinces by overthrowing Alivardi Khan. The Afghan ex-soldiers revolted, took the control of Patna city in their hand and murdered Zainuddin Ahmad in 1748. On hearing this heart-rending news, Alivardi Khan moved against them, crushed the insurgents with iron-hand and rescued Amina Begum, the widow of Zainuddin, with her two sons. [KM Karim]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জৈনুদ্দীন আহমদ খান]]

Zainuddin, Sheikh

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[[Image:ZainuddinSheikh.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|''Saras'' Artist- Sheikh Zainuddin]]
'''Zainuddin, Sheikh''' an artist of the company period. He was one of the local artists who rose to prominence under European masters. He deserves a rank next to Shaykh Muhammad Amir of Karaya. In the late eighteenth century he worked under Lady Impey, the wife of Sir [[Impey, Sir Elijah|elijah impey]], Chief Justice of Calcutta Supreme Court. Among the three eminent artists she brought from Patna to make realist sketches of birds and animals of her private zoo, Zainuddin was the foremost. All the artists of Mrs. Impey were conversant with decadent Mughal Patna Qalam (pen) or style. When they came in contact with European patrons and artists they adopted European style and technique to keep themselves employed for earning livelihood. Most of these artists worked by using Mughal Patna Qalam and European technique side by side.

From 1777 to 1782 Sheikh Zainuddin worked on Whiteman art paper manufactured in England for his transparent watercolour sketches. For his tinted drawings and sketches he employed meticulous calligraphic strokes reminiscent of the works of Mughal Court artist Ustad Mansur. The works of Zainuddin breathe an arm of blending of traditional Mughal painting with an admixture of European style. His drawings of mountain-rats, hanging bats, parrots, storks etc serve as interesting Zoological studies and at the same time they have high aesthetic qualities. These are now preserved in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. [Nazma Khan Majlis]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জয়নুদ্দীন, শেখ]]

Zafar Khan Ghazi Mosque and Dargah

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'''Zafar Khan Ghazi Mosque and Dargah''' situated at Tribeni in [[Pandua, Hughli District|hughli]] district, West Bengal, India, are considered to be among the earliest surviving Muslim monuments in Bengal. According to an inscription, the mosque is dated 698 AH/1298 AD. Tribeni (junction of three rivers viz, the Ganga, the Jamuna and the Sarasvati - hence the name) was an ancient holy place of the Hindus. The Muslims conquered it during the early phase of their conquest of Bengal.

[[Image:ZafarKhanGhaziMosquePlan.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Ground Plan, Zafar Khan Ghazi Mosque]]
The mosque is an oblong structure measuring 23.38m x 10.53m externally. It is the earliest surviving example of the brick-and-stone style introduced by the Muslims in Bengal in place of the traditional Hindu style of laying rectangular cut stones one upon another without mortar. The stones used in the mosque were originally materials from temples, as evidenced by figures of Hindu deities carved on some pieces. The original structure has suffered reconstruction a number of times.

There are five arched entrances in the east wall. Stumpy hexagonal stone piers support the arches. The mosque represents the multi-domed oblong type developed by the Muslims in Bengal in which the number of domes on the roof equals the number of entrances in the east wall multiplied by those on either side. The north and south walls have two doors each. There are thus ten domes roofing the mosque. The interior of the structure is broken into two longitudinal aisles and five short bays by means of stone pillars, creating ten equal compartments. The brick-built domes rest on stone pillars and pointed arches with brick pendentives at the corners.

The silhouette of the successive pointed arches has added to the spaciousness and grandeur of the mosque interior. Corresponding to the five entrances in the east, there are five mihrabs in the west wall contained within multifoil arches. The mihrab wall shows sparse decoration within panels. The cornice and the parapet of the structure are straight. The mosque follows the Bengali type with only the prayer chamber without court, riwaq and minaret. A significant feature of the mosque interior is that a brick wall up to the level of the arch-spring has closed the bay at each end, north and south, across the middle. These are the only parts of the mosque which show terracotta ornamentation. The southern part is in a fair state of preservation and shows a panelled composition. The central panel is broken into two halves vertically by means of rosettes within square frames - the lower depicting a swinging creeper with luxuriant leaf age and the upper two half-arch motifs with a finial in the thick of shrubs and foliage. The flanking panels are similarly disposed and ornamented. All the panels depict multifoil arches with finials. The vegetal motifs betray local influence and speak of the Muslim adaptive spirit.

The ornamentation of the northern bay wall is in ruins, but surviving traces show its dissimilarity from the southern. The composition here shows two small vertical panels each containing a multifoil arch with a finial from which hangs a chain ending in a round pendant. What is significant about these bay walls is that they are completely incongruous with the mosque interior but their ornamentation surprisingly resembles that in the [[Bagha Mosque|bagha mosque]] (1524) in Rajshahi district.

Only yards away to the east of the mosque, beyond an open courtyard, stand two square rooms aligned east-west side by side, the western housing two graves - those of Zafar Khan Ghazi and his wife and the eastern showing four graves on a masonry platform. The walls are built of old temple materials - rectangular stone pieces - and the rooms are without a roof and open to the sky. A rectangular shallow niche enters them through a central door in the north wall flanked on either side with a trefoil arch above. The northern door of the western room is made up of a Hindu frame as shown by carved Hindu figures. The eastern room shows sculptured scenes from the [[Ramayana|ramayana]] and the [[Mahabharata|mahabharata]]. There are other stone sculptures fixed at the plinth on the outer face. It is, however, surprising that the structure neither conforms to a Hindu temple nor to a Muslim tomb. What is probable is that it was built on a makeshift plan with reshuffled temple materials. The unsettled nature of Muslim occupation of the region at the time supports such a suggestion. [Muhammad Hafizullah Khan]

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:জাফর খান গাজী মসজিদ ও দরগাহ]]

Zafar, Sikander Abu

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[[Image:ZafarSikanderAbu.jpg|thumb|right|400px|Sikander Abu Zafar]]
'''Zafar, Sikander Abu''' (1919-1975) litterateur and journalist, was born at Tentulia in Satkhira (greater Khulna) on 19 March 1919 where his grandfather Syed Alam Shah Hashemi had settled after coming from Peshwar in Pakistan. His full name is Syed Al Hashemi Abu Zafar Muhammad Bakht Sikander.

He passed Entrance examination (1936) from the neighbouring Tala B Dey Institute and passed Intermediate from Ripon College, Kolkata. He started his career in the military accounts section (1939) in Kolkata. He also worked with the Globe News Agency of Satyendranath Majumdar for some time.

Abu Zafar came to Dhaka from Kolkata in 1950 and began to work as a journalist for the Daily [[Nabajug, The|nabajug]], the [[Ittefaq, The|ittefaq]], the [[Sangbad, The|sangbad]] and the Millat. He founded and edited (1959-1970) a monthly magazine called [[Samakal, The|samakal]]. He also set up a printing press called Samakal Mudrayan and a publishing house named Samakal Prakashani in 1958.

Abu Zafar was one of the activists of the cultural movement that launched the concept of Bengali nationalism in East Bengal in the 1960’s. During the [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] in 1971, he composed a number of lyrics of patriotic and revolutionary nature to encourage the people of his country. His song ‘Amader sangram chalbei’ (Our struggle must continue) inspired people during the liberation war.

Although Zafar is chiefly remembered as a poet, he was also proficient in prose. Noteworthy among his works are the, novels, Purabi (a certain musical note, 1941), Natun Sakal (New dawn, 1946), the short stories, Mati ar Ashru (Soil and tears, 1942), the collection of poems, Prasanna Shahar (Cheerful city, 1965), Timirantik (At the end of darkness, 1965), Bairi Brstite (In the pelting rain, 1965), Brshchik-Lagna (The scorpion-time, 1971), Bangla Chado (Leave Bengal, 1971), the plays, Siraj-ud-Daula (1965) and Mahakabi Alaul (1966), and a collection of songs, Malava Kaushik (1966).

His translated works include Yadur Kalas (Magical pitcher, 1959), Saint Luier Setu (The Saint Louis bridge, 1961), Rubayyat: Omar Khayyam (Quatrains of Omar Khayyam, 1966), etc. He was awarded the Bangla Academy Award (1966) for his plays and the Ekushey Padak (1984, posthumous). He died in Dhaka on 5 August 1975. He lies buried at Banani graveyard. [Golam Kibria Pinu]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:জাফর, সিকান্দার আবু]]

Yusufzai, Nowsher Ali Khan

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'''Yusufzai, Nowsher Ali Khan''' (1864-1924) writer and philanthropist, was born in the village of Charan in [[tangail]]. He passed the Entrance examination in 1881 from [[pogose school]] in Dhaka and FA in 1887 from [[dhaka college]]. He studied for the BA, but was unsuccessful in examination. Nevertheless, it can be said that he was the first Muslim to qualify for FA in Tangail district. While studying for his BA he married Rahimunnesa, a daughter of the zamindar of Pakulla. He was appointed to the post of Sub-Registrar of Pakulla in 1889 and was upgraded to Sub-Deputy Registrar in 1891. He was the first Muslim in this post in Tangail. He retired from his job in 1919.

Nowsher Ali was associated with different social and educational institutions of his locality and of Kolkata. He was also a good speaker. Development of the backward Muslim society was his main concern. He wrote books in prose and verse. Some of his works are ''Ba''''b''''g''''i''''ya Mussalm''''a''''n'' (1891), ''Shaishab Kusum'' (Poem, 1895), ''Dalil Registrari Shik''''sa'' (1897), ''Uchcha B''''ab''''g''''a''''l''''a'''' Shik''''sa''''bidhi'' (1901), ''Notes on Mohammedan Education in Bengal'' (1903), ''Mussalman J''''a''''t''''i''''ya Sa''''b''''g''''i''''t'' (1909), ''S''''a''''hitya Pratibh''''a'' (1914), ''Sahitya Shiksa'' (1915). ''Bangiya Mussalman'' and ''Notes on Mohammedan Education in Bengal'' reflect his social consciousness, national feeling, humanity, educational interests, economic and political sense, and earned his a place in society. Nowsher Ali Khan died on 9 May 1924 in his village. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil former Vice Chancellor, National University]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:ইউসুফজয়ী, নওশের আলী খান]]

Yusufzai, Abdul Hamid Khan

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'''Yusufzai, Abdul Hamid Khan''' (1845-1915) journalist, litterateur and politician, was born in Charan village of [[tangail]] district. Both he and [[mir mosharraf hossain]] worked as managers of the local zamindar of Delduar. Yusufzai was secular and progressive and edited and published a secular fortnightly called the [[ahmadi]] (1886), which was financed by the wife of the Zamindar, Karimunnessa Khanam Chowdhurani. However, the ''A''''hmad''''i'' got embroiled in a lawsuit against another magazine called [[akhbare islamia]] over issues relating to the killing of cows and the ''H''''a''''n''''a''''fi-L''''a''''-Mazh''''a''''bi''.

[[mir mosharraf hossain]] and Yusufzai helped each other in their works. Yusufzai worked with [[surendranath banerjea]], became associated with Congress politics, and got involved in [[swadeshi movement]] (1905-11) and anti-British activities. His first book, ''S''''a''''rsangraha'' (First volume, 1887), is a collection of didactic pieces in prose and verse. His other poetical works are ''Bir''''a''''gsa''''b''''g''''i''''t ''(1880), ''Prabodhsa''''b''''git ''(1891) and ''Ud''''a''''s''''i'' (1905). ''Udasi'', a collection of short poems and legends, is considered his best work. Love of humanity, of the motherland, spiritualism and civics were the main subjects. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil former Vice Chancellor, National University]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:ইউসুফজয়ী, আবদুল হামিদ খান]]

Yusufganj Mosque

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[[Image:YusufganjMosque.jpg|thumb|400px|right|Yusufganj Mosque]]
'''Yusufganj Mosque''' is situated at village Yusufganj in [[Sonargaon Upazila|sonargaon upazila]] of [[Narayanganj District|narayanganj district]], about 500 meter to the west of the Mograpara crossing of the Dhaka-Chittagong highway and about 1000 meter to the east of Dargabari on the northern side of the road that leads to Mograpara. The mosque is now in a renovated condition, and although much of its original features have been lost, its antiquity can be traced back to the 15th century in view of it's having some characteristics of sultanate architecture.

The mosque is a square building measuring 9 meter a side in the exterior and 5.5 meter in the interior. There are three entrances on the east of which the central one is wider (1.2 meter wide), the side ones being 86 cm wide. The original entrances on the north and south have now been turned into windows. The pointed arches of the entrances have lost their original shape due to plastering, and the original curved cornice has now been straightened. Of the three mihrabs in the interior, the central one being projected outside with a half dome, and the side mihrabs are now converted into shelves. The dome of the mosque is carried on squinches, and its outer merlon decoration appears to be modern.

Extensive renovation has given the mosque a modern look. Both the interior and exterior have been plastered, lime washed and painted, thereby obliterating all original decorations. The mosque is extended by pucca roofed closed verandas on the south and east sides. Grilled windows are placed on the walls. A staircase has been added in the southwest corner. The mosque is presently being used as a jami mosque. [Muazzam Hussain Khan]

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:ইউসুফগঞ্জ মসজিদ]]

Yusuf Jan, Khwaja

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'''Yusuf Jan, Khwaja''' (1850-1923) a member of the Dhaka nawab family, a social worker, and a pro-people leader. Khwaja Yusuf Jan was born in Dhaka on 21 January 1850. Following the family tradition, he learnt Arabic, Urdu, and Persian as well as English from private tutors. He was a member of the Dhaka Municipality from 1884 to 1923, either elected or nominated. He was the Chairman of Dhaka Municipality from 1897 to 1901, Vice-Chairman from 1901 to 1905, and again Chairman from 1905 to 1916. He was the Vice-Chairman of Dhaka District Board from 1897 to 1905 and Chairman from 1921-1923. Khwaja Yusuf Jan was a member of the East Bengal Legislative Assembly, a post that he held for a long time since 1907, as a representative of the municipalities of Dhaka Division. He was Honorary Magistrate of Dhaka for 28 years. The contribution that he made towards the improvement of the water works and sewerage system of Dhaka City is remembered even today.

In 1883, Khwaja Yusuf founded the 'Mohammedan Association'; to organise the Muslims of Dhaka. On 16 October, 1905, the day of the 'Partition of Bengal';, a meeting of the Muslim leaders of the surrounding region was convened at the Northbrook Hall in Dhaka under the leadership of Nawab Salimullah. In this meeting the Mohammedan Association was renamed 'Mohammedan Provincial Union';. This was the first political platform of the Muslims of Bengal and Khwaja Yusuf was made its secretary. Later, he presided over the meeting of the provincial Muslim League that was held in Dhaka on 16 October 1910. He also presided over the meeting that was convened to stage agitation against the Repeal of the [[partition of bengal]].

Yusuf Jan was associated with organisations such as the All India [[muslim league]], the Executive Committee of the Bengal Land Holders'; Association, East India Association-London, Dhaka Mitford Hospital Managing Committee, [[jagannath college]] Governing Body, Dhaka Madrasa Managing Committee, Executive Committee of the Northbrook Hall and Library, Standing Committee for the appointment of Qazis, Managing Committee of the Dhaka Orphanage and the [[salimullah muslim orphanage]], Lunatic Asylum (Dhaka) and Ahsanullah Engineering School Committee. In addition, he was the secretary of the Managing Committee of Lady Duffrein Hospital, Dhaka, and a visitor of the Dhaka Central Jail.

In recognition of his services to the people the British Government awarded him a Certificate of Honour in 1903 and the titles of ''Khan Bahadur'' in 1904 and ''Nawab'' in 1910. The Municipality of Dhaka named a market after him at Naya Bazar in 1913. Nawab Mohammad Yusuf Jan died on 8 November 1923 and he was buried at Begumbazar in the family graveyard of the nawabs of Dhaka. [Mohammad Alamgir] [Alamgir, Mohammad Keeper and In-Charge, Ahsan Manzil Museum, Dhaka]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:ইউসুফজান, খাজা]]

Yusuf-Zulekha

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'''Yusuf-Zulekha''' a romantic story in verse written in the [[bangla language]].[[ shah muhammad sagir]], a court-poet of Sultan Giyasuddin Azam Shah of Gaura (1389-1410), wrote the book in the 15th century at the Suntan';s request. The book upholds the teachings of religion and ethics through love stories culled from the Holy Quran, where moral teachings and the greatness of the Almighty are expressed through the love story of Yusuf and Zulekha. Alongside, the religious teachings, human sentiments as well as the greatness of [[islam]] has been depicted in the work. The book ends with the supernatural story of the love between Ibn Amin, Yusuf';s brother, and Bidhuprabha. The last part of the book represents the writer';s contribution to the original story.

Written in ''pay''''a''''r'', or a metrical measure with lines of fourteen syllables, and ''tripad''''i'', another Bangla meter with three feet, the book is split into chapters narrating some trivial events. The mention of [[raga]] and [[tal]], or tune and measures, at the beginning of each chapter indicates that the pieces were originally meant for singing. The diction and the style of the work bear the signs of urbanity.

In addition to [[shah muhammad sagir]], medieval poets like [[abdul hakim]], [[shah garibullah]], Gholam Safatullah, Sadeq Ali and Fakir Mohammad wrote stories based on the Yusuf-Zulekha motif. The first two of these poets wrote in Bangla while others used a mixture of two languages reminiscent of ''Dobh''''asi'''' ''literature. Ferdousi (11th century) and Jami (15th century), two great figures of [[persian]] literature, also wrote verses on the love story of Yusuf and Zulekha to uphold Sufistic mysticism. Some poets of Bengal have also followed in their tradition. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil former Vice Chancellor, National University]

[[bn:ইউসুফ-জুলেখা]]

Yusuf, Moniruddin

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[[Image:MuniruddinYusuf.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Moniruddin Yusuf]]
'''Yusuf, Moniruddin''' (1919-1987) writer and translator, was born on 13 February 1919 in the zamindar family of Boulai in [[Kishoreganj District|kishoreganj]] district. His father was Maulvi Misbah. It is said that his forefathers belonged to a Mughal family. They spoke Urdu at home and so his initial education began under an Urdu teacher. Later he was admitted to the local Middle English school. Thereafter, he studied at Ramananda High School at Kishoreganj and the Zila School at Mymensingh. He passed his Entrance examination from the Zila School (1938) and intermediate from Dhaka Intermediate College (1940). He then got admitted to the Bangla Department of Dhaka University but before his final examination was over he went to Calcutta, and then to Delhi, and ended up working in Bombay.

However, he returned home after nine months and did business for sometime. He then came to Dhaka and joined the Pakistan Observer and later the [[Sangbad, The|sangbad]] as a journalist. Finally, he joined the public relations department of the [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]], retiring from this organisation in 1979. He used to edit the corporation's journal Krishi Samachar.

Moniruddin wrote 28 books of poems, fiction, plays, essays, biographies, works for young people, translations and autobiography. Some of his well-known books are: (fiction) Jhader Rater Shese, Panser Kanta, Or Bayes Yakhan Egaro; (play) Isha Khan; (essays) Rumi’s Masnavi (1966), Urdu Sahityer Itihas (1968), Bangla Sahitye Sufi Prabhab (1969), Amader Aitihya O Sanskriti (1978), Karbala: Ekti Samajik Ghurnabarta, Sanskriti Charcha (1980), Bangladesher Sarbik Agragatir Laksye Ekti Prastab (1984), Naba Mulyayane Rabindranath (1989); (biography) Hazrat Fatema O Hazrat Ayesha; (works for young people) Chhotader Islam Parichay and Mahakavi Ferdousi; (autobiography) Amar Jiban, Amar Abhijvata (1992).

Alongside Bangla he also did research on Urdu and Persian literature. Among his best works are his history of Urdu literature and his translation of Ferdousi's epic Shahnama into Bangla in six volumes (1991). The works he has translated include Iqbaler Kavya Savchayan (1960), Diwan-e-Ghalib (1964), Kalame Raghuib (1966) etc. Quite a few of his manuscripts remain unpublished. Moniruddin Yusuf was also attracted to films. He began directing a film titled Madhurati but was not able to complete it.

Moniruddin was awarded with five prizes in recognition of his contribution to literature. These include the Governor's gold medal, Habib Bank Literary Award, Bangla Academy Literary Award (1978), Abul Mansur Ahmed Literary Award and Ekushey Padak (1993, posthumous). He died in Dhaka on 11 February 1987. [Ayub Hossain]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:ইউসুফ, মনিরউদ্দীন]]

Youth Development

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'''Youth Development''' means mainly the welfare of the youth by providing them with guidance, education, training and employment. Bracketed within the age-group of 15-30 years, the youth constitute over 30% of the [[Population|population]] of Bangladesh. Around 75% of this age group lives in rural areas. Youths are a strategic segment of the population and organised youths can bring about critical changes in society.

In 1991, the youths accounted for 40% of total labour force of the country and the ratio for males was 36.7% and for females 45.8%. The youths being the most energetic, creative, dynamic and innovative segment of the labour force, was not considered in the past as a special group, for which the government could plan employment promotion programmes for sustained development. In 1978, the government of Bangladesh set up a new ministry with the name Ministry of Youth Development, which was later merged with the Ministry of Sports. The Department of Youth Development (DYD) was established in December 1980 and it started functioning in March 1981.

The youth development programmes of the government, especially those organised by the DYD provide vocational education and training to the underemployed and unemployed youth for their gainful employment and enhanced opportunities for income generation. About half of the total number of youths in the country are estimated to be unemployed or underemployed-handicapped with [[Poverty|poverty]] and lack of adequate skill and training. Most young men and women, therefore, remain outside the mainstream of development paradigm. The government of Bangladesh implements a number of skill training and credit programmes to make the youth prepared for self-employment.

The First Five-Year Plan of Bangladesh (1973-78) indicated the need for an integrated approach for the development of the youth and the Plan pursued some limited social welfare oriented services to the youth through specialised establishments such as youth hostels and youth welfare centres. The Two-Year Plan (1978-80) allocated an amount of Tk 95 million for youth development programmes, of which Tk 70.1 million was utilised. The physical target set for the plan period (2 years) was to train 42,255 unemployed youths, of whom 36,200 were actually trained. Allocation for youth development programmes in the Second Five-Year Plan (1980-85) was Tk 260 million, of which Tk 196 million was utilised and approximately 42,000 unemployed youths received training in different vocations and trades and 2,999 youths took up self-employment projects during the plan period. The Third Five-Year Plan (1985-90) allocated Tk 170 million for continuation of youth development programmes. Implementation of a new project titled Thana Resource Development and Employment Project (TRDEP) aiming at poverty alleviation of the youth through self-employment started in July 1988 with an extra budgetary allocation of Tk 760 million. The physical target fixed under youth development programmes during the third Plan period was to train 43,935 unemployed youths and the achievement was 97.7% at the end of the plan period.

Youth development programmes of the Fourth Five-Year Plan (1990-95) envisaged self-employment promotion, poverty alleviation, skill development training and community development through voluntary youth organisations. Tk 1.6 billion was allocated through [[Annual Development Programme|annual development programme]]s for implementation of these activities. The physical target set for the plan period was to train 358,701 youths in different trades, out of which 304,388 were actually trained. Expansion of [[Microcredit|microcredit]] facility among the trained youth was an important feature of youth development during this period. Credit disbursed during the plan period was Tk 306.9 million. TRDEP was extended to 32 thanas with the assistance of Asian Development Bank. The total number of target beneficiaries was 192,000 and all of them were brought under the microcredit network. Encouraged by the success of TRDEP, Family Based Employment Programme was undertaken in 50 selected thanas with a credit fund of Tk 1.25 billion during the plan period. Youth Training Centres on residential basis were expanded from 6 to 10 districts to train rural youths in livestock, fishery and tree plantation and also to motivate them to get involved in different socio-economic activities including literacy, primary healthcare, family welfare, environmental improvement, resource conservation, etc. Besides, 3 Zonal Resource Training Centres were established at 3 divisional headquarters to train landless rural beneficiaries in different socio-economic activities. Youth activities were expanded from 50 thanas of 31 districts to 230 thanas of 64 districts.

The major objectives of youth development programmes of the government are to encourage the youth for gainful self-employment through motivation, skill training, microcredit and other necessary input support and to expand facilities for improving working skills and suitable training in technical, vocational and professional fields. The allocation in the Fifth Five-Year Plan (1997-2002) for youth development programmes was Tk 6.28 billion and the distribution was: spillover projects (9) - Tk 4 billion, TRDEP - Tk 1.5 billion, skill development and training programme - Tk 0.25 billion, self-employment promotion for the trained youths - Tk 0.20 billion, community development through voluntary youth organisations - Tk 0.15 billion, population and family welfare programmes through youth clubs - Tk 0.030 billion, and involvement of college/university students/ educated youths in self-employment/national social service - Tk 0.15 billion.

Youth development programmes of the government have now been expanded to 480 upazilas. The DYD imparts residential training on livestock, poultry rearing and pisciculture to unemployed youths of the rural areas. 250,000 unemployed youths are now given skill development training annually on various trades through over 300 training centres in 64 districts. The trades include computers, electrical wiring, refrigeration and air-conditioning, repair of electronic items, etc. Different activities are also being pursued through youth clubs and these include empowerment of rural women, environmental protection, poverty alleviation, healthcare of mother and child and raising awareness about effects of high rate of growth of the population.

From 1981 upto December 2008, the DYD has imparted skill development training in various treades to 3 million, 94 thousand 949 youths of them, over 1.73 million have become self-employed. [Helal Uddin Ahmed]

[[bn:যুব উন্নয়ন]]

Young Bengal

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'''Young Bengal''' a socio-intellectual label that was given by the contemporary Calcutta society to the students of [[Hindu College|hindu college]] who followed their teacher Henry Louis Vivian [[Derozio, Henry|derozio]], a free thinker and rationalist.

Derozio taught his students to develop critical outlook about life and societal processes. He taught them how social institutions take root and develop and how people become attached to dead and fossilised ideas and institutions. Drawing examples from world history and philosophy, Derozio tried to persuade his students to love knowledge and abandon the habit of believing groundlessly. To his students his repeated sermon was 'to live and die for truth'.

The most favourite students of Derozio were a band of brilliant students of the Hindu College like Krishnamohan Bndyopadhyay, Rashik Krishna Mallik, Dakhinaranjan Mukhopadhyay, Ramgopal Ghose, Madhab Chandra Mallik, [[Lahiri, Ramtanu|ramtanu lahiri]], Maheshchandra Ghose, Sibchandra Deb, Harachandra Ghose, Radhanath Sikder, Govindachandra Basak, Amritalal Mitra and others. They were inspired and excited by a spirit of free thought and revolt against the existing social and religious structure of the Hindu society.

As a mark of emancipation from decayed traditions they exulted in taking beef and drinking wine, which they regarded as a yardstick to measure their freedom from all religious superstition and prejudice and a notable effort to break social fetters. Many of Derozio's students found logic and substance in the arguments of the [[Christian Missionaries|christian missionaries]] against many superstitious and cruel beliefs of the Hindus. Quite a number of them including Dakhinaranjan Mukhopadhyay and Krishnamohan Bandyopadhyay even left Hinduism and embraced Christianity.

In 1828 Derozio founded with his students the 'Academic Association', which organised debates on various subjects. Derozio's students read the writings of Voltaire, Hume, Locke, Tom Paine and others and quoted them freely in their debates. Another organisation of the Young Bengal was the 'Society for the Acquisition of General Knowledge' founded in 1838. Tarachand Chakravarty was the president of the society and secretaries were [[Mitra, Peary Chand|peary chand mitra]] and [[Lahiri, Ramtanu|ramtanu lahiri]].

The Young Bengal published quite a few journals between 1828 and 1843 to give wider publicity to their views and principles. Among these were the Parthenon, Hesperus, Jnanannesan, Enquirer, Hindu Pioneer, Quill and the Bengal Spectator. Only one issue of the Parthenon came out in 1830 and then it discontinued. Encouraged by the missionaries, the Young Bengal group published the Jnanannesan (Quest for Knowledge) for disseminating their views. It had a longer life; starting in 1831, it continued up to 1844. Organised by Rashik Krishna Mallik, Jnanannesan was a bilingual journal aimed at educating the people in the science of government and jurisprudence. Krishnamohan started the Enquirer in 1831 and vehemently criticised the orthodox community that had mobilised its forces against the young radicals. Many of the Young Bengal faced with social excommunication and social pressure were brought to bear on them to persuade them to give up their radical views. The articles written by members of Young Bengal and published in the Hindu Pioneer (started in 1838) clearly showed the growth of political consciousness among them. The Quill, run by Tarachand Chakravarty, also was critical of the government.

In their writings the Young Bengal expressed frustrations about the unequal political status of the natives and Europeans. The Bengal Spectator, a progressive publication, was perhaps the last of the Young Bengal journals. Starting in 1842, these monthly-published articles on social, political and economic problems of the period and discussed such subjects as female education and remarriage of Hindu widows. Later it became a daily.

Besides their attacks on Hinduism, the Young Bengal supported most vocally the westernization processes initiated by the colonial state and their agencies. The Young Bengal movement is one of the most controversial phases of the [[Bengal Renaissance|bengal renaissance]] in the nineteenth century. They earned both unstinted praise and outright condemnation. They were connected with the efforts made for the introduction of western medical education in the country, which ultimately led to the foundation of the [[Calcutta Medical College|calcutta medical college]] in 1835. They also encouraged the students of the Medical College to overcome the prevailing prejudice against dissecting dead bodies and soon the prejudice was removed. Some scholars assert that the Young Bengal activists were the pioneers of the Bengal Renaissance. There is no doubt that they contributed much to the awakening of Bengal in the early nineteenth century.

The greatest folly on the part of the Young Bengal, however, was that they found perfection in everything western. Oriental ways of life and thought appeared to them superstitious and unacceptable. Their aversion to native practices and their uncritical adoption of western habits and manners, though unsuccessfully, made them hateful in the eyes of the natives in general.

The Young Bengals were indeed too young to grasp and evaluate the significance of freethinking and disinterested questioning. Their half-baked knowledge about western civilization and their ignorance of the oriental culture and historical processes made them highly audacious to the extent of downgrading Bengal culture and achievements as a whole. Consequently, in spite of their eloquent arguments against many aspects of contemporary life and institutions, they failed to enlist support from the Bengal literati and sustain their ideology. The Young Bengal spirit proved to be ephemeral and shallow and faded away as quickly as it appeared. In the later part of the nineteenth century Young Bengal turned into a social gossip. [Sirajul Islam]

Yogir Bhavan

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'''Yogir Bhavan''' a village under Paikar union of Kahaloo upazila in Bogra district, about 8 kilometer southwest of [[Mahasthangarh|mahasthangarh]]. Yogir Bhavan is famous for the settlement of the Nath sect of Shiva Sannyasis (mendicants). The settlement area of this sect was about 80 acres of land.

The whole settlement or built-up area is divided into two enclosures by a partition wall. The western enclosure has two ruined shrines called Darma Dungi and Gadighar. The eastern enclosure contains four temples dedicated respectively to Sarvamangala, Durga, Kala Bhairava and Goraksanath. Unfortunately all the icons once worshipped in these temples are now missing. The Sarvamangala temple is highly ornamented with carved bricks and terracotta plaques. These temples were built in the 17th and 18th centuries AD, as evidenced by inscriptions and architectural styles. They were probably built with materials found in the same site. [Ayub Khan]

[[bn:যোগীর ভবন]]

Yoga Philosophy

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'''Yoga Philosophy''' see [[Sada Darshan|sada darshan]].

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Yoga

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'''Yoga''' see [[Sada Darshan|sada darshan]].

[[bn:যোগ]]

Yishu Pat

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'''Yishu Pat''' a form of folk painting based on the life of [[Jesus|jesus]] Christ. [[Patua|patua]]s who live in a few villages under Pingla thana in Midnapore district of [[West Bengal|west bengal]], usually draw such Patachitras. Yisu pats, mainly drawn according to the specifications of individuals, are quite different from mainstream patachitras. The birth of Jesus on a jar in a cowshed, religious sermons by Jesus to his disciples, spiritual communication between Jesus and God, crucifixion of Jesus, etc are the themes of Yisu pats. [Yas Vanu Begum]

''See also'' [[Pata Painting|pata painting]].

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:যিশুপট]]

Yazdani, Mohammad Raushan

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'''Yazdani, Mohammad Raushan''' (1917-1967) collector and researcher of [[folk literature]]. He was born in the village of Bidyaballabh in Mymensingh on 15 Falgun 1324 BS (1917 AD). His father, Sheikh Ali Kabir, was an Ayurvedic practitioner. After receiving his primary education in a local madrasah, Mohammad Raushan studied up to class ten at Ashujia High School. Around this time he grew negligent of his studies on account of his parents'; death and passed his days practising music in the company of [[baul]]s. Later, he married and entered domestic life. Afterwards, at different stages of his life, he worked as a teacher at a village primary school, as a clerk of the Debt Settlement Board, and as a proof-reader of the ''Daily ''[[azad]] and Franklin Publications.

Raushan Yazdani used to collect Bangla folk literature and write essays on them which were published in contemporary magazines and newspapers. Thus he acquired reputation as a folklorist. Two of his notable books are ''Mymensh''''a''''h''''i''''r Lokas''''a''''hitya'' (1951) and ''P''''u''''rba Pakistaner Lokas''''a''''hitya'' (1966). He also wrote two folk poems titled ''Chinubibi'' (1951) and ''Kh''''a''''t''''a''''mun Nab''''ii''''n'' (1960). He died in his native village on 23 June 1967. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil former Vice Chancellor, National University]

[[Category:Biography]]

[[bn:ইজদানী, মোহাম্মদ রওশন]]

Yasmeen, Nilufar

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[[Image:YasmeenNilufar.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Nilufar Yasmeen]]
'''Yasmeen, Nilufar''' (1948-2003) artiste in [[Classical Music|classical music]], [[Nazrul Songs|nazrul songs]] and songs of Atulprasad, Dwijendralal and Rajanikanta. Born on 13 February 1948 Nilufar got the support from her parents in cultivating music from her early childhood. She was the fourth among her five sisters and in fact, all sisters earned reputation as artistes. Farida Yasmeen, the eldest, and Faozia Yasmeen, the second were both noted singers, Nazma Yasmeen, the third performed well as an actress and in recitation of poems and, Sabina Yasmeen, the youngest among the sisters is one of most outstanding singers of the country. Nilufar had an extraordinary skill in several areas of music. Besides classical music, she was remarkably proficient in singing the old style [[Tappa|tappa]], [[Thungri|thungri]], [[Kirtan|kirtan]], as well as the modern songs. Nilufar Yasmeen passed Secondary School Certificate and Higher Secondary Certificate Examinations in 1963 and 1965 respectively.

She completed BA (Honours) in Sociology from the University of Dhaka in 1968 and did her masters in the same subject from the same university in 1970. She started taking formal lessons in classical music under Pundit PC Gomes in 1964. Later she studied and was trained under the music gurus of both East and West Bengal such as Prashun Bandyopadhyay, Mira Bandyopadhyay, Ustad Sagiruddin Khan, Ustad Fazlul Haq, and Ustad A. Daud. She took lessons on Nazrul songs under Sheikh Lutfar Rahman and Shudhin Das.

Nilufar was married to noted filmmaker and composer [[Rahman, Khan Ataur|khan ataur rahman]] (1928-1997). She worked as a television artiste from very early age of her life. In recognition of her performance as a playback singer, she received the Bangladesh Cine Journalists Association Award in 1975, National Film Artiste Award in 1986 and Ekushey Padak (posthumously) in 2004.

The University of Dhaka appointed her as lecturer in the Department of Dramatic Arts and Music in 1995. Nilufar Yasmeen died of cancer on 10 March 2003 and in memory of the late artiste and teacher, her elder sister had established a scholarship for the best performing student of music at the university of Dhaka. [Saim Rana]

[[Category:Red links]]

[[Category:Biography]]

Yama Pat

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'''Yama Pat''' a canvas with paintings on the life hereafter, and is chiefly in use among the Hindus. The paintings depict the after-death judgement by Yama, the god of death, sufferings in hell, and the rewards of heaven. The paintings related to hell are usually horrid and abominable. But the paintings depicting the rewards feature attractively the amorous sports of the pious with beautiful women.

The yama pat paintings are mostly used as tools of moral education rather than as object of arts. The style of these paintings is usually crude and vulgar. Yama pats were in currency in the seventh century before the birth of Christ. At that time, a group of people, known as Maskari, tried to impart ethics and religious instruction by showing these pictures. The Maskaris used to paint scenes of sinners being tormented and the dreaded figure of the god of death. The [[Patua|patua]]s of Bengal generally narrate various stories through their paintings and draw the hell scene at the end. The ancient custom of yama pat is still extant in society. [Yas Vanu Begum]

[[Category:Art]]

[[bn:যমপট]]

Yam

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'''Yam''' large, sub-aerial soft starchy, tuberous root of any of various climbing vines of the genus Dioscorea, having about 600 species under the family Dioscoreaceae. There are about 11-12 cultivated species in the tropical and subtropical regions. The most common cultivated specie are ''D. alata'', ''D. rotunda'', ''D. opposita'', ''D. cayenansis'' and ''D. esculanta''. Yam is the chief food of millions of people in West India, South Afiica, Central Africa and tropical Asia. In Bangladesh D. alata has the largest yield; average yield per plant is about 8 kg.; flesh is white or cream coloured and may even be pink or purple. D. esculanta is a smaller palatable yam also cultivated in some places. They are cultivated in April or May by cutting the tuber having one or two young stem bud. In Bangladesh it is cultivated mainly as homestead plant and consumed as vegetable. The wild species are not exploited for either food or for any steroidal sapogenins related to sex hormones or cortico-steriods. [Mostafa Kamal Pasha]

''See also'' [[Tuber Crop|tuber crop]].

[[Category:Flora]]

[[bn:লতালু]]

Yajna

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'''Yajna''' Hindu religious rite during which Vedic mantras seeking divine blessings are recited and burnt offerings thrown into the sacred fire. Through yajna the devotees ask for different boons: wealth and prosperity, destruction of enemies, victory in war, cure in sickness, and paradise. Yajna developed in Vedic times and gradually became firmly established in society. During this period yajna was the main religious rite, which is why a major Vedic literary tradition, called Brahmin literature, emerged around it. During yajna fire is essential. It is called the mouth of the gods and through fire, it is believed, all burnt offerings reach the gods. In other words, if an offering meant for a god is thrown into the fire while someone is reciting Vedic hymns, the fire will ensure that the particular god will receive the offering.

In Vedic yajna three types of fire were needed: domestic fire, ahbaniya (invokable) fire and daksinagni fire. After erecting the yajna hall, the three fires were installed on its three sides. On the west was placed the domestic fire, on the east the ahbaniya fire, and on the south the daksinagni. The domestic fire represented the family and was kept alive throughout the ceremony. The ahbaniya fire was for the gods and daksinagni was for one's ancestors.

Four family priests were needed for the yajna: hota, adhvaryu, udgata and brahma. The hota used to recite hymns from Rg Veda to invoke the yajna god, the adhvaryu used to perform rites relating to the burnt offering, the udgata used to sing hymns from Sama Veda, and brahma used to oversee the work of the three priests and advise them. Each one of these priests could have three assistant priests. Thus a total of 16 priests were employed. In some yajnas, all the 16 priests were needed.

There were five types of yajnas in Vedic times: hom, isti, pashu, soma and satrayaga. There were also special yajnas for securing kingdoms or overlordships such as rajasuya, vajapeya, ashvamedha and naramedha. Rajasuya and asvamedha yajnas were known even during the days of the [[Ramayana|ramayana]] and the [[Mahabharata|mahabharata]]. Offerings included milk, milk products, and dishes made from pounded grain. In the pasu yajnas, goats, cows, buffaloes and horses were sacrificed. In naramedha yajna, human beings were generally not killed. Though during the yajna a man would be tied up, he would be set free after the rites were over. The priests who performed the yajna were given gold, cows, clothes or horses.

Vedic yajnas have now declined in importance. Their place has been taken over by jvanayajva, japayajva and namayajva, although on some special occasions like marriages and deaths, Vedic yajnas are still performed, albeit much less elaborately than in the past. [Paresh Chandra Mandal]

[[bn:যজ্ঞ]]

Wudu

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'''Wudu''' act of washing face, hands and feet. It is an [[arabic]] word. According to Islami Shariat (Islamic Law), washing the face, hands and feet in prescribed manner before saying prayers, reciting the Holy [[quran]] etc, is called Wudu. In the performance of Wudu four acts are Faraz (compulsory): washing of the face, washing of both the hands including the elbows, washing of both feet up to the ankles, and to ''M''''a''''sah'' (pass the wet hand over) at least one fourth of the head. While sitting for performing the Wudu, continuous rinsing of mouth and nostril by water is also included in Wudu. It is Sunnat. Description of water suitable for Wudu has been given in the Fikh Shastra (jurisprudence). If due to the lack of suitable water for Wudu or illness or any physical disability that makes it difficult to perform the Wudu in proper way one may make himself clean for prayer by doing Masah. Masah is an alternative procedure to Wudu, where one makes himself clean for prayer or any other religious activities by having the ''Niyyat'' and passing the hands over the face and both forearms up to the elbow after touching clean sand or mud. Usually in the mosque or in the place of Salat (prayer) there are good arrangements for Wudu. According to the Sunni Mazhab, ''Masha ''of both the feet (when they are covered by thick socks) instead of washing is approved by Shariat. Mukim or permanent resident has the permission to ''Masah'' the feet instead of washing for 24 hours and for the same the ''Mus''''a''''fir'' (one who stays away from his residence) has the permission for 72 hours. [ARM Ali Haidar] [Haider, ARM Ali Professor of Islamic Studies, Dhaka University]

[[Category:Religions]]

[[bn:উযু]]

Writing Material

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'''Writing Material''' substances used in writing, eg [[Paper|paper]], pens, ink. Before the introduction of paper, ancient people used stone, copper plate, palm leaf, birch bark (Bhurja patra), cloth fabric, jute pulp paper and parchment as writing materials.

''Stone'' It is very difficult to ascertain exactly when the stone began to be used as a writing support. A stone inscription was recovered from Mahasthan, Bogra, belonging to the king Ashoka of 3rd century BC and was written with Brahmi-lipi and probably the earliest stone inscription in Bengal. In Bangladesh, proto Bengali and Sanskrit inscriptions on the surface of turrets, at the base of stone sculptures and on the entrance of temples are occasionally seen. On top of these, Persian and Arabic inscriptions are seldom found in a calligraphic form on [[Sandstone|sandstone]] and basalt at the entrance of a few mosques. The occasional writings on marble stone are still continuing. Varieties of stone inscriptions are kept in different museums of Bangladesh bearing the witness of the use of stone as a writing material. There are two types of writing on the stones, which are (i) engraving, and (ii) writing with a brush.

''Copper plate'' specially made polished copper material of suitable size used for writing the important facts of the people of ancient Bengal. It does not mean the utensil. Before the introduction of paper, copper plate was one of the main supports for writing particularly in India and Bengal. Thus, many copper plates of [[Bangladesh National Museum|bangladesh national museum]] are bearing facts of the past. A copper plate was discovered in the village of Dhanaidah of Natore district at the time of digging a pond. It belongs to the period of first Kumargupta of 433 AD, containing land donation letter in Sanskrit and can be regarded as the earliest. The technique of writing on copper plate is interesting. Probably the text to be narrated was first written by piece of charcoal on the copper plate. An expert of this kind engraved letters one with a sharp chisel. After engraving, a paste made of charcoal dust mixing with oil or juice of plant, was rubbed over the text and wiped off the excess, which made the writing clear and distinct.

''Palm leaf'' a thick cluster of large palmate or pinnate leaves at the top of a palm tree used as a symbol of victory or success and as a writing support. Before the introduction of paper, palm leaf was one of the main supports for writing and painting particularly in south and southeast Asian countries including India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and Kampuchea. For several centuries it remained by far the most important support. It is difficult to say exactly when the palm leaf first began to be used for writing.

A fragment of the text of a 2nd century Indian drama, discovered at Turfan in Central Asia, is perhaps the earliest known palm manuscript. It is almost certain that the earlier manuscripts have been completely destroyed owing to the tropical climate of India and Bangladesh. The palm leaf manuscripts of 4th, 6th, and 7th century have been discovered in different libraries and museums but they are also in fragments. Many old manuscripts written on palm leaves are being preserved in different old libraries and museums of the country including the national museum. A lot of palm leaf manuscripts of Dhaka University and Bangladesh National Museum are of 10th to 12th century. So, it may be said that palm leaf was used as popular writing support during Pala and Sena dynasty. Two types of writing such as incision and writing with pen or brush are found on palm leaves. These manuscripts also had illustrations, either incised or painted with a brush. The palm leaves could not be bound like a book. These were stored between two wooden panels that were slightly larger in size than the leaves. These wooden boards were sometimes painted or decorated with ivory and mother of pearl inlay work.

''Bhurja Patra'' (Birch Bark) any tree or shrub of the genus Betula, comprising species with a smooth, laminated outer bark and close-grained wood. In Bangladesh no information is available on Bhurja patra (birch bark) used as a writing material but examples on Bhurja patra applied for preparing mantra are found. According to the Greek historians it was very popular in India as writing material. The oldest Bhurja patra manuscript known so far belongs to the 2nd or 3rd century AD. It is found in fragments that described Dhammapada written with Kharosti script. The use of Bhurja patra as writing material continued upto the Mughal period. Later, paper replaced both palm leaf and Bhurja patra. However, Bhurja patra, which is supposed to be very sacred writing material in India, is used till today for writing religious books as well as for preparing sacred mantras.

''Cloth fabric'' a fabric formed by weaving, felting, etc from wool, hair, silk, flax, cotton or other fibre used for garments, upholstery and many other items. Cloth fabric was one of the writing materials but it is very difficult to mention when it first started to be used because it is perishable material in our climatic condition. Cloth fabric has always been and still is an important support for painting throughout the world and also in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh there was a tradition of preparing royal documents and invitation letters on cloth fabrics, which were kept in scroll. In the last part of the nineteenth century, artists of Bengal (present Bangladesh) used canvas as supports for oil painting and that continue till today. Besides these, nowadays banners and commercial advertisements are prepared on cloth fabrics.

''Parchment'' heavy paper like material made from the skin of sheep or goats and used for writing on. Parchment was never a popular writing material in Bengal or India not even during the Muslim period. But the academic certificates of Calcutta University and sanads of Viceroy of India from 1886 to 1934 AD were written and printed on the coated parchment and some of them are preserved in Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka.

''Jute pulp paper'' fibre from the outer skin of certain tropical plants used for making paper. The early technique (before 1876) of paper manufacturing process of the different parts of Bengal was more or less same. Such a process where jute was used as the chief raw material was widely adapted in Bogra and Sirajganj districts, Bangladesh.

''Paper'' substance made in thin sheets from wood pulp or rags and used for writing, printing or drawing on, or for wrapping and packing things. Presently it is the most popular writing material and also used for many other purposes. [Md Saber Ali]

''See also'' [[Paper|paper]].

[[bn:লিখন উপাদান]]

Writers’ Building

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[[Image:WritersBuilding.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Writers building, kolkata]]
'''Writers' Building''' the secretariat building of the State Government of West Bengal, India, and the seat of the Chief Minister of West Bengal, has obtained historical significance through its long continuation under the same name ever since the erection of the East India Company's' Fort William' in Calcutta (now Kolkata) in 1702. In 1776, when the British rule in Bengal was virtually established and company's clerks then called 'writers' increased manifold, a new structure was established by governor [[Hastings, Warren|warren hastings]] to accommodate the writers. From that time the complex was called Writers Building. But the Writers' Building continued to serve the residential purpose of the company's clerks until 1800, when Fort William College was established in part of the building, and clerks were shifted to other places for accommodation. The Writers' Building then became the secretariat of the British colonial state. The Building was expanding fast in view of the increasing need of the colonial empire. The most remarkable expansions and alterations took place in years 1821, 1830, 1871-74, 1877-82, and 1879. Every time new blocks were added to the main complex, known to all as Writers' Building.

The Writers' Building complex is a classical European architecture which began its journey from being the residential shanties of the company's clerical staff and ended up being the epitome British imperial power in the east. To the general people of Bengal, the Writers' Building turned out to be the symbol of bureaucratic power and red-tapism and also of corruption. This building frequently figured in literary treatment all over British India and beyond, whenever British colonial state power, bureaucratic grandeur, lobbying and corruption were characterized. [Nasrin Akhtar]

[[Category:Architecture]]

[[bn:রাইটার্স বিল্ডিং]]

Writ Petition

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'''Writ Petition''' legal instrument of the superior courts for remedies to persons, natural or jural, against the arbitrary or illegal actions of any authority or the lower court. There are five kinds of writs, namely certiorari, habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition and quo warranto. Originated first in England, these writs were exercised by the judges of the King's Bench and called prerogative writs exercised by that Court on behalf of the King. Article 102 of the Constitution of Bangladesh provides for granting remedies similar to that of the above writs, though it does not speak of any of such writs in specific terms. Sub-clause (i) of clause (a) of sub-article (2) of article 102 provides for remedies similar to that of writs of prohibition and mandamus. Sub-clause (ii) of clause (a) of the same article provides for remedy similar to writ of certiorari. Sub-clause (i) of clause (b) of the sub-article (2) of article 102 provides for remedy similar to that of habeas corpus and sub-clause (ii) of the same clause (b) provides for remedy similar to that of quo warranto.

Certiorari means 'be certified' of the proceedings of any lower court or tribunal to be investigated by the superior court. Records of any pending or concluded proceedings before any authority or court including a tribunal can be called for by the High Court Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh for its examination as to the legality or otherwise of the said proceedings. Under sub-clause (ii) of clause (a) of article 102, not only legality of a proceedings but also any act done by a person, performing functions in connection with the affairs of the Republic or a local authority, can be declared to have been done without any lawful authority and with no legal effect. Thus remedy under the aforesaid sub-clause (ii) is wider than that of the remedy available in a writ of certiorari. In a writ of certiorari, superior court interferes when the lower court or tribunal acts without any jurisdiction or in excess of its existing jurisdiction or in cases where it fails to exercise its jurisdiction; for example, when it decides a case without giving an opportunity to the parties to be heard or violates the principle of natural justice or if there is an error apparent on the face of the record of such proceedings. But under sub-clause (ii) of clause (a) of article 102, the High Court Division can also declare any act done by any authority, which is neither a judicial nor a quasi-judicial, to be without lawful authority.

Habeas Corpus means 'have his body'. This is a British Law for the protection of liberty of a subject against his illegal detention in public or private custody since 1640. The King's Bench issues writ of habeas corpus to examine as to whether a person was illegally detained in custody. Under sub-clause (i) of clause (b) of sub-article (2) of article 102 of the Bangladesh Constitution, the High Court Division, on the application of any person, directs that a person in custody be brought before it to satisfy itself as to whether he is being held in custody with or without lawful authority. If the Court finds that he is being illegally held in custody by the authority, it then can declare the same to be without lawful authority. Section 491 of the Code of Criminal Procedure also authorizes the High Court Division to issue a direction in the nature of a writ of habeas corpus to bring before it a person detained in public or private custody in order to see as to whether he is being detained illegally or improperly. If the High Court Division finds that such a person is being held in custody, illegally or improperly, it then directs the detaining authority or person to set him at liberty.

Mandamus means 'we command'. By writ of mandamus, the superior court directs any person, corporation, lower court or government to do something, specified therein, which pertains to his or their office and is in the nature of a public duty. This writ is issued when the lower tribunal has declined to exercise jurisdiction vested in it or any public authority declined to do what he is required by law to do. Sub-clause (i) of clause (a) of sub-article (2) of article 102 of the Constitution authorizes the High Court Division to direct a person performing functions in connection with the affairs of the Republic or a local authority to do what he is required by law to do. This remedy is available when any right of a person, arising from any law and not from any contract, is violated. The applicant must show that he has a legal right to the performance of legal duty by the person or authority against whom the writ is prayed for.

Prohibition means 'to forbid' from doing something. In other words, it is a writ issued by the superior court to a lower court, tribunal or administrative authority prohibiting it from doing something which it is not authorized by law to do. Prohibition is a preventive writ and issued to stop illegal exercise of power of jurisdiction to the detriment of any legal right of a person. Sub-clause (i) of clause (a) of sub-article (2) of article 102 of the Constitution authorizes the High Court Division to direct a person performing any functions in connection with the affairs of the Republic or local authority to refrain from doing what he is not permitted by law to do.

Quo Warranto means 'by what warrant or authority'. Writ of quo warranto provides remedy against illegal occupation or usurpation of any public office or franchise or liberty. It enables inquiry into the legality of the claim, which a person asserts to an office or franchise and to oust him from such position, if he is an usurper. The holder of the office has to show to the court under what authority he holds office. Such remedy is available under sub-clause (ii) of clause (b) of sub-article (2) of article 102 of the Constitution from the High Court Division. [Kazi Ebadul Hoque]

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Worm

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'''Worm''' long, slender, soft-bodied, legless, bilateral invertebrates including the flatworms, roundworms, acanthocephalans, ribbon worms (nemerteans), and annelids. Many of the worms are parasitic, but there are also a large number of free-living forms occurring in the soil and in aquatic habitats.

'''''Filarial worm''''' Long and thin nematode parasite belonging to the super-family Filarioidea. Among those causing harm, ''Wuchereria bancrofti'' infection occurs in varying degrees in parts of Bangladesh. But the northern districts appear to have a high prevalence. ''Brugia malayi'' was reported once only from the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Both ''W. bancrofti'' and ''B. malayi'' appear in humans, and are transmitted by the [[Mosquito|mosquito]], produce the disease elephantiasis or [[Filariasis|filariasis]]. Some other filarial worms are found in monkeys in Bangladesh. ''W. bancrofti'' and ''B. malayi'' live in the lymphatic system. ''W. bancroti'' males are about 40 mm long and the females are about 82 mm. Females can produce thousands of larvae which are called microfilariae. The microfilariae leave the lymphatic ducts and appear in the blood stream between 10 PM and 2 AM. The appearance in the blood stream coincides with the appearance of the mosquito at night.

When mosquitoes feed on the blood, microfilariae are ingested also. They undergo development in the mosquito and enter a person during a blood meal. The microfilariae mature in the lymph vessels. Adult worms may block the flow of lymph and cause the lymphatic ducts to swell. Elephantiasis is the enlargement of the scrotum, breasts or legs. Hydrocoele is a condition where the lymph fluid is forced into the lining of the testes causing swelling. Varicose develops when lymph fluid return is obstructed. Milky urine develops due to lymph being forced out.

Several genera of mosquitoes transmit ''W. bancrofti''. In Bangladesh ''Culex quinquefasciatus'' is the known vector and ''Cx. pipiens fatigans'' has also been incriminated with filariasis. Prevalence in them can vary from 0.2 to 45%.''W. bancrofti'' infection has been reported from Dhaka city, Thakurgaon, Nilphamari, Dinapjur, Rangpur, and Rajshahi districts. Fifteen to 30 year old people are most vulnerable. The prevalence of infection can range from 7.2% to 32.8%. The northern districts appear to have a higher prevalence rate than other areas. ''B. malayi'' and ''W. bancrofti'' look alike, but the male ''B. malayi'' is smaller (13 mm). The microfilaria are also different. The worms live in the lymphatics and elephantiasis can occur chiefly in the arms and legs. The vector is a mosquito belonging to the genera Mansonia, Aedes, and Culex. [Joseph D'Silva]

'''''Hookworm''''' Any of a number of blood sucking nematodes in the phylum Nematoda, order Strongiloidae that live as parasites in humans and other mammals, and attach themselves to the host's intestine by means of hooks. The body of these worms is slightly curved anteriorly; hence the name 'hookworm'. Hookworm infection in man is caused by infestation with ''Ancylostoma duodenale'' or with ''Necator americanus''. A number of species infest cattle, pig, dog, cat and other animals. Heavy infections lead to bleeding, anaemia, and loss of iron. Males are 8 to 11 mm and females 9 to 13 mm long. A female hookworm can lay 5,000 to 10,000 eggs daily. In Bangladesh hookworm infections have been reported from Comilla, Noakhali, Dhaka, Barisal, Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Mymensingh. Eggs are found both in soil and in stool. Prevalence may be as high as 50%. Adults are more susceptible than children; males tend to be more infected than women, perhaps because of their preoccupation with farm work. Infection by ''N. americanus'' is more common than by ''A. duodenale''. Ignorance, poor hygiene, and general living conditions allow hookworm infection to be present in Bangladesh.

Hookworm infection is more prevalent in rural areas where people do not wear shoes or stockings, and where the soil is contaminated by human excrement. The larva of the hookworm, living in moist soil or mud, easily penetrates the exposed skin; usually the sole of the foot, and is then carried by blood to the lungs. The early sign of hookworm infestation is a dermatitis at the site of entry, commonly known as 'ground itch'. The human hookworm causes anaemia, weakness, and abdominal pain.

''A. caninum'' is the common hookworm of dog, reported in cat and jackal. Incidence in dogs may be as high as 28%. ''Bunostomum bovis'' infests cattle. The rate of infection is about 5% in Bangladesh. [AWM Shamsul Islam and Joseph D'Silva]

'''''Roundworm''''' Common name for members of the phylum Nematoda; in popular parlance however, the term refers to the worm appearing in man, namely, ''Ascaris lumbricoides''. But roundworms in man should also refer to ''Trichuris trichura'', the whipworm; ''Enterobius vermicularis'', the pinworm; ''Ancylostoma duodenale'', the hookworm; and ''Strongyloides stercoralis'', the threadworm all of which occur in the intestine.

In Bangladesh, rural and urban populations, children and tertiary level students harbour one or more of these roundworms. Most of the data comes from studies carried out in Dhaka city and its periphery, especially on children. The occurrence of roundworms has been linked to nutritional deficiencies, low weight and low haemoglobin. Poor sanitary conditions, illiteracy, ignorance, environmental conditions, perception of mothers all contribute to the high rate of roundworm infection in Bangladesh. The rate of ''A. lumbricoides'' infection can be as high as 92% or as low as 25%; infection occurs when its eggs are swallowed. The eggs are voided in the faces and carried in the water.

Open latrines in the villages are the biggest source of infection in Bangladesh. Eggs can appear in soil and also on leafy vegetables. Uncooked vegetables, water and unwashed hands can be sources of infection. Each female ''A. lumbricoides'' can lay up to 250,000 eggs per day, and eggs can remain viable buried in the soil for several months. Whipworm infection is due to a roundworm ''T. trichura''. It is called a whipworm because the posterior end is rather large and the anterior two-third of the body is threadlike. The worms are 30 to 50 mm long, the male being slightly shorter than the female. Each female can lay 3,000 to 50,000 eggs per day. The eggs enter the body when swallowed with food or water. [Joseph D'Silva]

''See also'' [[Ascariasis|ascariasis]]; [[Nematode| nematode]].

[[Category:Fauna]]

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World Heritage Sites

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'''World Heritage Sites''' are declared by the UNESCO considering the leading natural and cultural features of the objects prevailing worldwide including Bangladesh. About 890 famous sites were declared as World Heritage Sites for having such unique features till 2009. Among those, 689 sites have rich cultural heritage, 176 are naturally unique and 25 sites bear both the features. The World Heritage Committee, the approving body of UNESCO has divided the globe into five geographical zones. These are (1) Africa and Arab Zone (including the Middle East), (2) Asia and the Pacific Zone (including Australia and Oceania) (3) Europe and North America (4) Latin America and (5) Caribbean. New world heritage sites are declared every year after the approval of the World Heritage Committee. If any enlisted site is not maintained properly, the Committee omits its name from the list. The World Heritage Committee is constituted for a period of four years comprising representatives from 21 countries across the globe.

The Committee also supervises the management function of each of the world heritage site. All declared world heritage sites are given financial support from the World Heritage Fund for proper protection and maintenance. The UNESCO adopted this decision of extending financial support in its special meeting on 16 December 1972. So far, 186 countries of the world including Bangladesh ratified the 'Convention Concerning the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage'.

Three spots of Bangladesh have been declared world heritage sites till 2009. These are: Paharpur Buddhist Monastery of Noagaon, Bagerhat Mosque City and the Sundarbans. The first two sites are parts of world cultural heritage and the rest belongs to world's natural heritage, as the Sandarbans is the largest mangrove forest of the world.

[[Image:Paharpur1.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|right|Somapura Mahavihara, Paharpur]]
Paharpur Buddhist Monastery, also known as the [[Somapura Mahavihara|somap]][[Somapura Mahavihara|Ura mahavihara]], was declared a world heritage site in 1985. [[Buchanan, Francis|buchanan]] Hamilton spotted this archaeological site in 1807-12. [[Cunningham, Sir Alexander|alexander cunningham]], a famous archaeologist visited this site in 1879 and identified it as a Hindu temple. [[Archaeological Survey of India|archaeological survey of india]], [[Varendra Research Society|varendra research society]] and University of Calcutta jointly started excavation in this site in 1923. Excavation work of this archaeological site was carried out in several phases throughout Pakistan era, and in the post liberation era in sovereign Bangladesh. Remains of a large Buddhist monastery of 274.15 metre x 273.70 metre area was discovered here.

The World Heritage Committee includes a site in its heritage list considering several criteria. It declared Paharpur a new world heritage site considering the fact that it was a unique architectural monument of pre-Islamic era located to the south of Himalaya. The temple in the centre of the single largest architectural complex of the ancient periodwas a rare example of artwork on stone reliefs and terracotta plaques of Pala era depicting an extraordinary aesthetical outlook. It has been presumed that the architectural design of the Paharpur monastery had influenced the architects of Ananda Temple of Pagan, Myanmar and Lor Jangrang and Chandi Sheua temples of Java.

''Bagerhat-Khalifatabad'' the mosque city of mediaeval age famous for its various archeological edifices is situated in Bagerhat district, north of Sundarbans. [[Shatgumbad Mosque|shatgumbad]] mosque. [[Bibi Begni Mosque|bibi begni]] Mosque, [[Chuna Khola Mosque|chuna khola]] Mosque, Zindapeer Mosque, nine-domed Mosque, Rejakhoda Mosque, Ranabijoypur Mosque, Shabekdanga Namajghar, [[Singra Mosque|singra mosque]], Khan Jalan's Residence and the Tomb complex are remarkable heritage sites of high archaeological merit.

[[Image:ShatgumbadMosque.jpg|thumb|left|400px|Shatgumbad Mosque, Bagerhat]]
''Shatgumbad Mosque'' is an enormous and magnificent architectural establishment of [[Khalifatabad|khalifatabad]] town. The Shatgumbad Mosque was not only a place of worship, it was used as the seat of administration as well as the centre for education and a meeting place during the rule of Khan Jahan, a great saint and ruler of Khalifatabad. The mosque is considered as the most massive and magnificent architectural monument built by Khan Jahan.

''Bibi Begni Mosque'' another site enlisted in the world heritage list, is located beside the Shatgumbad Mosque over an area of only 10 square metre. It has four corner towers, three arched doorways on the east wall and one archway each on the north and south walls.

''Chunakhola Mosque'' situated 500 metre east of bibi begum mosque over an area of 12.19 square metre is a single-domed one having four corner towers. Its number and location of arched doorways and archways are similar to the Bibi Begni Mosque.

''Nine-Domed Mosque'' is a rectangular shaped mosque situated on an area of 15.24 square metre on the west bank of nearby Thakur Dighi, a huge water body, also has four corner towers and one archway on each of the east, north and south walls. The interior of the mosque is divided by two rows of stone-pillars into three longitudinal aisles and nine bays. One dome on each of the bays gave the mosque a unique identity. The Nine-domed Mosque is a rare example in the [[Mosque Architecture|mosque architecture]] of Bengal.

''Zinda Pir's Mosque'' The single-domed, although included in the world Heritage site list, the government of Bangladesh has not yet declared it as a protected monument. The [[Department of Archaeology|department of archaeology]] renovated the largely damaged mosque, which had similar features of corner towers and archways like Chunakhola Mosque.

''The Rejakhoda Mosque'' appeared to be a six-domed mosque which is situated 200 metre west of the Zinda pir's Mosque. A small part of the remains still exists there. Rana Bijoypur Mosque' The single-domed mosque was built on an area of 12.17 square metre. Its dome is the largest among all the nearby mosques. Its corner towers are similar to other mosques and rich in band decoration.

''Shabekdanga'' a village located 5 k.m east of Shatgumbad Mosque, has got an ancient prayer house called Shabekdanga Namajghar. Perhaps it is the earliest example of chou-chala architecture that exists in Bengal.

''Singra Mosque'' the single domed mosque was constructed about 150-metre southeast of the Shatgumbad Mosque on an area of 12.09 square metre.

''Khan Jahan's Tomb'' is a single-domed square monument. Its architectural design has similarity with the [[Eklakhi Mausoleum|eklakhi mausoleum]] at Hazrat Pandua. The residence complex of [[Khan Jahan|khan jahan]] is located at a place, 300 metre east of Shatgumbad Mosque. Primary phase of its excavation work has not yet been completed. During the reign of Sultan [[Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah|nasiruddin mahmud shah]] (1436-1459) of Iliyas Shahi dynasty Commander Ulugh Khan Jahan (death 1459 AD) built the architecturally rich Bagerhat town on the Bhairab river along the Sundarbans about six hundred years back. Later during the reign of [[Nusrat Shah|nasiruddin nusrat shah]] (1519-1532), the city was known as a [[Mint Towns|mint town]]. In 1535 AD, Sultan [[Ghiyasuddin Mahmud Shah|ghiyasuddin mahmud shah]] renamed the town as Khalifatabad-Badarpur. The town was also traced in the map drawn by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. The name of the town was Haweli Khalifatabad up to the eighteenth century. Detail information about Khan Jahan is unavailable, but the landmark buildings and monuments bear testimony of his creation of distinctive architecture. The architecture of Bagerhat represents a Muslim urban site of mediaeval age, which still exits being an administrative centre of the government. Considering all these merits, the world heritage Committee enlisted this town in the World Heritage list in 1985.

Documents were prepared in 1973 to produce before the World Heritage Committee for enlisting Bagerhat Mosque town and Paharpur Monastery. Following the move, UNESCO in its 21st session in 1980 took a resolution in favour and ultimately these two historical sites were declared as world heritage sites in 1985. Later 13,669 hectors of land around Paharpur Monastery was acquired to protect the remains and a Museum and an office complex were built on 1160 square metre of land. In Bagerhat, 4.07 hectors of land was acquired and 994 square metre office building was constructed there. The first international campaign of the working group for preserving the historical sites of Bagerhat and Paharpur was launched in 1986 and the second campaign was conducted in 1990. Following the move, the International Expert Committee paid several visits to Bangladesh in 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1996, 1999 and 2002 to find out the ways and means for protecting the architectural remains. An international seminar on Preservation of Terracotta plaques was held in 2004.

''The Sundarbans'' is the lone world natural heritage site of Bangladesh. This is the largest single block mangrove forest spreading over an area of about 5759 square kilometres in Bangladesh. Because of the partition of India, Bangladesh received 2/3 of the forest and the rest is the on Indian side. The forest in Bangladesh territory lies under four administrative ranges. Those are, Burigoalini, Khulna, Chandpai and Sharonkhola under the districts of Satkhira, Khulna and Bagerhat. It is further divided into nine blocks and 55 compartments for better management. About 32.400 hectares of reserved forest here have been declared as wild life sanctuaries. The Sandurbans consists of about 200 islands, separated by about 400 interconnected tidal rivers, creeks and canals.

[[Image:SundarbansForest.jpg|right|thumb|400px|Sundarbans stream]]
The vegetation of the forest is largely of mangrove type and encompasses a variety of plants. The dominating species are: Sundari (Hesitiera fomes) and Gewa (Excoecaria agallocha). Among others Goran (Ceriops decandra). Keora (Sonneratia apetala) and Passur (Xylocarpus mekongensis) are prominent species grown here. Most of the trees have pneamatophores for aerial respiration. In 1903, D. Prain recorded 334 species. Of these 17 are pteridophytes, 87 monocotyledones and the rest are dicotyledones. The species include 35 legumes, 29 grasses, 19 sedges and 18 euphorbias. Of the 50-mangrove plant species recorded so far in the world, the Sundarbans alone contains 35. Within the forest habitats, there are 50 species of mammals, 320 species of inland and migratory birds, about 50 species of reptiles, 8 species of amphibians and about 400 species of fish.

In 1764, the Sundarbans was shown in the map prepared by the surveyor general of the East India Company government of India. In 1860, the Department of Forestry was constituted in the province of Bengal, India, which took over the management of the forest to administer its resources in a proper way. The Forest Act was enacted by the British Indian government in 1865 and under this act, the Sundarbans, a real showpiece of natural history, was declared as a reserve forest in 1875-76. The management plan of the Sundarbans was finalised by 1893-94 and the Department of Forestry was set up with its headquarters in Khulna with a view to fostering the implementation of the Sundarbans management plan. In 1911, the area of the Sundarbans was 16, 902 Square kilometres. It was declared as a Ramsar site in 1992. The World Heritage Committee declared the Sundarbans as a world Natural Heritage site in 1997. [Mokammal H Bhuiyan]

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