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	<updated>2026-06-13T07:35:34Z</updated>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Roy,_Satish_Chandra&amp;diff=15602</id>
		<title>Roy, Satish Chandra</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Roy,_Satish_Chandra&amp;diff=15602"/>
		<updated>2026-06-04T06:57:41Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Roy, Satish Chandra&#039;&#039;&#039; (1866-1931)  educationist, litterateur and researcher was born in a zamindar family at [[Shahjadpur Mosque|shahjadpur]] in [[Pabna District|pabna]] district on 17 October 1866. He passed Entrance examination from Dhaka Collegiate School, FA from Dhaka College, BA from General Assembly&#039;s Institution and MA from Sanskrit College.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra started his career as a teacher at [[Jagannath College|jagannath college]]. He left teaching shortly afterwards to devote himself to literary activities and research. He was proficient in Hindi language and literature and well versed in history, linguistics and archaeology.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra collected many ancient [[Puthi|puthi]]s for Dhaka University, which are preserved in the university library. He also conducted research on these manuscripts. At the request of Dhaka University he edited Harivangsha, an ancient poetic work by Bhavananda, which was published by the university. Some other important books edited by Satish Chandra include Gopalcharitam, Nayikaratnamala, and Padakalpataru.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra translated several Sanskrit books into Bangla, among them [[Kalidasa|kalidasa]]&#039; Meghdut, [[Jaydev|jaydev]]&#039;s Gitagovindam and Kaludev&#039;s Rasamavjari. Apart from his Bangla books and scholarly essays, he also wrote a number of essays in Hindi.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra was vice-president of the [[Vangiya Sahitya Parishad|vangiya sahitya prishad]]. He was also an expert in music and used to play [[Mridanga|mridanga]] and [[Tabla|tabla]]. He died at Dhamgar in Narayanganj district on 29 May 1931. [Satyanarayan Chakraborty]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:রায়, সতীশচন্দ্র১]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Roy,_Satish_Chandra&amp;diff=15601</id>
		<title>Roy, Satish Chandra</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Roy,_Satish_Chandra&amp;diff=15601"/>
		<updated>2026-06-04T06:52:02Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Roy, Satish Chandra&#039;&#039;&#039; (1866-1931)  educationist, litterateur and researcher was born in a zamindar family at [[Shahjadpur Mosque|shahjadpur]] in [[Pabna District|pabna]] district on 17 October 1866. He passed Entrance examination from Dhaka Collegiate School, FA from Dhaka College, BA from General Assembly&#039;s Institution and MA from Sanskrit College.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra started his career as a teacher at [[Jagannath College|jagannath college]]. He left teaching shortly afterwards to devote himself to literary activities and research. He was proficient in Hindi language and literature and well versed in history, linguistics and archaeology.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra collected many ancient [[Puthi|puthi]]s for Dhaka University, which are preserved in the university library. He also conducted research on these manuscripts. At the request of Dhaka University he edited Harivangsha, an ancient poetic work by Bhavananda, which was published by the university. Some other important books edited by Satish Chandra include Gopalcharitam, Nayikaratnamala, and Padakalpataru.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra translated several Sanskrit books into Bangla, among them [[Kalidasa|kalidasa]]&#039; Meghdut, [[Jaydev|jaydev]]&#039;s Gitagovindam and Kaludev&#039;s Rasamavjari. Apart from his Bangla books and scholarly essays, he also wrote a number of essays in Hindi.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Satish Chandra was vice-president of the [[Vangiya Sahitya Parishad|vangiya sahitya prishad]]. He was also an expert in music and used to play [[Mridanga|mridanga]] and [[Tabla|tabla]]. He died at Dhamgar in Narayanganj district on 29 May 1931. [Satyanarayan Chakraborty]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:রায়, সতীশচন্দ্র২]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rahman,_Ehtesham&amp;diff=15600</id>
		<title>Rahman, Ehtesham</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rahman,_Ehtesham&amp;diff=15600"/>
		<updated>2026-06-04T06:42:39Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;Rahman, Ehtesham see [[Ehtesham|ehtesham]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:রহমান, এহ্তেশামুর]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rahman,_Ehtesham&amp;diff=15599</id>
		<title>Rahman, Ehtesham</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rahman,_Ehtesham&amp;diff=15599"/>
		<updated>2026-06-04T06:39:16Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: Created page with &amp;quot;Rahman, Ehtesham see ehtesham.  bn:রহমান, এহতেশামুর&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;Rahman, Ehtesham see [[Ehtesham|ehtesham]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:রহমান, এহতেশামুর]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Murshid,_Nurjahan&amp;diff=15598</id>
		<title>Murshid, Nurjahan</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Murshid,_Nurjahan&amp;diff=15598"/>
		<updated>2026-05-10T08:23:19Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Murshid, Nurjahan&#039;&#039;&#039; (1924-2003)  activist in women empowerment, politics, and [[War of Liberation, The|war of liberation]] and minister in the cabinet of Bangabandhu [[Rahman, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur|sheikh mujibur rahman]]. Born on 19 May 1924 in Taranagar of Murshidabad district, Nurjahan Murshid had her primary education in her native village. She obtained part of her school education in Barisal, and then she moved to Kolkata. She got her graduation and Master&#039;s degrees from Calcutta University. Wife of Professor Khan Sarwar Murshid, formerly Professor of English at Dhaka University, Nurjahan began her eventful career as a teacher at Syedunnesa Girls&#039; High School in Barisal. Later, she taught at Kamrunnesa School, Viquarunnesa Noon School, Holy Cross College and Dhaka University. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Before partition of the subcontinent, Nurjahan Murshid worked as a broadcaster with the All India Radio broadcasting career with the Radio Pakistan after partition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nurjahan Murshid joined politics in the early 1950s. As a nominee of the [[United Front|united front]] in the parliamentary elections of 1954, she was elected to the Legislative Assembly of East Bengal and made a parliamentary secretary. As a female lawmaker, Nurjahan made significant contributions in the lawmaking processes. She worked as a close associate of [[Suhrawardy, Huseyn Shaheed|huseyn shaheed suhrawardy]]. She was an ardent activist in the War of Liberation. As an accredited deputy of the [[Mujibnagar Government|mujibnagar government]], Nurjahan delivered a speech in a joint meeting of the two houses of the Indian parliament seeking recognition of Bangladesh from the Indian government. That prompted the Pakistan military junta to sentence her to 14 years in prison in absentia. In 1972, she joined Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman&#039;s cabinet as state minister for health and social welfare. She was elected to the country&#039;s first parliament in 1973. She was the first president of the [[Bangladesh Mahila Samiti|bangladesh mahila samiti]]. She published a short-lived Bangla periodical, &#039;&#039;Ekal&#039;&#039;. Later, the paper was renamed as &#039;&#039;Edesh-Ekal&#039;&#039;. Nurjahan Murshid died on 2 September 2003.  [Md Mukbil Hossain]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:মুরশিদ, নূরজাহান]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Geology_Education&amp;diff=15597</id>
		<title>Geology Education</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Geology_Education&amp;diff=15597"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T08:16:41Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Geology Education&#039;&#039;&#039; imparted at the tertiary level in three universities of Bangladesh. The oldest Geology Department of Bangladesh, which was started on the 23 April 1949, with Professor [[Ghani, M Osman|m osman ghani]] as its head, is located in the Dhaka University. Dr M Osman Ghani who was also the head of the Department of Soil Science, remained head of Geology Department until 15 April 1956 with a break from the 22 July 1950 to the 16 July 1951, when Mr Sydney James Mayne, an Australian from Sydney was the head of the Department of Geology.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1949 the teaching of Geology at Dhaka University began with a two-year BSc (pass) course. The first intake of six students in the two-year MSc course was during the academic session of 1957-58. BSc (honours) course was started from July 1967 at the Dhaka University. The Rajshahi University opened the Department of Geology and Mining in the year 1975 and it started the first year BSc (honours) classes from August of the same year. The [[Jahangirnagar University|jahangirnagar university]] established the Department of Geological Sciences in the year 1985. In the first two academic sessions the Department offered only minor (subsidiary) courses and the major (honours) courses in geological sciences were offered from the academic session of 1987-88. The Department of Geology presently offers degrees in Bachelor of Science (BS) with Honours, Master of Science (MS), Master of Philosophy (MPhil) and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Geology. The Department also offers minor courses for Honours students of other departments. The BS (Hons) is a four-year integrated programme consisting 126 credit hours of theory, practical, field mapping, project and viva voce (oral) courses as majors and 20 credit hours of physics, chemistry and mathematics courses as minors. The MS degree is a one-year programme based either on course work (Group A) or on course work along with research (Group B). Five major Streams are running individually at the MS level. Students are allowed to choose the field of study and research according to their interest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the geology departments besides the basic courses such as mineralogy, petrology, palaeontology, stratigraphy, sedimentology, structural geology, geophysics etc, various other courses with emphasis on the applied frontiers of geology are offered. In the above departments, in general some of the applied fields taught are petroleum geology, hydrogeology, geochemistry, clay mineralogy, structural geology, engineering geology, geomorphology, biostratigraphy and palaeoecology, Quaternary geology, remote sensing and photogeology, environmental geology etc. Since geology is a multidisciplinary subject, students of the geology departments at undergraduate level are required to study courses in physics, mathematics, statistics, chemistry and computing.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The departments at Dhaka, Rajshahi and Jahangirnagar Universities have their own research programmes in various fields of geology such as sedimentary geology of the [[Chittagong Hill Tracts|chittagong hill tracts]], seismic investigations in some parts of Bangladesh, mineralogical and geochemical studies, structural studies of the [[Bengal Basin|bengal basin]], palaeoenvironmental reconstruction on the core samples, micropalaeontology of parts of the [[Surma Basin|surma basin]], groundwater chemistry, arsenic pollution of [[Groundwater|groundwater]], geology of the Gondwana coal in Bangladesh, studies on hardrock geology of Madhyapara hardrock mine, etc. PhD programmes are also available in all the three geology departments. Geological Society of Bangladesh was established in March 1972 and the Bangladesh Journal of Geology is the annual publication of the Society. In the Bangladesh Journal of Geology most of the publications are from the researches on geological sciences from Bangladesh. [Manzoor Hasan]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Education]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ভূতত্ত্ব শিক্ষা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Geology_Education&amp;diff=15596</id>
		<title>Geology Education</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Geology_Education&amp;diff=15596"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T08:15:39Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Geology Education&#039;&#039;&#039; imparted at the tertiary level in three universities of Bangladesh. The oldest Geology Department of Bangladesh, which was started on the 23 April 1949, with Professor m [[Ghani, M Osman|osman ghani]] as its head, is located in the Dhaka University. Dr M Osman Ghani who was also the head of the Department of Soil Science, remained head of Geology Department until 15 April 1956 with a break from the 22 July 1950 to the 16 July 1951, when Mr Sydney James Mayne, an Australian from Sydney was the head of the Department of Geology.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1949 the teaching of Geology at Dhaka University began with a two-year BSc (pass) course. The first intake of six students in the two-year MSc course was during the academic session of 1957-58. BSc (honours) course was started from July 1967 at the Dhaka University. The Rajshahi University opened the Department of Geology and Mining in the year 1975 and it started the first year BSc (honours) classes from August of the same year. The [[Jahangirnagar University|jahangirnagar university]] established the Department of Geological Sciences in the year 1985. In the first two academic sessions the Department offered only minor (subsidiary) courses and the major (honours) courses in geological sciences were offered from the academic session of 1987-88. The Department of Geology presently offers degrees in Bachelor of Science (BS) with Honours, Master of Science (MS), Master of Philosophy (MPhil) and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Geology. The Department also offers minor courses for Honours students of other departments. The BS (Hons) is a four-year integrated programme consisting 126 credit hours of theory, practical, field mapping, project and viva voce (oral) courses as majors and 20 credit hours of physics, chemistry and mathematics courses as minors. The MS degree is a one-year programme based either on course work (Group A) or on course work along with research (Group B). Five major Streams are running individually at the MS level. Students are allowed to choose the field of study and research according to their interest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the geology departments besides the basic courses such as mineralogy, petrology, palaeontology, stratigraphy, sedimentology, structural geology, geophysics etc, various other courses with emphasis on the applied frontiers of geology are offered. In the above departments, in general some of the applied fields taught are petroleum geology, hydrogeology, geochemistry, clay mineralogy, structural geology, engineering geology, geomorphology, biostratigraphy and palaeoecology, Quaternary geology, remote sensing and photogeology, environmental geology etc. Since geology is a multidisciplinary subject, students of the geology departments at undergraduate level are required to study courses in physics, mathematics, statistics, chemistry and computing.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The departments at Dhaka, Rajshahi and Jahangirnagar Universities have their own research programmes in various fields of geology such as sedimentary geology of the [[Chittagong Hill Tracts|chittagong hill tracts]], seismic investigations in some parts of Bangladesh, mineralogical and geochemical studies, structural studies of the [[Bengal Basin|bengal basin]], palaeoenvironmental reconstruction on the core samples, micropalaeontology of parts of the [[Surma Basin|surma basin]], groundwater chemistry, arsenic pollution of [[Groundwater|groundwater]], geology of the Gondwana coal in Bangladesh, studies on hardrock geology of Madhyapara hardrock mine, etc. PhD programmes are also available in all the three geology departments. Geological Society of Bangladesh was established in March 1972 and the Bangladesh Journal of Geology is the annual publication of the Society. In the Bangladesh Journal of Geology most of the publications are from the researches on geological sciences from Bangladesh. [Manzoor Hasan]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Education]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ভূতত্ত্ব শিক্ষা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Sharafuddin,_Abdullah_Al-Muti&amp;diff=15595</id>
		<title>Sharafuddin, Abdullah Al-Muti</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Sharafuddin,_Abdullah_Al-Muti&amp;diff=15595"/>
		<updated>2026-04-27T08:56:52Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;[[Image:SharafuddinAbdullahAl-Muti.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Abdullah Al-Muti Sharafuddin]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;Sharafuddin, Abdullah Al-Muti&#039;&#039;&#039; (1930-1998) educationist, administrator and science writer. Born on 1 January 1930 at village Fulbari in Sirajganj district. Abdullah Al-Muti Sharafuddin obtained MSc degree (1953) in Physics from the [[University of Dhaka|university of dhaka]] and MA (1960) and PhD (1962) in Education from the University of Chicago, USA.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A former Secretary of the Ministry of Science and Technology, Sharafuddin began his service career as a teacher in a government college. Subsequently he held many positions, including Director of Education Extension Centre, Dhaka; Director, Public Instruction; Counsellor, Education and Culture to different Embassies. After retirement he was appointed Chief Adviser to the Secondary Science Education Project of the ADB-UNDP.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Al-Muti Sharafuddin made considerable contribution to the field of science education in Bengali language and took the lead in popularizing science among the younger generation. He published 28 books on science, education and environment; notable among these are Bigynan O manush, E Juger Bigynan, Bipanna Paribesh, Bigynan Jijnasha, Sagorer Rahasyapuri, Megh Bristi Rod, and Paribesher Sankat Ghoniye Aschhe. He won over a dozen of prestigious awards including Independence Day Award, Ekushey Padak, Bangla Academy Award, Shishu Academy Award, Kalinga Award of UNESCO, and Kudrat-e-Khuda Gold Medal in recognition of his remarkable contribution in the field of science, education and literature. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Al-Muti Sharafuddin was the Chief Editor of the Bigynan Biswakosh (Science Encyclopedia) published by [[Bangla Academy|bangla academy]], and editor of Mukul, a juvenile magazine. He was actively associated with various socio-cultural organisations such as the Shahitya Sangsad, Progati Lekhak Sangha, Kendrio Konchi Kanchar Mela, Bangladesh Shishu Academy, Bigynan Sangskriti Parishad, and Human Development Foundation. He was the founding Fellow of the Islamic Academy of Science, a Fellow and President of the [[Asiatic Society of Bangladesh|asiatic society of bangladesh]] (1988-91). Sharafuddin was also the President of the Bangla Academy (1986-90), Vice-President of the Foundation for Research on Planning and Development (1993), President of Bangladesh Association for Science Education (1988-95), Executive Member of International Council of Associations for Science Education (1989-93), and Member of the International Scientific Council (nominated by the Director General of UNESCO). Until his death on 30 November 1998, he was the Chairman of the Project Implementation Committee of the National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh Project of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. [Sajahan Miah]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:শরফুদ্দিন, আবদুল্লাহ আল-মুতী]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fern&amp;diff=15594</id>
		<title>Fern</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fern&amp;diff=15594"/>
		<updated>2026-04-20T04:36:39Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fern&#039;&#039;&#039;  any pteridophyte plant having few leaves, large in proportion to the stems, and bearing sporangia on the undersurface or margin. It is a primitive group which is distinctive in having a characteristic arrangement of leaf in the bud. It is coiled in a manner known as &#039;circinate vernation&#039;. During onward development the coiled bud elongates and becomes uncoiled assuming a fiddlehead shape or the familiar Crozier. There are about 12,000 species of fern now living in the humid tropics; common representatives are sword ferns, lady ferns, tree ferns, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Fern.jpg|thumb|400px|right|A common fern, &#039;&#039;Nephrodium&#039;&#039; sp]]&lt;br /&gt;
The young coiled leaves of some ferns are eaten as vegetables in many parts of the world including Bangladesh. In the Indian subcontinent about 900 species have been recorded. Bangladesh has about 250 species, found mostly in the northeastern hilly forests. Many epiphytes and some climbers are reported.&lt;br /&gt;
 &lt;br /&gt;
Aquatic ferns like Azolla, Salvinia, Ceratopteris are common in all waterbodies during monsoon. The tiger fern (Achrosticum aureum) is an integral part of vegetation in the [[Sundarbans, The|sundarbans]] and other coastal regions. Due to habitat changes many ferns such as, Cyathea, Ctenitis, Lygodium circinatum, and many filmy and epiphytic ferns, are now facing different categories of threats. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Tree fern&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  A good number of ferns are shrub-like or giant tree-like. Such large ferns are popularly known as tree ferns. About 300 species of tree ferns have their habitats in the tropical and sub-tropical parts of the world. They generally grow in fairly cool and high humid localities, usually at fairly high elevations where they are bathed by mists, fogs and rains. They may attain a height of about a metre to 20 metres. The trunk of the tree fern is quite different from the common tree trunk; there is no secondary growth and only apical growth. A crown of leaves are present at the tip of the trunk like in the common palm. But the young leaves are commonly found coiled at the centre of the crown in characteristic fern fashion. The matured leaves act as a reproductive organ by producing a spore on the undersurface. About 200 million years ago tree ferns flourished and constituted the dominant vegetation of the world. The famous coal beds of Carboniferous age have mostly evolved from these group of plants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The present-day tree ferns belong to genera Cibotium, Dicsonia, Cyathea and Angiopteris. Of these only three species under Cyathea, (C. gygantea, C. glauca and C. spinosa), and one species under Angiopteris (A. evecta) grow in the eastern hilly regions of Bangladesh. Of these C. spinosa and C. gygantea are considered as threatened species. [Mostafa Kamal Pasha]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Azolla|azolla]]; [[Pteridophyte|pteridophyte]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Flora]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ফার্ন]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15593</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15593"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:33:55Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[Chattopadhyay, Sharat Chandra|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরুপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15592</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15592"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:29:30Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[Chattopadhyay, Sharat Chandra|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15591</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15591"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:29:06Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[chattopadhyay, sharat chandra|Sharat Chandra Chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15590</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15590"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:27:28Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[Sharat Chandra Chattopadhyay|chattopadhyay, sharat chandra]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15589</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15589"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:27:07Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[Sharat Chandra Chattopadhyay|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15588</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15588"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:26:12Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[sharat chandra chattopadhyay|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[University of Calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15587</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15587"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:25:46Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[sharat chandra chattopadhyay|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[university of calcutta|university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15586</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15586"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:25:26Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[sharat chandra chattopadhyay|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;&#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15585</id>
		<title>Devi, Nirupama</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Devi,_Nirupama&amp;diff=15585"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T08:25:07Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Devi, Nirupama &#039;&#039;&#039; (1883-1951)  fiction writer, was born on 7 May 1883 at Berhampore in Murshidabad district. Her father, Nafar Chandra Bhatta, was a judicial employee. Nirupama passed her childhood at Bhagalpur. She was educated at home. She was married young but lost her husband shortly after marriage. After her premature widowhood, she applied herself to writing being inspired by her elder brother, Bibhuti Bhusan Bhatta, and [[sharat chandra chattopadhyay|sharat chandra chattopadhyay]]. Her stories appeared in a hand- written magazine, run by Bibhuti Bhusan and Sharat Chandra. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Nirupama Devi&#039;s literary pseudonym was &#039;Srimati Devi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Uchchhrbkhal&#039;&#039; was her first novel. Her other works include &#039;&#039;Annapurnar Mandir&#039;&#039; (1913), &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; (1915), &#039;&#039;Aleya&#039;&#039; (1917), &#039;&#039;Bidhilipi&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Shyamali&#039;&#039; (1919), &#039;&#039;Bandhu&#039;&#039; (1921), &#039;&#039;Amar Diary&#039;&#039; (1927), &#039;&#039;Yugantarer Katha&#039;&#039; (1940), &#039;&#039;Anukarsa&#039;&#039; (1941) etc. &#039;&#039;Didi&#039;&#039; is considered to be her best novel. Her novels deal with family life. A number of the songs and poems had been written during the Swadeshi era were published in different contemporary journals. She received the &#039;Bhubanmohini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1938 and &#039;Jagattarini Gold Medal&#039;; in 1943 from the [[university of calcutta]] in recognition of her contribution to literature. She became a Vaishnava and spent the last days of her life in Vrindavan where she died on 7 January 1951. [Wakil Ahmed] [Ahmed, Wakil  former Vice Chancellor, National University]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:দেবী, নিরম্নপমা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%81%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%81%E0%A6%B2%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BC%E0%A6%BE_%E0%A6%A8%E0%A6%A6%E0%A7%80&amp;diff=15584</id>
		<title>তেঁতুলিয়া নদী</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%81%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%81%E0%A6%B2%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BC%E0%A6%BE_%E0%A6%A8%E0%A6%A6%E0%A7%80&amp;diff=15584"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T06:15:28Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: Created page with &amp;quot;Category:Banglapedia &amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;তেঁতুলিয়া নদী&amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039; (Tentulia River)  মেঘনা নদীর নিম্নাংশের একটি প্রশস্ত নদী ধারা। ভোলা জেলার উত্তরে মেঘনা নদী থেকে উৎপন্ন হয়ে তেঁতুলিয়া, নিমদি, কালাইয়া, পূর্বমুনিয়া দিয়ে প্রবা...&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;[[Category:Banglapedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;তেঁতুলিয়া নদী&#039;&#039;&#039; (Tentulia River)  মেঘনা নদীর নিম্নাংশের একটি প্রশস্ত নদী ধারা। ভোলা জেলার উত্তরে মেঘনা নদী থেকে উৎপন্ন হয়ে তেঁতুলিয়া, নিমদি, কালাইয়া, পূর্বমুনিয়া দিয়ে প্রবাহিত হয়ে গলাচিপা উপজেলার রংগোপালদি নামক স্থানে বুড়াগৌরাঙ্গ নামে বঙ্গোপসাগরে পতিত হয়েছে।&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
পূর্বে এ নদী অত্যন্ত খরস্রোতা ছিল, কিন্তু বর্তমানে  [[চর|চর]] পড়ার কারণে ততটা খরস্রোতা নয়। এ নদী ভোলাকে বরিশালের মূল ভূখন্ড থেকে বিছিন্ন করেছে। এর পশ্চিমমুখে রামনাবাদ দ্বীপ অবস্থিত। শাহবাজপুর থেকে মেঘনা নদীর একটি শাখা এ নদীটির সঙ্গে মিলিত হয়েছে। অন্য একটি শাখা দক্ষিণ দিকে বাকেরগঞ্জ, বাউফল ও পটুয়াখালী জেলার মধ্য দিয়ে প্রবাহিত হয়েছে যা পটুয়াখালী শহরের কাছে পূর্বদিকে মোড় নিয়ে দক্ষিণ দিকে প্রবাহিত হয়ে আগুনমুখা, রামনাবাদ নদীতে মিলিত হয়ে সাগরে পড়েছে।&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
তেঁতুলিয়া নদীর মোট দৈর্ঘ্য ৮৪ কিমি, গড় প্রশস্ততা ৬ কিমি। ধুলিয়া বাজার, গঙ্গাপুর বাজার, মণিপুর বাজার, কালাইয়া বন্দর, দাসমুনি বাজার ইত্যাদি এ নদীর তীরে অবস্থিত গুরুত্বপূর্ণ স্থান। নদীটি ভাঙনপ্রবণ এবং এর ভাঙনের প্রকোপে বাউফল ও গলাচিপা উপজেলার বেশকিছু এলাকা ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হচ্ছে। তেঁতুলিয়ার শাখা লাউকাঠি নদী ক্রমশ ভরাট হয়ে যাচ্ছে। এর ফলে পটুয়াখালী জেলা শহরের সঙ্গে অন্যান্য স্থানের নৌ-যোগাযোগ ব্যাহত হওয়ার সম্ভাবনা দেখা দিয়েছে। তেঁতুলিয়ার বিভিন্ন স্থানে চরা বা দ্বীপের সৃষ্টি হচ্ছে, এ সব দ্বীপে ফসলের আবাদ ও বসতি স্থাপনের উদ্যোগ চলছে। নদীটি ক্ষয়সাধন ক্রিয়ায় লিপ্ত থাকে এবং গলাচিপা ও বাউফলের কিয়দংশে নদী তীর ক্ষয় প্রচুর পরিমাণে করে থাকে। [মোঃ মাহবুব মোর্শেদ]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;মানচিত্রের জন্য দেখুন&#039;&#039; [[উপকূলবর্তী দ্বীপ|উপকূলবর্তী দ্বীপ]]।&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[en:Tentulia River]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dhaka_Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15583</id>
		<title>Dhaka Elevated Expressway</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dhaka_Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15583"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T04:56:17Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dhaka Elevated Expressway&#039;&#039;&#039;  see [[Elevated Expressway|elevated expressway]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ঢাকা এলিভেটেড এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dhaka_Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15582</id>
		<title>Dhaka Elevated Expressway</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dhaka_Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15582"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T04:54:59Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: Replaced content with &amp;quot;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;Dhaka Elevated Expressway&amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;  see elevated expressway.  bn:ঢাকা এলিভেটেড এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dhaka Elevated Expressway&#039;&#039;&#039;  see [[elevated expressway|elevated expressway]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ঢাকা এলিভেটেড এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15581</id>
		<title>Elevated Expressway</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Elevated_Expressway&amp;diff=15581"/>
		<updated>2026-04-12T04:50:05Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Elevated Expressway&#039;&#039;&#039;  also called freeway or motorway, is a major arterial divided superhighway having at least two lanes with a breakdown lane or hard shoulder in each direction having controlled exit and entry and no level crossing. An expressway is constructed by adopting advanced geometric design eliminating all hazards and inconveniences of fast driving. The expressways are usually constructed between two important locations for smooth driving at high speed, greater safety, comfort, and convenience for passengers and drivers, reduced travel time, and lower operating cost. An elevated expressway is constructed at a higher level in the city area to eliminate ground-level obstructions. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:ElevatedExpressway.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Central Control Building of Dhaka Elevated Expressway]]&lt;br /&gt;
Dhaka elevated expressway is the first elevated expressway under construction in Bangladesh which will connect Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport with Dhaka-Chittagong National highway N1 at Kutubkhali. This will pass through key locations of Banani, Mohakhali, Tejgaon, Maghbazar, Kamalapur, Syedabab, and Jatrabari of Dhaka city. The connectivity with the ground-level roads will be established by 31 entries and exits total 27 km. The expressway is 19.73 km long, having 2 lanes and a breakdown lane in each direction separated by a median. It is a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) project with an estimated 89,400 billion takas. First, Dhaka Elevated Expressway (FDEE) Company Ltd. will bear 73% of the cost, and the Government of Bangladesh will bear 27% of the cost.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The expressway will significantly reduce traffic congestion of Dhaka city&#039;s existing north-south bound roads. Upon completion of the expressway, a maximum of 15 minutes will be required to travel between Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport airport and the Dhaka-Chittagong highway, including any area around the elevated expressway. Apart from this, another elevated expressway named Dhaka Ashulia Elevated Expressway is in the project preparation stage.  [M Feroze Ahmed]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:এলিভেটেড এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Priyabhashini,_Ferdowsi&amp;diff=15580</id>
		<title>Priyabhashini, Ferdowsi</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Priyabhashini,_Ferdowsi&amp;diff=15580"/>
		<updated>2026-04-01T10:23:10Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;[[Image:PriyabhashiniFerdowsi.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Ferdowsi Priyabhashini]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;Priyabhashini, Ferdowsi&#039;&#039;&#039; (1947-2018)  a Bangladeshi sculptor and Freedom Fighter. Sculptor Ferdousi Priyabhashini has made sculptures from discarded tree trunks, tree roots, dry branches and other materials of trees. She introduced a new style of sculpture made of left-over materials in this country. She was a self-taught sculptor. She was born on 19 February 1947 in Khulna city at her grand-father’s house. Her mother’s name is Roshan Hasina and father’s name is Syed Mahbubul Haque. Despite going through adverse situation, she continued her education. She passed Matriculation from Khulna Pioneer Girl’s School. She passed Intermediate and earned BA from Khulna Girl’s College.&lt;br /&gt;
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Ferdowsi Priyabhashini was the eldest among the eleven brothers and sisters. In her childhood, she came close to noted personalities tike Jahanara Imam, Sufia Kamal, SM Sultan, Khan Sarwar Murshid and Zillur Rahman Siddiqui. She first served in Khulna Aga Khan School from 1963 with a salary of BDT 60 only. Later on, she worked as a telephone operator in a Mill in Khulna.&lt;br /&gt;
During the 1971 Liberation War, she was subjected to beastly violation by the Pakistani occupation forces.  &lt;br /&gt;
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Priyabhashini married Ahsan Ullah Ahmed for the second time in 1972 after independence.  She spent the years 1972 to 1977 in various places because her husband moved to such places as his job was a transferable one.  During this time, she used to decorate her house with various materials available from nature. From 1977 to 1998, she worked in many organizations including UNDP, UNICEF, FAO and Canadian Embassy. In 1985, during her stay in Jessore, artist SM Sultan organized a solo exhibition of her works. This event gave her name and fame.  After coming to Dhaka, her devotion to work with wood got a faster pace. She had created sculptures with various natural materials including discarded tree trunks and branches. In the beginning, she cut the gifts of nature and presented them in an unaltered state. Presenting the motifs in her own way, she crafted owls, birds, human figures and many other things out of these. Her artistic sense was the key in those works. At a later stage, various plant materials collected from nature were slightly transformed by the touch of her hand. In the new place, she gave new forms to the materials found in nature with creative thinking culminating to a height at which she had transformed living trees and vines to inanimate works.&lt;br /&gt;
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Those two-dimensional works may be called living paintings rather than sculptures. But there was a continuation in all her works, which were products of own and unique style. She had 12 solo exhibitions. She also participated in some major joint exhibitions. Besides creating art, she was regular in social work. To the end of her life, she participated in protests against bigots and anti-liberation forces. In 2010, she was honored with the ‘Swadhinata Padak’ (Independence Award) in recognition of her works. She passed away on 6 March 2018 in Dhaka. [Hamiduzzaman Khan]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:প্রিয়ভাষিণী, ফেরদৌসী]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Ideas_and_Institutions&amp;diff=15579</id>
		<title>Ideas and Institutions</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Ideas_and_Institutions&amp;diff=15579"/>
		<updated>2026-03-24T05:49:40Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;  of the peoples of Bengal may be traced back to the time when the janapadas of the Delta entered in regular state formation processes under the impact of the Aryans. From the janapada states of the fifth century BC to the independence from British rule, we encounter a long chain of political regimes and religio-cultural systems which directly influenced the thoughts and ideas of Bengal people. Since most religions and rulers, including the Muslims and British, were of extraneous origins, it may be well assumed that external influences on the social ideas and institutions during the period were very significant. The external ideas and institutions were in a process of being adapted to those of the indigenous peoples.&lt;br /&gt;
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People from diverse ethnicity and culture living in a common space for a durable period, are sure to influence each other in their respective ideas, thoughts and practices. The ruling class do influence the ruled far more directly and materially, but over the time the rulers are also influenced, in turn, through association by contiguity and similarity. For example, if Buddhist thoughts and ideas had noticeable similarity with those of the Vedic religion, it was because of the Buddhist association with the Vedic system by contiguity and similarity. Buddhist schools emerged when the Vedic system was already dominant there; hence it could not but be influenced by the dominant system. At the same time, since the Buddhist thought emerged indigenously by and large, it could not but derive many of its ideas and institutional characters from indigenous sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts and ideas to 1204 AD&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Until the rise of the regular, territorial state with defense and state bureaucracy, which did not possibly emerge until the advent of the Mauryas in the Gangetic plain, people&#039;s thoughts and ideas are known only from the early Vedic literature. The epic literature like the [[Ramayana|ramayana]] and [[Mahabharata|mahabharata]], presumed to be composed in 1500 BC, are some notable examples. All the kingdoms and kings and all the faiths and beliefs mentioned in the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Purana were basically abstruse in meaning and in historicity. The most dominant thought of the Brahmanic rishis (ascetics) in the shrutis, smritis and purana texts in the pre-state period have a common goal: establishing a perfect regime of the Brahma (Ramraj). The Jaina and Buddhist texts also had the same goal, a perfect regime of peace and tranquility. The Vedic, Jaina and Buddhist literature indicate that their main aim was to explore the origins of human being and the universe. The best specimen of the thoughts of prehistoric period are the Brahmanic ideas of cosmology and caste, and the anti Brahmanic thoughts of Jainism and Buddhism.&lt;br /&gt;
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The eastward expansion of the Aryans led them to be in contact with the Bengal janapadas around the fifth century BC. It was the time when the peoples of Bengal had already made a transition from the tribal to janapada polity. According to Aryan concepts, the Veda or Divine Knowledge was revealed to the rishis who were believed to be divine incarnates in human form. Truths were revealed to rishis who passed the secrets of nature on to people by means of mantras (hymns). By mantras, the rishis revealed the state of things before and after creation. The cosmogony and cosmology of the Veda as described by rishis bear a high degree of metaphysical and evolutionary concept of the age, which also include state formation.&lt;br /&gt;
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The thought of the rishis about the origins of the universe seems to have not been very different from those of Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity. However, the rishis gradually conceived the idea of a Spirit. The Spirit was a realm of no-entity though it gives life and existence to entities. They called the spirit Brahm, which diffuses itself through the universe. All gods, men and things are but modes of that Spirit. From the creative faculty of the sages later originated the myths of Trimurti (Hindu Triad), the three manifestations of the Brahma the Supreme Being: Brahma as the Creator, Vishnu as the Preserver and Shiva as the Destroyer.&lt;br /&gt;
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The creative ideas of the rishis and priests further proliferated while they were in contact with the Janapada peoples of the Bengal-Delta. They accommodated the local ideas of gods into their fold by creating a series of demigods, superhuman beings, higher and lower gods that would help them get close to Brahma. Furthermore, all the manifestations of Brahm: Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva become reincarnate (avatar) on earth in human form, and they have wives and children as they go for war and peace on earth. Krishna, the hero of the Mahabharata, and Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, are the avatars of Vishnu. In the Ramayana and Mahabharata, we find a series of demigods, super human beings, lower gods and higher gods, all in conflict or cooperation as and when necessary. They have authority on humans and they demand their obedience and surrender. Unless propitiated by sacrifices, the smaller gods do a lot of harm to the helpless worshippers. Towards minimizing their harming propensity arose the elaborate system of sacrifices. Originally sacrifice (yajna) was simply a symbolic gift, but later it assumed enormous institutional complexities to the extent of animal and even human sacrifices. The priests would determine which of the gods demands what from human being, when and how. Priests determine how much have to be sacrificed and in what mode, where and how. No wonder, as an institution, the class of priests emerged as the guiding force of society.&lt;br /&gt;
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Finally, we reach the legal or perceptive phase of Brahmanism, the chief source of which is the Code of Manu. Myth goes that Manu (son of Brahma), in consultation with other sages, compiled the Code in eighteen books. The Code detailed all manner of duties connected with the worship of God, and all the possible relations that can subsist between human and human, and between human and God. It is on the Code of Manu that the caste-system, the decisive element in the Hindu social thoughts and institutions, have been based. According to Manu, Brahma created distinct orders of men, as he created distinct species of animals and plants, and these orders are Brahmins (priests), Khatriyas (soldiers), Vaishyas (producers) and Sudras (servants). They must maintain separate entity from each other. The social order, according to Manu, would remain as perfect as the degree of perfections that could be maintained with regard to inter-caste separations.&lt;br /&gt;
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But soon the original four castes proliferated into hundreds of sub-castes. Manu&#039;s Code bestowed upon the Brahmin the privilege to marry a woman from any of the three lower castes. From the offspring of such marriages arose an endless number of castes within castes, each limited to its own occupation, rites and rituals. Under the caste rules none was allowed to transgress the caste limit; and if one did, he lost his caste and became outcaste. All outcastes made a kind of caste again. Social punishment for an outcaste was so severe that none dared to trespass the caste barrier through marriage or change of occupation. As regards human relations in society, the idea of the caste system and its detailed institutionalization stand out as the singular major institution devised for social divisions by the later Vedic sages.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The interpretations of Vedas led to the rise of several philosophical schools (darshanas), most influential of which is the Vedanta school of Shankara (788 &#039; 820). His major works include the Brahma-Sutra-Bhasya and the Gita Bhaysa (a commentary on the Bhagavad-Gita). He provides a vigorous defense of the mind-body dualism, of the existence of a plurality of minds and mind-neutral physical objects and of monotheism. By analysing shruti (scripture), he relegates dualism, realism and theism to illusion in favour of a monism which holds that only nirguna (quality-less) Brahma exists. Mimansa is another major philosophical school about which the practitioners tried to get definitive knowledge by conceiving pramana or proof. Knowledge is real only when it is both logical and proven (pramana). Alternatively, it is also called the nyaya-school of thought. It seeks to show that birth is the pre-condition of human&#039;s suffering, and hence the most basic form of suffering. Most noted philosophical concept after pramana was samkhya, an atheistic philosophy attributed to a legendary figure, Kapila. This philosophy stresses on the fact that emancipation comes from understanding prakriti, renunciation and self-denial.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Jaina and Buddhist thoughts and ideas&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Ancient society&#039;s three main speculative streams, Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism, belong to the Sramanic trend of culture. The essence of Sramanic culture is that, in a life conceived as stages of increasing depersonalization or asceticism, every one is a pilgrim (sramana) whose only motto is to &#039;keep on going&#039; and who is determined to cross the Sea of Life and to reach its other shore. The Sramanic tradition is spiritualistic and stereological in its nature. It lays special emphasis on the renunciation of worldly belongings and enjoyments and on emancipation from worldly existence: the cycle of birth and death. These very ideas of emancipation (moksa/mukti/nirvana/kaivalya) and renunciation (tyaga/samyama/vairagya) have been cultivated by the Sramanas. Asceticism is the fundamental concept of the Sramanic tradition. It is on this ground that the religions of the Sramanic tradition such as Jainism and Buddhism differ so significantly from the early Vedic religion. The early Vedic religion was against asceticism and emphasised the material welfare of the individual and society. The caste system is directed to a welfare and well-ordered society, at least for the upper castes. While the Vedic seers in their hymns praised worldly existence and prayed for their own health and wealth, the Sramanas condemned this world of existence and propounded the theory that this worldly existence is full of sufferings and that the ultimate aim of human life is to get rid of worldly existence, that is, the cycle of birth and death. Austerities, renunciation, emancipation, atheism, supremacy of human beings over gods, equality of all beings and opposition of supremacy of Brahmins, animal sacrifices and emphasis on moral values were some of the fundamental tendencies of the Sramanic tradition. It is fundamentally important that Brahmanic ideas branded the Sramanic ideas as Vratya or uncultivated and local. The concepts of austerity, asceticism, liberation, meditation, equanimity and non-violence, which were earlier absent in the Vedas, came into existence in Brahmanic culture through Sramanic influences. The Jaina idea makes a room for a perfect co-existence with the rest of the living world. All living beings including plants and even insects remain unmolested by a believer in Jainism. It is futile to identify Jainism and Buddhism as sheer revolts against Brahmanism. These were virtually reformist movements taking ingredients from Brahmanic and local thoughts and ideas.&lt;br /&gt;
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Jainism, Hinduism and Buddhism share many key concepts derived from the Sanskrit language and dialects which enabled them to sharpen their religious debates. For example, all three traditions share a notion of karma i.e actions of individuals that determine their future births; yet each has attached unique connotations to the concept. This is also true with terms such as dharma (often translated as &#039;duty,&#039; &#039;righteousness,&#039; or &#039;religious path&#039;), voga (ascetic discipline) and yajna (sacrifice, or worship). This Sanskritic discourse has shaped the religious and philosophical speculations as well as the polemics of each of these traditions. The Buddhist triads- the Buddhas, the sacred books and the priesthood-are the harmonies in which they place all their confidence. The greatest institution for the Buddhas are their monks, sangha and vihara.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Humanist thought in the age of Asoka&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Until the rise of the Maurya dynasty, we have a long but practically dateless regime of philosophical concepts, faiths and beliefs and legends; but little we know about political environment in which these thoughts originated and got circulation. However, the regime of the Maurya emperor Asoka reveals how the rulers reacted to religious ideas and institutions. Diverse religious ideas and hypotheses are being seen to receive Asoka&#039;s attention. Asoka seems to have borrowed liberally the religious ideas of his time and tried to implement them as state ideologies. The prestine Buddhism later turned into many splinter sects, each of which had been propagating its own ideas as precepts of Buddhism. Asoka made a syntheses of all of these ideas and built on them his own concept, Dhamma, and propagated it throughout his empire.&lt;br /&gt;
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Asoka&#039;s concept of Dhamma has been laid down in the form of inscriptions displayed in different parts of his empire. To Asoka, Dhamma appears to be an aggregate of ethical and moral values. In his inscriptions Dhamma has been defined both as Truth and Piety. He believed, Dhamma is not some sectarian formula but is indicative of eternal moral-ethical values for all to become happy and emancipated. Asoka himself defined Dhamma as a moral life characterised by freedom from sin, rendering good to others, mercifulness, liberality, truthfulness, purity, sanctity and finally modesty. These attributes are the essence of Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism. In short, Asoka&#039;s ideology was to synchronize all great ideas hitherto projected by diverse religions and ideologies, and to make them popular and practiced among his subjects. Asoka&#039;s Dhamma was circulated throughout the empire by means of pillar inscriptions. In moulding social character in the line of the Dhamma Asoka&#039;s inscriptions worked quite effectively. To save the people from the effect of a devastating famine in eastern India, Asoka issued a decree to the local rulers to distribute food grains among the needy from state granary. The impact of Dhamma on state policy can be measured by this royal order.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Social and political ideas&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Maurya empire lasted from 187 BC to 300 AD. From the epigraphic records we get some ideas about the Maurya state management system. The epigraphic records of the Maurya empire, which extended up to eastern Bengal to the east, reveal that the Mauryas developed and executed the idea of paternalistic state responsibility about the security and welfare of the subjects. For example, the Mahasthan Brahmi Inscription discovered in 1931 indicates that the Maurya rulers directed local administration to establish state granaries and keep them full always to help the subjects at times of scarcity and famine. It is clear that Asoka and his successors were influenced by contemporary Brahmanic, Jaina and Buddhist ideas on the responsibilities of the king. The duties of the rajas and maharajas and also of the kingly functionaries, such as amatya, mantri and sachiva, were elaborated though vaguely in the Smrti literature of Manu, Narada, Katyayana and Prajapati. The Mimansa darshan of Sabar, Kumarila and Jaimini is the second most important source for enriching the political mind of the Maurya state. Niti Sastra, particularly Kamandaka&#039;s Nitisar, taught the king about his rights and responsibilities. King&#039;s powers are limited by his responsibilities, according to Kamandaka. In the manner of Arthasastra, Kamandaka reiterates that the &#039;King has to be equipped in all the four branches of knowledge, namely, philosophy, theology, economics and politics. Self-discipline, sharp intellect and sound character are the ruler&#039;s prerequisites.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts on Society, polity and economy&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The social and economic ideas of the period are reflected in the works of Kautilya&#039;s Arthasastra (AD 300), the Niti Sastras and Puranas, the works of Kalidasa, Bana Bhatta, Harshavardana and others. What we understand by economics today was called varta in ancient times. Within the discipline of varta came agriculture, commerce and cattle breeding. Kautilya held that agriculture, cattle rearing and trade alone constitute varta. Kusida or money lending was also within the scope of varta. In the later period, artisanship was also brought under varta. Varta comes from vritti (profession or livelihood). The Bhagavad Purana has given the highest status to cattle rearing as a vritti, and it came second only to agriculture in importance. Trade and lending money on interest were allotted the third position, trade being put at a somewhat higher level than usury, the vritti of the lowest grade. Varta recognised family as a necessary economic and social unit. The deciding unit for consumption was the family, not the individual. Things and services were directed to the family and not to the individual. The family was also a production centre. All members of the family must follow the same vritti. A vritti was decided by birth, not by choice. Therefore, varta became the occupations of the two lower castes, Vaisya and Sudra. &lt;br /&gt;
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Land was the source of all wealth according to Sukra. Sukra Nitisara makes a clear departure from the Arthasastra-Sriti tradition in dealing with political economy. It deals less with statecraft and more with the ruler and the norms of state life. Sukra&#039;s emphasis was on inter-relationship between the king, state and subjects. Sukra&#039;s Nitisara is more a code of conduct for the rulers and the ruled, and furthermore discussion of the functions of the state, techniques and measures of coercion, conquest and the disciplining of the people for a stable order. About land owners there were two theories among the thinkers. According to Jaimini and Sabara, land belonged to cultivators, but king was entitled to taxes from the holders of land. The rent collecting right was exchanged for the protection offered by the king to the occupants of land. However, the school of thought represented by Manu and others regarded king as the representative of God and Lord of land, and cultivators had the right to their land through the grace of the Divine king. To protect the agriculturists during famines, Sukra recommended establishing state granaries in different parts of the state. The political and economic thoughts of the Maurya state seems to have prevailed down to the end of Sena rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  &#039;&#039;Turki-Afghan-Mughal times (1204-1772)&#039;&#039;  The geographical limit of the ideas and institutions discussed above belonged mainly to the heartland of Aryan culture, the middle and lower Gangetic regions (northern India, Bihar, West Bengal and northern part of Bangladesh). It is postulated that in the Bengal Delta&#039;s central, eastern and northeastern regions, the diffusion of Indo-Aryan culture was undoubtedly far less felt. The non-Aryan tribes were still dominant in their political and production relations until the coming of the Muslim rulers, though Buddhist culture established considerable foothold in some parts of eastern Bengal. But by and large eastern Bengal seems to have remained immune from the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions. The Muslim ruling dynasties from the beginning of the thirteenth century added an important new dimension to the social, political and cultural life of the region. This region was destined to be influenced more by Turki-Afghan-Mughal culture than by Aryan culture.&lt;br /&gt;
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From the perspective of changes in thoughts and ideas and their impact on polity and culture, Muhammad Bakhtyar Khalji&#039;s conquest of northwestern Bengal (1204 AD) and the subsequent developments in politics, culture and economy make revolutionary innovations in the existing ideas and institutions. Invocations of political symbols are in effect resorting to cultural moorings. If most of the political thoughts and ideas of the pre-sultanate state deeply concentrated on the duties of the king, it was because of Brahmanic culture in which &#039;king&#039; was accepted as divine. Hence, it was for humans to ask favour and grace from him in the guise of reminding him of his divinely ordained duties. But the chief of the sultanate state was a human being and had no divine authority to invoke. His authority was based on power, not on divinity. The governing elements of the new statehood are directly drawn from the Arab, Persian, Turkish and Central Asian political and religious cultures, where &#039;power&#039; gives legitimacy to the ruling classes. There the theocratic institution of Khilafat worked as a theory in favour of the unifying Khilafat. But in practice, sharia did not possibly work as strong a symbol as the former divinity of the Brahmanic state.&lt;br /&gt;
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Muhammad Ghuri, who established Muslim rule in Delhi (1193 CE), did not apply comprehensive sharia rules. It was not possible in a state where Muslims formed a small minority. Ghuri&#039;s general Muhammad Bakhtiyar, the conqueror of Bengal, shared the same principle. The political vision of the sultanate has been elaborated by Fakhr al-Din Razi (d. 1209) of Herat, a renowned Iranian thinker and scholar who served in some Central Asian states. He also served as an advisor to Muhammad Ghuri and Bakhtiyar. In his Jamial-ulum, Razi formulated the following propositions for the Muslim state in India:&lt;br /&gt;
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The world is a garden, whose gardener is the state [daulat];&lt;br /&gt;
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The state is the sultan, whose guardian is the Law [sharia];&lt;br /&gt;
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The Law is a policy, which is protected by the kingdom [mulk];&lt;br /&gt;
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The kingdom is a city, brought into being by the army [laskar];&lt;br /&gt;
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The army is made secure by wealth [mal];&lt;br /&gt;
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Wealth is gathered from the subjects [raiyats or peasants];&lt;br /&gt;
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The subjects are made servants by justice [adl];&lt;br /&gt;
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Justice is the axis of the prosperity of the world [alam].&lt;br /&gt;
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The propositions, though full of platitudes, indicate Razi&#039;s political thoughts for a Muslim ruler in a non-Muslim country. It must be noted that Razi, as a practical politician and thinker, did not make any reference to Allah. His deductive approaches are secular which laid emphasis on royal justice, which must be the binding force between the king and his subjects. Though he mentions about sharia, it appears little more than a prop to the sultanate. The caliph is not mentioned at all. Razi meant the sultanate to be a secular state and the sultans, in fact, gave equal support to all faiths. Incidentally, Muslim rulers in Central Asia and Spain made justice and power the bases for legitimacy. Thus both the justice and military departments were kept in the hands of the Muslims and the rest of the state functionaries were allowed to be shared with the subject people. The sultans and later the Mughal state also kept justice and military in the hands of the immigrant Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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Conversion to Islam in the Muslim-dominated Cental Asian countries took place predominantly through the dervishes and sufis, and the process was repeated in the Sultanate and Mughal Bengal. The state itself did not undertake any measure to promote Islam in Bengal. Many of the sufis received land grants from government for maintaining their khankas (spiritual hubs). The Hindu spiritual figures and educators also had similar grants from the government. In short, the political mind of both the sultanate and Mughal state was to have a laissez-faire approach to the religious affairs of the subjects.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Rise of assorted ideas and institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  At the philosophical level, the major religions like Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism held many thoughts in common. Their sharing concepts like karma, yoga and dhyna had very wide ramifications among all the ancient religions of the region. More significantly, in esoteric and abstruse practices, the major religions had deep influences on indigenous culture too. Under this setting, the contact between Islam and Bengal&#039;s eclectic faiths and practices was destined to produce effects of far-flung significance. Islam, as the religion of the ruling people of the Sultanate and Mughal states, was likely to play a major role in its interaction with the existing faiths of the region. As has been noted earlier, the Muslim regimes maintained a neutral status with regard to dealing with local religions, which were allowed to function without being interfered by the state. Yet, without active state support Islam became strongly established in Bengal within a century of the foundation of Muslim rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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On the eve of the establishment of the sultanate state we find a movement for a synthesis in the Tantrika thought of worship in Hinduism. We have thus Tantrikism for at least five Hindu sects: Saiva Tantrikism, Sakta Tantrikism, Vaisnava Tanrikism, Saura Tantrikism and Ganapatya Tantrikism. The whole Tantrika procedure of mantra, yantra, chakra, nyasa, mudra, initiation, bhutasuddhi and consecration of images was gradually introduced into various Brahmanical cults signifying that Brahmanical domination in social ideas was eroding from within. The trend facilitated the movement to a common path to mystical practitioners of all religions including Islam. For all, Yogachara became the most important mode for achieving numinous insight by both Hindu and Muslim mystics. In mystical speculations, sufi methods sounded impressive to Hindu sadhus and Tantrika Buddhists, who were equally eager to comprehend the transcendent reality unmediated by priests or other worldly institutions.&lt;br /&gt;
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The sufis, who came to Bengal in the wake of the foundation of the sultanate state, put great emphasis on the acquisition of knowledge (&#039;ilm). &#039;They were able to convince the ruling dynasty that their political strength and security lay in the acquisition of knowledge. Rukunuddin Samarkandi (d. 1218), the chief qazi of the government of Ali Mardhan Khalji (1210-1212) was a great jurist and a sufi. He learnt Sanskrit to understand the state of learning in the new Muslim kingdom. He found good deal of similarity between mystic approach of the sufi and yogist and tantric thoughts of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and other minor religions. Such an approach was certainly highly favourable to the new regime, which found it expedient to promote the idea in a Hindu land ruled by Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;The Sufi theory of kingship&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Muslim mystics, particularly those of the early sultanate period, mostly possessed independent ideas about life, religion and state. They considered ilm (knowledge), ishq (love) and aql (intellect) as essential qualifications for spiritual and worldly advancement. Every sufi set up a madrasa within the precinct of his khanka. Most of them were also seasoned warriors and were supported by other warriors. Through their learning and armed following, the sufis wielded immense influence over the political authorities and on the people. The political government always sought their sanctions regarding legitimacy, law, sanctification of bureaucratic authority and bestowing state positions and so on. Without the sanction and support of the sufis it was difficult on the part of a sultan to rule peacefully. Thus all new sultans sought their blessings by personal visits to their khankas. However, differences of thoughts and ideas regarding din (religion) and duniya (worldly affairs) among sufis led them to remain organized under different silsila (spiritual orders) of which most important and influential during the sultanate and Mughal periods were the Chishti, Shattari, Suhrawardi and Firdausi orders.&lt;br /&gt;
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The existence of a sufi and a sultan in the same geographical domain gives two parallel visions of authority. While the sultan was the sovereign of the state, the sufis wielded some parallel power and status. The following parallelism of authority between a sufi and a sultan/padsha illustrates two parallel powers in the same realm:&lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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| The title of the sovereign is king. || The title of the sufi is Shah/Shahsufi.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King sits on a throne. || Sufi sits on a gadi.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has kingdom. || Sufi has &#039;&#039;wilayet&#039;&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has the capital. || Sufi has the &#039;&#039;khanqa&#039;&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King wears crown. || Sufi wears &#039;&#039;taz/dastar&#039;&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has a court. || Sufi has a &#039;&#039;darbar&#039;&#039;. &lt;br /&gt;
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|King collects taxes. || Sufi collects &#039;&#039;musthi/nazrana&#039;&#039;. &lt;br /&gt;
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| King holds &#039;&#039;punyah&#039;&#039; at the year-end. || Sufi holds &#039;&#039;Urs&#039;&#039; and collects annual &#039;&#039;nazrana&#039;&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King punishes for violation of laws. || Shah punishes for &#039;&#039;bedaat&#039;&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King is a protector of subjects. || Sufi is the &#039;&#039;murshid&#039;&#039; (spiritual guide) of &#039;&#039;muridan&#039;&#039; (followers).&lt;br /&gt;
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| King issues decree. || Sufi issues &#039;&#039;fatwa&#039;&#039; (legal opinion).&lt;br /&gt;
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| King nominates a successor to throne. || Sufi nominates &#039;&#039;pirzada&#039;&#039; or &#039;&#039;sheikhzada&#039;&#039; to &#039;&#039;gadi&#039;&#039; (spiritual centre).&lt;br /&gt;
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In the sultani political thought as interpreted by the sufis, the political status of the sufi was theoretically superior to the sultan, as a shah or sufi could customarily issue fatwa against the legitimacy of a new sultan. This idea was commonly shared by all the leading orders of the sufis. The sufi&#039;s superiority over the sultan is recognized by the fact that the sultans honoured the sufis by making visits (ziarat) to them in their khankas. The royal visits were rarely returned by the sufis. In sufi thought, there was no scope for giving high positions to non-Muslims in a Muslim state. Though Muslims formed a microscopic minority demographically, the sufis considered Bengal as a Muslim state simply on the ground that the rulers of the country were Muslims.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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But realities prompted the sultans to share power with the Hindus. While most military and judicial positions were held by the Muslims, most civil positions, especially those of the crucial revenue administration, were allotted to the Hindus. According to orthodox Hindu thought, all those who cooperated with the Muslim rule by joining in the services of the Muslim state became polluted by their contacts and associations with the yavanas (foreigners), and such polluted people got new caste titles, such as Pir-Ali, Sher-khani and Srimantakhani. They were looked down upon by the mainstream Brahmin groups and subgroups. However, through their association with the Muslim rulers, they became immensely rich and influential in society, and their social influence ushered a new trend in the socio-religious ideas and thoughts. The rise of&#039; Gaudiya Vaishnavism&#039; was a direct result of the Hindu-Muslim cooperation. This movement launched by [[Sri Chaitanya|sri chaitanya]] in the late fifteenth century challenged the castes, sects, rituals, sacrifices prescribed by Hindu orthodoxy. Love for human and understanding God through love alone became the theme of the new movement. Most leading followers of the new movement came from those high caste Hindus who were &#039;polluted&#039; by their yavandosh. Their contact with yavanas made them unacceptable to orthodox Hindu society. Leaders of the Gaudiya Vaishnava movement were influenced by sufi thought and the greatest of them was Sri Chaitanya (1486-1533), a young radical scholar of Nabadwip. Chaitanya&#039;s core thought was unity and oneness of humankind and salvation through love for the whole humanity and all forms of Vishnu, especially Krishna. The aim of this new thought was to include all sections of society into its fold. It was presented as an alternative social ideology based on the reformed religious ideas and principles. All Hindus &#039;polluted&#039; by contact with the Muslim mlechhas and ostracised by orthodox Hindu society joined the new movement. Since most of them were relatively affluent and influential due to their wealth and education and state support, the new movement could establish support bases among the depressed people very rapidly. By the end of the sixteenth century the Gaudiya Vaishnava movement reached every nook and corner of the Shah-i-Bangaliya (the royal Bengal).&lt;br /&gt;
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The humanist idea of Bhakti, salvation through devotion and love of vaishnavism is rooted in the Vaishnava saints like Narada, Sandilya, Rupa Gosvami, Jiva Gosvami and Vallabhachari. All Vaishnava sects honour Narada as a great Vaishnava saint. His sayings, called Sandilya-sutra, have been described as a Mimansa of Bhakti tatva (thought). Rupa Gosvamin and Jiva Gosvami made the original simple dogma of Chaitanya complex and ritualistic to some extent. They were perhaps influenced by the worldly reality that without rituals no abstract thought could survive the test of time. The devotees were directed to give up learning and to submit to bhakti for the sake of psychic development. Bhakti required one to reject bohemianism of all kinds in the name of religion, and reject all kinds of physical and mental impurity. Bhakti was declared to be absolutely incompatible with sexual yoga. According to Bhakti thought, yoga as a method might be appropriate for acquiring knowledge, but for achieving the state of samadhi, the last stage of yoga, bhakti was superior to yoga.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Sharia concept of the Muslim state&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Sultans ruled a region, Shah-i-Bangaliya, which was populated predominantly by Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, tribals and others. Yet, the ulama, sufis and the sultans declared their regime as Muslim. Their claim was logical in the sense that it was then the rulers, not the ruled, who determined the political status of their domains. The Muslim law and justice system allowed the subject peoples to live according to their respective faiths and beliefs if they paid a symbolic duty called jizya, a tax which exonerated the non-Muslims from rendering military services during the time of war. The contemporaries did not look at jizya as a disgrace as it came to be perceived in modern times. The tax relieved its payers from the grave risk of going to war. At more practical levels, Muslim laws allowed the non-Muslims to live freely according to their own faiths and practices. It must be noted that similar toleration was shown to the non-Muslim subjects of the early Islamic state so long Muslim population did not acquire dominant position demographically. Such a supreme demographic superiority was never acquired in Bengal until the late nineteenth century and that was, again, achieved in eastern Bengal only. Therefore, as per the Islamic tradition of coming to terms with the majority subject peoples during the formative period of the Islamic state in the Arab, Persia and Central Asian worlds, the Sultanate and Mughal state also followed the policy of toleration towards the non-Muslims. As regards personal law, the state administered Hindu laws for the Hindu subjects and Muslim laws, for the Muslim subjects. Buddhists and other religionists were also governed by their respective religious canons.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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The political theory of the Mughal government in Bengal was to knit many religious and ethnic communities into a single political system. Activities offensive to Hindus were banned. Levies on Hindu pilgrims and all discriminatory taxes on Hindus were abolished. State support was given to celebrated Hindu festivals, and Hindu sages were accorded special honour. The theory and practice of looking at all subjects equally and generously had been directly drawn from both Indian and Perso-Islamic notions of kingship in which the king was seen as divine. In this respect, all subjects high and low had the right to seek justice and kindness from the throne on an equal footing. The institution of jharoka was intended to bring the ruler and the ruled together on a common platform. Both blessed each other. Jharoka was copied at provincial level. In Mughal political concept, all people of the kingdom from the highest to the lowest in rank were bound together by a theory of mutual obligations articulated through the ideology of &#039;salt&#039; (nimak), a semantic term of Persian origin expressing mutual obligation and protection.&lt;br /&gt;
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The most remarkable aspect of the ideas and institutions of the Sultani and Mughal regimes was the identification of land as the sole source of wealth. To generate wealth in land the Muslim rulers consistently tried to undertake measures congenial to development of land resources, which included forests and fisheries. Mughal thought favoured the idea of creating a landed class in the persons of zamindars and talukdars who were expected to represent the government to local people, and local people to the government. Thus the Mughal revenue administration vested the zamindars and talukdars with the revenue management locally. The creation of a state-sponsored intermediary class in the persons of zamindars and talukdars was a radical departure from the pre-Mughal practices.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;In Mughal political thought, the emperor possessed global jurisdiction. People visiting the emperor were considered as his subjects, not as foreigners endowed with special rights. This thought applied to the European maritime traders who came to Bengal for trade and commerce. They enjoyed no special rights. Thus Bengal could enter global trade through the European maritime traders. The imperial intention was to earn enough silver and make the imperial economy monetised and globalised.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Sultani thought on the national language&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The development of the Bangla language and literature into a national language and national identity in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was the realisation of a conscious thought promoted by the sultani rulers. A common feature of imperial history is that foreign rulers consistently introduced their own languages and cultures as a strategy of control over the subjugated peoples. The Sultani and Mughal rulers were no exception to this rule. They made Persian the official language of the sultanate, and the Mughals also upheld that tradition later. Under the Sultani and Mughal regimes Persian language and literature flourished. For material success local Hindu elites also learnt Persian and acquired the qualifications to get jobs under the Muslim rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, the great political thought of the Sultans and Mughals was concerned with the decision to make the state bi-lingual. Persian was to be the official language centrally, and Bangla regionally. The idea behind developing Bangla as a lingua-franca at local level was indeed revolutionary though it originated from a different motive altogether. The motive was essentially political. The existing supremacy of the Brahmanical class, which was opposed to the Sultani regime, in the social sphere and the dominance of the Sanskrit language and culture in the cultural arena had to be grappled with astutely and replaced by indigenous language and culture. The language policy of undermining Sanskrit and upgrading Bangla was felt to be absolutely necessary in order to strengthen the security of the sultani state.&lt;br /&gt;
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The state patronized the indigenous intellectuals to write in Bangla and on indigenous subjects. The policy led to the rise of an indigenous intellectual class to ventilate their thoughts in Bangla and to bring the indigenous culture to a broader view. The Bengali literary output of the great medieval writers like Jashoraj Khan, Kavindra Parameshvara, Shrikar Nandi, Shridhara, Vijaya Gupta, Vipradas and many others were the direct result of state patronage. That the sultan&#039;s language policy received local support is vindicated by the fact that writers of books in Bangla were eloquent in praising the patronizing sultans. Recognizing the contributions of the Sultani patrons in the prefaces of books became the standard practice among writers. Patronizing a vernacular language was stupendously successful in making Bangla the vehicle of intellectual expressions of Bengali writers. Once the Bangla language received recognition and status, the language of the land came to be known as Bangla. The state of the Bangla speaking people came to be known as Shah-i-Bangaliya.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts on human bondage&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The genealogy of bonded relations, especially slavery, established by the dominant classes may be historically traced back to the age of Aryanization of Bengal, when the subjugated local people, branded as dasa (slave) and bratya (untouchable), were politically, socially and economically placed in the social margin under the generic nomenclature of sudras. In the Aryan system, the labours of the sudra caste were designed to keep the general production system moving on the one hand and to give free labour to their high caste neighbours on the other. All faiths and polities preceding colonial rule preserved and promoted this system of social servitude in various forms of bondage from ordinary jazmani and peonage to direct slavery. The social idea of placing the dasas (slaves) and sudras at the bottom of the social ladder under the Brahmanic caste system was to sustain the comfort and creativity of the non-labouring higher castes. Undoubtedly, the idea of a perpetual working class (sudra caste) worked successfully in maintaining the supremacy of the higher castes until the mid-nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Muslim thought of slavery or social servitude fundamentally differed from the Hindu idea of the system. The dasas or slaves/sudras under the Brahmanic system was a permanent social domain placed at the bottom of society keeping the higher castes on the top as a perpetual arrangement. The Muslim thought about slavery came from political considerations rather than religious stipulations. It did not reject slavery outright but encouraged traditional slave owners to emancipate their slaves or at least treat them more humanely.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bengal, the Muslim social thought on slavery was to create a new variety of servitude beyond the existing caste-based institution of sudras. Muslim rulers and nobilities, who constituted initially a small minority in the country, needed considerable manpower to guard and serve their seraglios, harems and zenanas and to serve in the army and in other labour-intensive sectors. Under these pressing circumstances, they imported slaves from East Africa, Arab world, Central Asia and other places. The manner of importing foreign slaves was not very dissimilar to the slavery practiced in the early-modern plantation economies of America and European colonies in the Oceania.&lt;br /&gt;
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As for Mughal thought on political economy, the most significant was its decision to monetise the economy in response to western maritime contact. The thought was perhaps guided more by political than economic considerations. Against the European marine forces, traditional army supplied by mansabdars (military provincial governors) became ineffective. This realization came when the government failed to subdue the East India Company in a protracted naval war (1686-1690), which ended in a compromise and included the grant of zamindari right to the Company over three villages, Kolkata, Sutanuti and Govindpur. In response to the changed international relations, the government felt that a strong standing army and an efficient bureaucracy must be maintained to respond effectively to the presence of European maritime powers in the Indian waters.&lt;br /&gt;
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The European maritime companies brought bullion with them to buy eastern goods. The Mughal decision to establish takshal (minting house) to turn imported bullion into coins and to make the economy monetised was an extraordinary fiscal event in the history of medieval India. Hitherto money was minted but mainly to validate and display royal authority. Economically, the use of coins was limited to bulk transactions in urban centres.&lt;br /&gt;
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The monetization of the economy necessitated the bringing of corresponding changes in the revenue collection system. Previously revenue was generally collected in kinds, for which strong local government had to be established. Strong gram panchayet or village council was introduced to make revenue collection in-kind possible. Mughal authorities were quick to understand that monetisation of the economy held out to them a great opportunity to centralise the revenue collection system, and with it their political control over the remote local people too. Thus government conceived the idea of dispensing with the traditional rajas, bhuyans and rayans, and establish direct control over the people through a state-appointed zamindar class. Zamindars became the symbol of the state at pargana level. The idea of the zamindari system made the government politically strong on the one hand and financially stronger on the other. In between the zamindars and the state was created a hierarchic bureaucracy to make the collection of state revenue systematic and organised. With the intervention and encouragement from zamindars, various cash crops were introduced for facilitating the cash nexus of the economy.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions: British Period&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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The political idea of Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of the East India Company&#039;s domain in Bengal was to rule the country in accordance with the established ideas and institutions of the native people. As a long resident in the country he acquired considerable knowledge about the habits, customs and governing institutions of the country. His political idea was to preserve and promote the local culture and tradition and not to import alien political concepts and institutions for governing the country. For governance, he pursued the policy of power sharing with the local notables in the line of the Sultani and Mughal rulers. According to him Bengal was the inheritor of a rich historical tradition which must not be disturbed by the introduction of any European institution. As regards language, his policy was to preserve the local language and learning as was earlier done by the Muslim rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
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Hastings&#039;s &#039;orientalist&#039; ideas soon produced two groups of opinions among the civilians regarding the future management of the colonial state. One, and the most influential group until the early 1820s, was advocating for bringing changes in the country through revitalizing the indigenous institutions of the country, and the other, which was gaining ground from the 1820s, was in favour of abandoning the &#039;decadent&#039; oriental institutions and replacing them with western ideas and institutions for introducing vigour in the social mind of the country. The holders of the first idea have been known as Orientalists and those of the second as Anglicists.&lt;br /&gt;
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Intellectually, the Orientalist way was first beckoned by Sir William Jones (1746-1794), a Sanskrit scholar and jurist from Oxford and the founder of the Asiatic Society, Kolkata (1784) and a judge of the Kolkata Supreme Court. His famous &#039;Third Annual Discourse, 1788&#039; presented at the Asiatic Society let the world know for the first time that India had enjoyed a great civilization in the distant past (the Vedic age) marked by high degree of achievements in arts, sciences and philosophies. He inaugurated the discipline of linguistics by declaring with satisfactory evidences that the major languages of India are distinctly linked to those of the Aryans and Europeans. The other intellectuals stemming from the school of Jones were H.T Colebrook, S. Davis, J. Duncan, F. Gladwin, J.H Harrington, William Carey and C. Wilkins. They came from the colonial state&#039;s civil, diplomatic, military and judicial departments. Their main institutional bases were Kolkata Madrasah, Beneres Hindu College, Kolkata Fort William College, Kolkata School Text Book Society and Kolkata Sanskrit College. The Orientalists assumed that the way the European Renaissance drew its inspiration from the ancient texts, could very much show the path to Indian reawakening based on ancient Sanskrit lore. These Orientalists together represented the compound nature of Orientalist thought aspiring to achieving historical rediscovery, linguistic and literary re-birth and socio-cultural revival of India.&lt;br /&gt;
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The English public initially received the orientalist assumptions and findings with a spirit of humanism, classicism, cosmopolitanism and European enlightenment. Encouraged by this spirit, the government patronised the Orientalists until the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The Asiatic Society of Bengal (estd 1784) and [[Fort William College|fort william college]] (estd 1800) became the major centres for the cultivation of Orientalism. However, the outlook began to change from the 1820s when British colonial domination assumed world proportions and the imperialists thrust upon themselves the responsibility of &#039;civilising&#039; the subject peoples. The new thought, which got its strength from the liberal ideas of the Benthamite school in Britain, seriously suspected the usefulness of Orientalist exercises in the context of British colonial state in India. They were in favour of introducing English language and learning in India. This group, which came to be known as Anglicists as opposed to Orientalists, was led by the Council member Lord B. macaulay (1800-1859). The Anglicist thought of westernising India was in favour of abandoning the Orientalist policy of modernising India by revitalizing its ancient learning and institutions. Their idea was to launch the westernization drive by introducing western education and associated institutions.&lt;br /&gt;
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All the governor generals from Warren Hastings to Lord Amherst (1823-1828) belonged to the Orientalist view. Governor General William Bentinck (1828-35) adopted the Anglicist thought and overturned all the Orientalist ideas and achievements made since the time of Warren Hastings. Under Bentinck&#039;s administration, the College of Fort William became virtually non-existent, the Asiatic Society experienced grave financial strains, the Kolkata Madrassa and Sanskrit College came close to closure, the Kolkata School and School Text Book Societies were rendered ineffective. In short, the Orientalist thought of taking the colonial state to the path of progress and modernity without eradicating local culture and institutions was reduced to a dream of the past.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Anglicist arguments were first advanced seriously by Charles E. Trevelyan (1807-1886). Once an ardent Orientalist civilian and then turned an Anglicist, Trevelyan wrote a tract (1834) on the &#039;uselessness&#039; of the Fort William College. His argument was that the oriental thoughts of Warren Hastings and Wellesley were directed to educate the Europeans about local Indian languages and culture, but their ideas were later stretched out to the dream of making India modern by reviving and reinvigorating the ancient thoughts and institutions of India. Trevelyan found the effort of effecting modernism by an Orientalist way expensive and unpractical. Trevelyan recommended abandoning the Orientalist idea and making the desired change in India by giving western education in English and by introducing western institutions to inculcate western thoughts. Bentinck encouraged the Anglicist group and himself became an active Anglicist. H.H Wilson (1786-1860), the leader of the Orientalist group, being utterly frustrated, wrote to a friend that it was sheer lack of learning and ignorance about eastern civilisations that led Bentinck to support Trevelyan and other Anglicists. In fact, Bentinck represented Benthamite thought and wanted to transform India according to Utilitarian principles. Obviously, many civilians changed their Orientalist posture and joined the bandwagon of Anglicist group promoted by the Council&#039;s Law Member Thomas B. Macaulay, well-known in the west for his great intellectual ability, nationalism and literary style. He possessed little knowledge and experience about Indian civilization and possibly had no sympathy for the subjugated people of India at all. He believed that the introduction of English as a medium of instructions and administration would contribute to bringing modernist transformations for India and good for the people. He wrote a long minute on the issue of the Orientalist and Anglicist thoughts about future education policies. Throughout his minute Macaulay ridiculed the futility and vainness of Indian languages and cultures, arts and sciences and remarked that these were useless for modern life. The governor general in council finally resolved to abandon the orientalist line of policy and declared that the great object of the British Government ought to be the promotion of European literature and science amongst the natives of India and that all the funds appropriated for the purposes of education would be best employed on English education alone.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Liberal reform in operation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Ramram Basu (1757-1813), a kayastha and a pundit at Fort William College, inaugurated the thought of the liberal school by pointing to the moral laxity and idolatry of the Brahmanic class. In a tract entitled Jnanodoy (Dawn of Knowledge), Ramram described in details the errors of the Hindu priestly class and called for reforms in the religion before it became useless and dangerous to society. In terms of reason and re-thinking William Carey compared Ramram&#039;s tract with the discourses of Erasmus and Martin Luther on the eve of the Reformation in Europe.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Calcutta [[Hindu College|hindu college]] turned out to be earliest centre for inculcating western ideas and thought. Henry Louis Vivian Derozio (1809-1831), a young Eurasian teacher of Hindu College gave lectures on Enlightened philosophers, especially Hume and Kant. He taught his students how to be critical in outlook and how to think independently. Derozio was fired from the Hindu College for the style of education he presented to students. Derozio&#039;s teachings indeed crossed the limit of toleration that the conservative Hindus could endure. But many of Derozio&#039;s students were deeply influenced by his thought and became critical of the traditional Hindu beliefs and practices.&lt;br /&gt;
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This radical group of the Hindu College came to be known as [[Young Bengal|young bengal]]. Their aim was to rebuild the intellectual tradition of Bengal on the basis of reason. They were deeply influenced by the western intellectual ferment of the time. For their westernized outlook they received indignation and indictment from the conservative Hindus. The assumption of the Young Bengal was that for various historical and other reasons Bengal society became superstitious, irrational and gullible. So it must be put to the path of knowledge in order to salvage it from degradation. Their idea got expression in the publication of a weekly journal, Jnanannesan (search for knowledge) in 1831-40.&lt;br /&gt;
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In short, we find in the early nineteenth century the rise of three schools of thought. First was the Arya Samaj, which drew ideas from [[Raja Rammohun Roy|rammohun roy]] and his Atmiya Sabha. This school advocated for the restoration of monotheistic Vedic thought in religious practices and abandoned idolatry. The Arya Samaj supported the British idea of free trade and colonization of India and the introduction of commercial crops based on plantation mode of production. It is very clear that the Arya Samaj was under the influence of British free traders who were active in the movement for abolishing the East India Company and allowing British capitalists to introduce the plantation economy in India. The social thought of the Arya Samaj was to reform Hindu society in the line of Vedic ideas and make society caste free. The mainstream thought was represented by the Dharma Sabha (estd 1831) led by [[Deb, Radhakanta|raja radhakanta dev]], [[Bhabanicharan Bandyopadhyay|ram camul sen and bhabanicharan bandyopadhyaya]]. They also sought limited social reforms, and that within the bounds of Hinduism. They steadfastly opposed Bentinck&#039;s plan of reforms in the name of eliminating social &#039;superstitions&#039;. The opposition started with the legal abolition of [[Sati|sati]] in 1828. Radhakanta Dev and his followers opposed the abolition of sati not so much because they had strong faith in its practice, but because in the so-called reform move they felt intuitively the danger of destabilising Hindu society and culture through a series of reforms gradually undermining the fabric of Hindu culture. The most remarkable aspect of the ideas propagated by the Dharma Sabha was their very advanced thoughts as regards various measures taken by the Company regime. In view of the wholesale elimination of Indian elements from the responsible positions in the government, Dharma Sabha leaders called for Indianising&#039; the civil service, abolition of the Permanent Settlement, giving up the idea of colonisation, taking up poverty alleviation programme and setting up a charitable hospital. Undoubtedly such thoughts were far ahead of time. These ideas came under public discussion and became public demands half a century later when the nationalist movement began under the leadership of the western educated bhadralok class in the 1880s. The third school of thought was that of the Young Bengal which drew its inspiration from the west and gave the idea of establishing secularist knowledge and institutions based on reason and utility. Both these thoughts came from the minority elements of the Kolkata intelligentsia.&lt;br /&gt;
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The ferment of the Hindu reformist thoughts conceived and practised by Rammohun Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Devendranath Tagore, Akhayakumar Datta, Ramtanu Lahiri, Ramkrishna and others in the nineteenth century shook traditional social thought to its foundation. They attacked the system of sati, early marriage for girl and dowry systems. Their ideas made a synthesis of the traditional Hindu meaning of life and western ideas and education. Rammohun&#039;s Brahma Sabha, Ramkrishna&#039;s Asram and Mission, Rabindranath&#039;s Santiniketan, Sriniketan and Visva Bharati represented their quest for the larger universe and their commitment to humanity, and at the same time keeping faith in the theory of maya (illusion).&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Reform thoughts in Muslim society&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  As regards the application of reason in intellectual exercises and everyday life, the Muslim intellectuals were undoubtedly far more advanced than their Hindu counterparts in the eighteenth century. &#039;The ferment of Muslim scholarship in the eighteenth century is well attested by the historiography of the time compiled by H. M Elliot and J. Dawson in a multi-volume series published in 1877 and a Bio-bibliographical Survey made by CA Storey published in 1939. The historical works like Riyaz us Salatin by Ghulam Husain Salim, Siyar-e- Mutakkherin by Saiyid Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai, Tawarikh-i-Bangala by Munshi Salimullah, Tarikh-i-Muzaffari by Muhammad Ali Khan, Tarikh-i-Nusrat Jangi by Nawab Nusrat Jung and other works are brilliant examples of Muslim intellectual responsiveness to the time. All these historical writers, particularly Saiyid Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai and Ghulam Husain Salim, interpreted Muslim rule in India as glorious politically, economically and religiously though they also identified many weaknesses and decadence of the Bengal rulers since Nawab Shujauddin Khan (1727-1739). They regarded the Palashi and subsequent events as inevitable in view of the failure of the Muslim political classes, measuring the importance and implications of the commercial interactions with the Europeans. All these writers hailed the take-over of the country by the Company and expected that the country&#039;s interests would not be adversely affected by the political changes. But it was only when the diwani system was abolished in the 1770s and the westernisation of administration by purging the local amla began in the 1780s and 1790s in defiance of sharia law that the Muslim intelligentsia declared absolute non-cooperation with the British. The non-cooperation included the wholesale rejection of all things western, including the benefits and dividends of inter-cultural contacts. Sometimes non-cooperation took the shape of violence. They registered their disapproval of the mode of English rule by organising armed resistance to it, and resistance in different forms continued down to the end of the great Sepoy Revolt.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Waliullah, Syed|shah waliullah]] of Delhi (1703-1762) started an intellectual movement to make the Muslim community aware of their decadence and of their political status in the face of the presence of the Europeans in India. Waliullah wanted the restoration of Islam on the basis of Sharia, not on syncretist ideas. Waliullah&#039;s desciple Saiyid Ahmad of Rae Bereli (1786-1831) declared the British as infidel and unacceptable to Muslims. He had a number of vigorous reformist activist desciples in Bengal like [[Titu Mir|titu mir]] and [[Shariatullah, Haji|haji shariutullah]].&lt;br /&gt;
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As has been noted, we have three schools of thought among the members of the Hindu intelligentsia, the Brahma Samaj, Dharma Sabha and Young Bengal. In varying degrees, all of them sought reason and modernization in their traditional culture. But the Muslim intellectuals (ulama) is seen to have ignored the reality of the strength of British rule and remained committed to their eighteenth-century thought and outlook. The ruling status of the elite Muslims remained fresh in their memory and it was indeed hard on their part to reconcile with the conquering people and their thoughts and ideas, and to make a new start in the light of political changes. Until the end of Warren Hastings&#039;s regime, Muslims were actively involved in the management of the new colonial state and they had no reason to stay away from it because the new regime allowed the local administration to be governed by local elements and according to the traditional system. From 1786 began the processes of Europeanising the administration and this policy alienated the Muslim elite class from the British state. The ruling class pride and the policy of the Company government to dispense with the past institutions disregarding their merits made the Muslim intelligentsia antagonistic to English rule, and thus remained intentionally aloof from reaping the benefit of the colonial regime. It is in this backdrop that we must look at the thoughts and ideas of the Muslim intelligentsia of the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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One side effect of the continued non-cooperation of the Muslim intelligentsia to British rule was their conscious effort to keep their system of knowledge and cultural life impervious to western thoughts and ideas. They withdrew to the charm of their past glories. Under the changed circumstances, the Wahabi thought of Islam had a unique opportunity to propagate it almost unopposed among the rural Muslim population of Bengal, though neither Titu Mir nor Shariatullah and their adherents were able to exercise any influence over the Muslims of the upper and middle classes living in the urban areas. The urban Muslim intelligentsia consistently maintained their affinity with the syncretic thoughts and ideas of sufi tradition. But the Anglicist policies eventually alienated the hitherto loyal urban Muslims and drove them to join the rank of the rebellious rural Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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But in spite of the Muslim rejection of British rule and its westernization plan, a number of Muslim intellectuals emerged to point out the mistakes of holding on to the traditionalist thought, while wind of progressive changes was blowing under the impact of the Anglicist reforms. Special mention may be made of Abdur Rahim (1785&#039;1853). Like Rammohun, Rahim was also originally influenced by traditional Muslim rationalist thought. But, as he wrote in Persian and Urdu, his ideas and thoughts remained confined to a limited circle. Rahim had no high descent to be proud of. His father was a solvent weaver. By the age of 15, Rahim became proficient in Persian and Arabic and proceeded to Lucknow first and then to Delhi for higher studies. Abdur Rahim came to Kolkata in 1810 to settle down at the age of 25. In Kolkata he joined the Europeans and the Kolkata bhadralok class and soon acquired proficiency in English and began his career as a translator to the Text Book Society. He earned fame among the Kolkata Anglicists as a translator of an article on geometry into Persian from the Encyclopedia Britannica, Hutton&#039;s Course on Mathematics into Arabic and Bridg&#039;s Algebra into Persian.&lt;br /&gt;
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Like Rammohun, Abdur Rahim questioned many of the religious dogmas of the Muslims of his time, particularly the Shia-Sunni conflict and sharia and sufi ways of life. Eventually, Rahim discarded sharia and turned into a rationalist and free-thinker. His philosophical and scientific views offended Muslims of all sects when he argued that the idea of God or a Supreme Being was the gift of the imams (Muslim religious and intellectual leaders). According to him, things existed and moved according to the law of nature and not by the wishes of any supernatural force. With the Muslims, he came to be known as Abdur Rahim Dahri (materialist/atheist). His radical thought alienated him from both the Muslims and Hindu intellectuals and even from the Christian missionaries.&lt;br /&gt;
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Rahim&#039;s ideas were too radical to attract the general public. However, Rahim left behind two illustrious students to keep his critical outlook alive. One was Obaidullah al-Obaidi (1834-1885), the well-known Orientalist scholar, educationist and reformer; and the other was Delwar Hosaen Ahmed (1840-1913), the first Bengali Muslim graduate of Kolkata University and a rationalist. While Obaidullah al-Obaidi was inclined to reforming Islam according to Sharia, Delwar Hosaen Ahmed was advocating for applying reason and updating the laws and institutions of Islam according to the changes and demands of the time. He argued that change was the part of law of nature and this natural dictate must be recognised for survival. He ventilated his social thought in the form of essays published in most of the progressive Kolkata newspapers and periodicals. In 1889, two volumes of his writings under the title Essays on Mohammedan Social Reforms were published by Thacker Spink and Co., Kolkata. Delwar Hosaen&#039;s main idea about the state and religion was that they must be separate from each other. State must tolerate religion and religion must tolerate state laws.&lt;br /&gt;
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The greatest influence on Muslim minds in the nineteenth century was exerted by traditionalist (but friendly to British rule) Muslim scholars like Maulanakeramat ali (1800-1873) of Jaunpur,abdool luteef (1828-1893) and syed ameer ali (1849-1928). They declared that though under a Christian regime India was not dar-ul harb. Opposing the ideas of the Wahabi leaders like Titu Mir and Shariatullah, they advocated for establishing a relationship with the British based on cooperation on the ground that Islam was not in danger under British rule. The Kolkata Mohammedan Society which was founded and led by Nawab Abdool Luteef, maintained that jihad or religious war against the British Raj would be unlawful. This statement represents just the opposite views held by the Wahabi activists who thought that opposition to, and even war against, British rule was an obligation on the part of all Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas of transferring power to elected institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; About governance, the guiding principle of the East India Company&#039;s government was to rule the country as far as possible by the native laws and institutions but without the participation of the natives in administration. The Great Sepoy Revolt of 1857 changed the mind of the British parliament about the continuation of British imperial presence in India. Parliament resolved in principle to take the natives in partnership in governing the country and eventually transferring power to the natives in phases, when it was appropriate. Through various reforms, measures were undertaken to recruit educated natives for the newly introduced Indian Civil Service. Measures were also taken to include the competent natives in the decision making areas like legislative councils, municipal government. The process started in 1862 with the induction of limited number of nominated members in the Governor General and Viceroy&#039;s Council and provincial governor&#039;s council. The processes of local self-government was begun with the introduction of local self-government in urban and rural areas. Through [[Morley-Minto Reforms|morley-minto reforms]] (1909) electoral system on a limited scale was introduced for the governor&#039;s legislative council. The most significant aspect of the Morley-Minto reforms was the introduction of separate electorate for the relatively backward Muslim community. The separate electorate system was destined to heighten the Hindu-Muslim tension, and eventually the partition of Bengal on communal basis.&lt;br /&gt;
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The [[Montagu-Chelmsford Report|montagu-chelmsford reforms]] (1919) laid the foundation of the representative government in the country. Under this Act limited representative government, what is known to us as Diarchy, was introduced. The idea of representative government based on adult franchise obtained institutional fullness under the Act of 1935, which introduced responsible provincial government under the separate electorate system. The Act transferred most of the governing powers to the elected representatives excepting some reserved powers held by the governor who now stood as the only link between the British and the Indians. It was under this Act that the total transfer of power was implemented on 14-15 August, 1947.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions, 1947-1971&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The partition of Bengal (1905) and its annulment (1911) led the Muslims think that they were in fact used as a pawn of British imperialism. The annulment of the partition forced the Muslims of East Bengal to chart their political future independent of British tutelage, and drove them to join the Pan-Islamist movement of the time and make a united platform with the Congress in order to fight against imperialism and achieve independence. The result was the Lucknow Pact (1916). The Lucknow Pact recognised the separate electorate system provided by the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909. The Hindu-Muslim unity got further strengthened by the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements and finally by the Bengal Pact (1923) which gave an institutional structure to Hindu-Muslim amity by giving the gurantee that the Muslims would be entitled to more jobs and services than their numerical entitlements until the parity was achieved between Hindus and Muslims. Thus the political thought of Pan-Islamism gave way to Hindu-Muslim unity based on Indian nationalism.&lt;br /&gt;
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But the ideal of Hindu Muslim unity soon collapsed on the rock of the Shuddhi and Sangathan movements lauched by Swami Shraddhananda in North India. Both the movements aimed at reconverting the Hindus who accepted Islam before. In response, Tabligh movement was launched from Deoband to stop the process of Muslims becoming Hindus. In the mean time Gandhi cancelled his Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement without consulting the Muslim leaders. All these had a backlash on Hindu-Muslim relations which culminated into a series of communal riots beginning from 1925 to 1927. Hindu-Muslim dissensions destroyed Gandhi&#039;s dream of Hindu-Muslim unity in Indian politics.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Emergence of the ideas of partition&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald&#039;s Communal Award (1932) which became the basis of the Act of 1935 largely satisfied the Muslim demands, but the Congress rejected the Award. The Communal Award was quickly followed by the idea of Pakistan first put by a young Cambridge student, Chowdhury Rahmat Ali, who set up an organisation called Pakistan National Movement to promote the idea of Pakistan. Pakistan, according to the idea of Rahmat Ali, was to be something like a Federation of Muslim majority provinces in the North West of India. The first leaders to take to the idea of &#039;Pakistan&#039; for implementation was the spiritual leader Aga Khan and political leader Fazli-i-Husain of the Punjab. Pakistan as a political concept became current in Muslim political parlance by 1935. In support of the Pakistan idea, poet and philosopher Allama Iqbal wrote to ma jinnah, the Muslim League leader, on 21 June 1937 encouraging him to translate the idea of &#039;Pakistan&#039; into a reality. But so far &#039;Pakistan&#039; idea did not include Bengal. But so far the &#039;Pakistan Scheme&#039; did not mean partition of India but a federated India with virtual independent provinces in which &#039;Pakistan&#039; would be one. The Pakistan idea was first supported by the daily Star of India (Calcutta) in its issue of 14 April 1933, but with little stir until 1940. While the [[Krishak Praja Party|krishak praja party]] (KPP) fought the elections of 1937 on the questions of rights of raiyats and rural indebtedness, the Bengal Muslim League fought mainly on the old Muslim solidarity issue. The concept of Pakistan arrived in Bengal in 1940 as a newspaper report from the Muslim League&#039;s Lahore Conference.&lt;br /&gt;
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As a new political party, the KPP did astoundly good at the 1937-elections, in which it emerged as the third largest party in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Indian National Congress being the first. Personally, [[Huq, AK Fazlul|a.k fazlul huq]] emerged as the most influential leader of Bengal, especially of East Bengal. But politically he failed to turn his KPP into a national institution. Soon KPP split into mutually opposing groups and for power became dependent on the support of the Muslim League. To stay in power, Huq joined the Muslim League and joined the Lahore Conference as the premier of Bengal. The Muslim League&#039;s Lahore Conference obtained special political significance from the fact that the League could persuade Fazlul Huq to read out the historic resolution that led to the emergence of Pakistan. The emergence of Pakistan was accompanied by the death of KPP.&lt;br /&gt;
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The original Lahore Resolution conceived Pakistan as a federation of &#039;states&#039; in agreement with the Act of 1935 and contemporary pan-Islamic movement as a bridge between Muslim nationalism and Indian nationalism. But the Muslim League&#039;s huge electoral success in the Muslim majority provinces turned the Muslim League&#039;s idea of the federation of&#039; &#039;states&#039; into a demand for one single state based on Muslim nationalism and thus Pakistan came into being on 14 August 1947.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;The idea of independent Bengal&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Under the Act of 1935, the provincial governments wielded the real power and responsibilities maintaining nominal link with the central government in Delhi. On the question of the mode of transfer of power, the Congress and Muslim League were unable to reach any agreement, and consequently law and order situation was collapsing in many provinces, particularly in Bengal and the Punjab. Being tired of the political wrangling between the Congress and the League, Prime Minister Attlee announced in February 1947 that the British rule in India would end inevitably by June 1948, and that if the Congress and the League could not reach an agreement on the question of transfer of power, the Britons would in that case leave India by keeping the provincial governments in power, if necessary. In this setting, [[Suhrawardy, Huseyn Shaheed|husein shaheed suhrawardy]], the Chief Minister of Bengal, officially initiated (27 April 1947) in Delhi the idea for an &#039;independent, undivided and sovereign Bengal&#039;. The move was backed by [[Khan, Khan Bahadur Hashem Ali|abul hashem]], secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, Sarat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc and Kiran Shankar Roy, the leader of the Bengal Congress parliamentary party. M.A Jinnah raised no objection to the idea of an independent Bengal. On 20 May 1947, an agreement was reached at Sarat Bose&#039;s house at Calcutta on the issue of the constitutional structure of the United Independent Bengal. But though the high commands of both Congress and League agreed to the idea, the independent Bengal plan did not eventually materialise. Time stood on its way. The transfer of power took place one year earlier than the date announced by Attlee. There was little time left for successful negotiations. Congress High Command gave veto to the idea of united independent Bengal. Communal tensions heightened. Above all, majority members of Legislative Assembly from the western part of Bengal voted for the partition of Bengal. Time was indeed too short to pilot successfully the idea of independent Bengal, and the central government&#039;s role was dubious. It was not really too pressing for them to organize the transfer of power one year earlier than the declared date. Furthermore, Suhrawardy should have been active on his idea of united independent Bengal much earlier than he did.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Language Movement&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Each of the five provinces of Pakistan had its own major language. In this spectre of multi-linguality, the most dominant was Bengali, the tongue of 53% people of Pakistan as a whole. To promote national integration, the central government in 1948 declared Urdu to be the state language of Pakistan. But Urdu, a language of North India, had no currency in East Bengal. East Bengal people spoke Bangla, and duly protested the measure of the central government. At one stage of the protest movement several students were shot dead in Dhaka (21 February 1952). This incident intensified the language movement in East Bengal and the government had to declare Bangla along with Urdu as the state language of Pakistan, and to promote Bangla language a research institution called Bangla Academy was established in December 1955.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Disparity debate, concept of two economies&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  On the eve of the partition, HS Suhrawardy, the premier of Bengal, remained busy with his idea of United Independent Bengal and thus the Bengal Muslim leadership in fact had no time, rather no mental preparation, to discuss the terms and conditions of East Bengal&#039;s becoming a constituting partner within the framework of Pakistan. Henceforth East Bengal remained the most neglected province of Pakistan. East Bengal&#039;s civil service, economy and armed forces were dominated by West Pakistan. The results of the First Five Year Plan and allocations made in the Second Five year Plan showed that East Bengal was made a source of income for West Pakistan. In short, East wing of Pakistan was virtually made a colony of West Pakistan. The economists and intellectuals of East Pakistan proved it quantitatively that earnings by East Pakistan were spent in development activities of West Pakistan, and central government allocations showed a regional disparity against East Pakistan to the extent of 60%. The progressively widening disparity issue persuaded the economists of East Pakistan to develop a Two Economy Theory for Pakistan. The economists and intellectuals visualized that the growth in disparities between East and West Pakistan originated in the inequitable policies and allocative decisions of the central government.&lt;br /&gt;
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The East Pakistan economists and intellectuals analysed the Second Five Year Plan (1960-65) and made it clear analytically that East Pakistan was destined to be poorer and poorer compared to West Pakistan unless the economic planning was made based on two economies. Economically, East and West Pakistan would compete and collaborate with each other in order to forge a balanced development for both the wings. But such thought did not get any consideration from the central government, and thus discontentment in East Pakistan was growing fast. Politicians took the language of the economists and intellectuals and tried to mobilize the masses to realize their demands and supported the two-economy theory advanced by economists and intellectuals of East Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Six-Point Programme&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Influenced by the two-economies idea, [[Rahman, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur|sheikh mujibur rahman]], the leader of the Awami League, advanced his Six-Point Programme at All-Parties Convention at Lahore on 6 February 1966. In his programme the Sheikh declared that East Pakistan was reduced to a colony of West Pakistan in all intents and purposes. To bring East Pakistan to equal footing with West Pakistan in all respects, Sheikh put up in his programme that Pakistan should be declared a federal state which would look after only defence and foreign affairs and the rest of the powers would be dealt with by the provinces; that the wings of Pakistan would have two convertible currencies; that taxation and revenue collection would be vested in the provincial government; that East Pakistan should have its separate militia or para military force. The West Pakistan leaders rejected Sheikh Mujib&#039;s demand outright and branded it as a plea to making East Pakistan independent of West Pakistan. The Sheikh was immediately confined and a case against him was filed to face a trial for sedition. But in the face of mounting mass agitation government released him. The Awami League joined the elections of 1970 on the Six-point programme. The people endorsed the six-point programme by electing the Awami League thereby expressing their total support to the political ideas.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Idea of independence and War of Liberation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  On the confinement of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a popular movement began in support of his Six-point programme. The movement was spearheaded mainly by the student community. Various student organisations drew up an eleven-point programme the target of which was the independence of East Pakistan. They declared independence at Dhaka University on 2 March 1971 and raised the standard of independent Bangladesh. They chose a national anthem and put up pressure on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to declare independence. Bangabandhu&#039;s address in the mamoth gathering at Ramna Racecourse on 7 March 1971 was the virtual declaration of independence. The declaration was followed by a War of Liberation from the mid-night of 26 March 1971, which culminated in the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The rise of Bangladesh as an independent state establishes the fact that the great tradition of ideas and institutions shaping and re-shaping the socio-cultural landscape of a society over the centuries can scarcely be nullified by political conveniences of the time. [Sirajul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Bibliography&#039;&#039;&#039;  Sirajul Islam ed., Cultural History, in Cultural Survey of Bangladesh Series-vol. 4 (Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2007); Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, Delhi, 1994; Mohammad Mohar Ali, History of the Muslims in Bengal, Riadh, 1985; Asim Roy, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal, Princeton, 1983; David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dnamics of Indian Modernization 1773-1835, University of California Press, Berkeley 1969; A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed, Bangladesh: Tradition and Transformation, Dhaka 1987.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:প্রতিষ্ঠান]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Ideas_and_Institutions&amp;diff=15578</id>
		<title>Ideas and Institutions</title>
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		<updated>2026-03-24T05:45:56Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;  of the peoples of Bengal may be traced back to the time when the janapadas of the Delta entered in regular state formation processes under the impact of the Aryans. From the janapada states of the fifth century BC to the independence from British rule, we encounter a long chain of political regimes and religio-cultural systems which directly influenced the thoughts and ideas of Bengal people. Since most religions and rulers, including the Muslims and British, were of extraneous origins, it may be well assumed that external influences on the social ideas and institutions during the period were very significant. The external ideas and institutions were in a process of being adapted to those of the indigenous peoples.&lt;br /&gt;
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People from diverse ethnicity and culture living in a common space for a durable period, are sure to influence each other in their respective ideas, thoughts and practices. The ruling class do influence the ruled far more directly and materially, but over the time the rulers are also influenced, in turn, through association by contiguity and similarity. For example, if Buddhist thoughts and ideas had noticeable similarity with those of the Vedic religion, it was because of the Buddhist association with the Vedic system by contiguity and similarity. Buddhist schools emerged when the Vedic system was already dominant there; hence it could not but be influenced by the dominant system. At the same time, since the Buddhist thought emerged indigenously by and large, it could not but derive many of its ideas and institutional characters from indigenous sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts and ideas to 1204 AD&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Until the rise of the regular, territorial state with defense and state bureaucracy, which did not possibly emerge until the advent of the Mauryas in the Gangetic plain, people&#039;s thoughts and ideas are known only from the early Vedic literature. The epic literature like the [[Ramayana|ramayana]] and [[Mahabharata|mahabharata]], presumed to be composed in 1500 BC, are some notable examples. All the kingdoms and kings and all the faiths and beliefs mentioned in the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Purana were basically abstruse in meaning and in historicity. The most dominant thought of the Brahmanic rishis (ascetics) in the shrutis, smritis and purana texts in the pre-state period have a common goal: establishing a perfect regime of the Brahma (Ramraj). The Jaina and Buddhist texts also had the same goal, a perfect regime of peace and tranquility. The Vedic, Jaina and Buddhist literature indicate that their main aim was to explore the origins of human being and the universe. The best specimen of the thoughts of prehistoric period are the Brahmanic ideas of cosmology and caste, and the anti Brahmanic thoughts of Jainism and Buddhism.&lt;br /&gt;
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The eastward expansion of the Aryans led them to be in contact with the Bengal janapadas around the fifth century BC. It was the time when the peoples of Bengal had already made a transition from the tribal to janapada polity. According to Aryan concepts, the Veda or Divine Knowledge was revealed to the rishis who were believed to be divine incarnates in human form. Truths were revealed to rishis who passed the secrets of nature on to people by means of mantras (hymns). By mantras, the rishis revealed the state of things before and after creation. The cosmogony and cosmology of the Veda as described by rishis bear a high degree of metaphysical and evolutionary concept of the age, which also include state formation.&lt;br /&gt;
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The thought of the rishis about the origins of the universe seems to have not been very different from those of Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity. However, the rishis gradually conceived the idea of a Spirit. The Spirit was a realm of no-entity though it gives life and existence to entities. They called the spirit Brahm, which diffuses itself through the universe. All gods, men and things are but modes of that Spirit. From the creative faculty of the sages later originated the myths of Trimurti (Hindu Triad), the three manifestations of the Brahma the Supreme Being: Brahma as the Creator, Vishnu as the Preserver and Shiva as the Destroyer.&lt;br /&gt;
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The creative ideas of the rishis and priests further proliferated while they were in contact with the Janapada peoples of the Bengal-Delta. They accommodated the local ideas of gods into their fold by creating a series of demigods, superhuman beings, higher and lower gods that would help them get close to Brahma. Furthermore, all the manifestations of Brahm: Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva become reincarnate (avatar) on earth in human form, and they have wives and children as they go for war and peace on earth. Krishna, the hero of the Mahabharata, and Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, are the avatars of Vishnu. In the Ramayana and Mahabharata, we find a series of demigods, super human beings, lower gods and higher gods, all in conflict or cooperation as and when necessary. They have authority on humans and they demand their obedience and surrender. Unless propitiated by sacrifices, the smaller gods do a lot of harm to the helpless worshippers. Towards minimizing their harming propensity arose the elaborate system of sacrifices. Originally sacrifice (yajna) was simply a symbolic gift, but later it assumed enormous institutional complexities to the extent of animal and even human sacrifices. The priests would determine which of the gods demands what from human being, when and how. Priests determine how much have to be sacrificed and in what mode, where and how. No wonder, as an institution, the class of priests emerged as the guiding force of society.&lt;br /&gt;
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Finally, we reach the legal or perceptive phase of Brahmanism, the chief source of which is the Code of Manu. Myth goes that Manu (son of Brahma), in consultation with other sages, compiled the Code in eighteen books. The Code detailed all manner of duties connected with the worship of God, and all the possible relations that can subsist between human and human, and between human and God. It is on the Code of Manu that the caste-system, the decisive element in the Hindu social thoughts and institutions, have been based. According to Manu, Brahma created distinct orders of men, as he created distinct species of animals and plants, and these orders are Brahmins (priests), Khatriyas (soldiers), Vaishyas (producers) and Sudras (servants). They must maintain separate entity from each other. The social order, according to Manu, would remain as perfect as the degree of perfections that could be maintained with regard to inter-caste separations.&lt;br /&gt;
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But soon the original four castes proliferated into hundreds of sub-castes. Manu&#039;s Code bestowed upon the Brahmin the privilege to marry a woman from any of the three lower castes. From the offspring of such marriages arose an endless number of castes within castes, each limited to its own occupation, rites and rituals. Under the caste rules none was allowed to transgress the caste limit; and if one did, he lost his caste and became outcaste. All outcastes made a kind of caste again. Social punishment for an outcaste was so severe that none dared to trespass the caste barrier through marriage or change of occupation. As regards human relations in society, the idea of the caste system and its detailed institutionalization stand out as the singular major institution devised for social divisions by the later Vedic sages.&lt;br /&gt;
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The interpretations of Vedas led to the rise of several philosophical schools (darshanas), most influential of which is the Vedanta school of Shankara (788 &#039; 820). His major works include the Brahma-Sutra-Bhasya and the Gita Bhaysa (a commentary on the Bhagavad-Gita). He provides a vigorous defense of the mind-body dualism, of the existence of a plurality of minds and mind-neutral physical objects and of monotheism. By analysing shruti (scripture), he relegates dualism, realism and theism to illusion in favour of a monism which holds that only nirguna (quality-less) Brahma exists. Mimansa is another major philosophical school about which the practitioners tried to get definitive knowledge by conceiving pramana or proof. Knowledge is real only when it is both logical and proven (pramana). Alternatively, it is also called the nyaya-school of thought. It seeks to show that birth is the pre-condition of human&#039;s suffering, and hence the most basic form of suffering. Most noted philosophical concept after pramana was samkhya, an atheistic philosophy attributed to a legendary figure, Kapila. This philosophy stresses on the fact that emancipation comes from understanding prakriti, renunciation and self-denial.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Jaina and Buddhist thoughts and ideas&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Ancient society&#039;s three main speculative streams, Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism, belong to the Sramanic trend of culture. The essence of Sramanic culture is that, in a life conceived as stages of increasing depersonalization or asceticism, every one is a pilgrim (sramana) whose only motto is to &#039;keep on going&#039; and who is determined to cross the Sea of Life and to reach its other shore. The Sramanic tradition is spiritualistic and stereological in its nature. It lays special emphasis on the renunciation of worldly belongings and enjoyments and on emancipation from worldly existence: the cycle of birth and death. These very ideas of emancipation (moksa/mukti/nirvana/kaivalya) and renunciation (tyaga/samyama/vairagya) have been cultivated by the Sramanas. Asceticism is the fundamental concept of the Sramanic tradition. It is on this ground that the religions of the Sramanic tradition such as Jainism and Buddhism differ so significantly from the early Vedic religion. The early Vedic religion was against asceticism and emphasised the material welfare of the individual and society. The caste system is directed to a welfare and well-ordered society, at least for the upper castes. While the Vedic seers in their hymns praised worldly existence and prayed for their own health and wealth, the Sramanas condemned this world of existence and propounded the theory that this worldly existence is full of sufferings and that the ultimate aim of human life is to get rid of worldly existence, that is, the cycle of birth and death. Austerities, renunciation, emancipation, atheism, supremacy of human beings over gods, equality of all beings and opposition of supremacy of Brahmins, animal sacrifices and emphasis on moral values were some of the fundamental tendencies of the Sramanic tradition. It is fundamentally important that Brahmanic ideas branded the Sramanic ideas as Vratya or uncultivated and local. The concepts of austerity, asceticism, liberation, meditation, equanimity and non-violence, which were earlier absent in the Vedas, came into existence in Brahmanic culture through Sramanic influences. The Jaina idea makes a room for a perfect co-existence with the rest of the living world. All living beings including plants and even insects remain unmolested by a believer in Jainism. It is futile to identify Jainism and Buddhism as sheer revolts against Brahmanism. These were virtually reformist movements taking ingredients from Brahmanic and local thoughts and ideas.&lt;br /&gt;
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Jainism, Hinduism and Buddhism share many key concepts derived from the Sanskrit language and dialects which enabled them to sharpen their religious debates. For example, all three traditions share a notion of karma i.e actions of individuals that determine their future births; yet each has attached unique connotations to the concept. This is also true with terms such as dharma (often translated as &#039;duty,&#039; &#039;righteousness,&#039; or &#039;religious path&#039;), voga (ascetic discipline) and yajna (sacrifice, or worship). This Sanskritic discourse has shaped the religious and philosophical speculations as well as the polemics of each of these traditions. The Buddhist triads- the Buddhas, the sacred books and the priesthood-are the harmonies in which they place all their confidence. The greatest institution for the Buddhas are their monks, sangha and vihara.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Humanist thought in the age of Asoka&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Until the rise of the Maurya dynasty, we have a long but practically dateless regime of philosophical concepts, faiths and beliefs and legends; but little we know about political environment in which these thoughts originated and got circulation. However, the regime of the Maurya emperor Asoka reveals how the rulers reacted to religious ideas and institutions. Diverse religious ideas and hypotheses are being seen to receive Asoka&#039;s attention. Asoka seems to have borrowed liberally the religious ideas of his time and tried to implement them as state ideologies. The prestine Buddhism later turned into many splinter sects, each of which had been propagating its own ideas as precepts of Buddhism. Asoka made a syntheses of all of these ideas and built on them his own concept, Dhamma, and propagated it throughout his empire.&lt;br /&gt;
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Asoka&#039;s concept of Dhamma has been laid down in the form of inscriptions displayed in different parts of his empire. To Asoka, Dhamma appears to be an aggregate of ethical and moral values. In his inscriptions Dhamma has been defined both as Truth and Piety. He believed, Dhamma is not some sectarian formula but is indicative of eternal moral-ethical values for all to become happy and emancipated. Asoka himself defined Dhamma as a moral life characterised by freedom from sin, rendering good to others, mercifulness, liberality, truthfulness, purity, sanctity and finally modesty. These attributes are the essence of Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism. In short, Asoka&#039;s ideology was to synchronize all great ideas hitherto projected by diverse religions and ideologies, and to make them popular and practiced among his subjects. Asoka&#039;s Dhamma was circulated throughout the empire by means of pillar inscriptions. In moulding social character in the line of the Dhamma Asoka&#039;s inscriptions worked quite effectively. To save the people from the effect of a devastating famine in eastern India, Asoka issued a decree to the local rulers to distribute food grains among the needy from state granary. The impact of Dhamma on state policy can be measured by this royal order.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Social and political ideas&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Maurya empire lasted from 187 BC to 300 AD. From the epigraphic records we get some ideas about the Maurya state management system. The epigraphic records of the Maurya empire, which extended up to eastern Bengal to the east, reveal that the Mauryas developed and executed the idea of paternalistic state responsibility about the security and welfare of the subjects. For example, the Mahasthan Brahmi Inscription discovered in 1931 indicates that the Maurya rulers directed local administration to establish state granaries and keep them full always to help the subjects at times of scarcity and famine. It is clear that Asoka and his successors were influenced by contemporary Brahmanic, Jaina and Buddhist ideas on the responsibilities of the king. The duties of the rajas and maharajas and also of the kingly functionaries, such as amatya, mantri and sachiva, were elaborated though vaguely in the Smrti literature of Manu, Narada, Katyayana and Prajapati. The Mimansa darshan of Sabar, Kumarila and Jaimini is the second most important source for enriching the political mind of the Maurya state. Niti Sastra, particularly Kamandaka&#039;s Nitisar, taught the king about his rights and responsibilities. King&#039;s powers are limited by his responsibilities, according to Kamandaka. In the manner of Arthasastra, Kamandaka reiterates that the &#039;King has to be equipped in all the four branches of knowledge, namely, philosophy, theology, economics and politics. Self-discipline, sharp intellect and sound character are the ruler&#039;s prerequisites.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts on Society, polity and economy&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The social and economic ideas of the period are reflected in the works of Kautilya&#039;s Arthasastra (AD 300), the Niti Sastras and Puranas, the works of Kalidasa, Bana Bhatta, Harshavardana and others. What we understand by economics today was called varta in ancient times. Within the discipline of varta came agriculture, commerce and cattle breeding. Kautilya held that agriculture, cattle rearing and trade alone constitute varta. Kusida or money lending was also within the scope of varta. In the later period, artisanship was also brought under varta. Varta comes from vritti (profession or livelihood). The Bhagavad Purana has given the highest status to cattle rearing as a vritti, and it came second only to agriculture in importance. Trade and lending money on interest were allotted the third position, trade being put at a somewhat higher level than usury, the vritti of the lowest grade. Varta recognised family as a necessary economic and social unit. The deciding unit for consumption was the family, not the individual. Things and services were directed to the family and not to the individual. The family was also a production centre. All members of the family must follow the same vritti. A vritti was decided by birth, not by choice. Therefore, varta became the occupations of the two lower castes, Vaisya and Sudra. &lt;br /&gt;
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Land was the source of all wealth according to Sukra. Sukra Nitisara makes a clear departure from the Arthasastra-Sriti tradition in dealing with political economy. It deals less with statecraft and more with the ruler and the norms of state life. Sukra&#039;s emphasis was on inter-relationship between the king, state and subjects. Sukra&#039;s Nitisara is more a code of conduct for the rulers and the ruled, and furthermore discussion of the functions of the state, techniques and measures of coercion, conquest and the disciplining of the people for a stable order. About land owners there were two theories among the thinkers. According to Jaimini and Sabara, land belonged to cultivators, but king was entitled to taxes from the holders of land. The rent collecting right was exchanged for the protection offered by the king to the occupants of land. However, the school of thought represented by Manu and others regarded king as the representative of God and Lord of land, and cultivators had the right to their land through the grace of the Divine king. To protect the agriculturists during famines, Sukra recommended establishing state granaries in different parts of the state. The political and economic thoughts of the Maurya state seems to have prevailed down to the end of Sena rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  &#039;&#039;Turki-Afghan-Mughal times (1204-1772)&#039;&#039;  The geographical limit of the ideas and institutions discussed above belonged mainly to the heartland of Aryan culture, the middle and lower Gangetic regions (northern India, Bihar, West Bengal and northern part of Bangladesh). It is postulated that in the Bengal Delta&#039;s central, eastern and northeastern regions, the diffusion of Indo-Aryan culture was undoubtedly far less felt. The non-Aryan tribes were still dominant in their political and production relations until the coming of the Muslim rulers, though Buddhist culture established considerable foothold in some parts of eastern Bengal. But by and large eastern Bengal seems to have remained immune from the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions. The Muslim ruling dynasties from the beginning of the thirteenth century added an important new dimension to the social, political and cultural life of the region. This region was destined to be influenced more by Turki-Afghan-Mughal culture than by Aryan culture.&lt;br /&gt;
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From the perspective of changes in thoughts and ideas and their impact on polity and culture, Muhammad Bakhtyar Khalji&#039;s conquest of northwestern Bengal (1204 AD) and the subsequent developments in politics, culture and economy make revolutionary innovations in the existing ideas and institutions. Invocations of political symbols are in effect resorting to cultural moorings. If most of the political thoughts and ideas of the pre-sultanate state deeply concentrated on the duties of the king, it was because of Brahmanic culture in which &#039;king&#039; was accepted as divine. Hence, it was for humans to ask favour and grace from him in the guise of reminding him of his divinely ordained duties. But the chief of the sultanate state was a human being and had no divine authority to invoke. His authority was based on power, not on divinity. The governing elements of the new statehood are directly drawn from the Arab, Persian, Turkish and Central Asian political and religious cultures, where &#039;power&#039; gives legitimacy to the ruling classes. There the theocratic institution of Khilafat worked as a theory in favour of the unifying Khilafat. But in practice, sharia did not possibly work as strong a symbol as the former divinity of the Brahmanic state.&lt;br /&gt;
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Muhammad Ghuri, who established Muslim rule in Delhi (1193 CE), did not apply comprehensive sharia rules. It was not possible in a state where Muslims formed a small minority. Ghuri&#039;s general Muhammad Bakhtiyar, the conqueror of Bengal, shared the same principle. The political vision of the sultanate has been elaborated by Fakhr al-Din Razi (d. 1209) of Herat, a renowned Iranian thinker and scholar who served in some Central Asian states. He also served as an advisor to Muhammad Ghuri and Bakhtiyar. In his Jamial-ulum, Razi formulated the following propositions for the Muslim state in India:&lt;br /&gt;
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The world is a garden, whose gardener is the state [daulat];&lt;br /&gt;
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The state is the sultan, whose guardian is the Law [sharia];&lt;br /&gt;
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The Law is a policy, which is protected by the kingdom [mulk];&lt;br /&gt;
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The kingdom is a city, brought into being by the army [laskar];&lt;br /&gt;
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The army is made secure by wealth [mal];&lt;br /&gt;
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Wealth is gathered from the subjects [raiyats or peasants];&lt;br /&gt;
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The subjects are made servants by justice [adl];&lt;br /&gt;
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Justice is the axis of the prosperity of the world [alam].&lt;br /&gt;
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The propositions, though full of platitudes, indicate Razi&#039;s political thoughts for a Muslim ruler in a non-Muslim country. It must be noted that Razi, as a practical politician and thinker, did not make any reference to Allah. His deductive approaches are secular which laid emphasis on royal justice, which must be the binding force between the king and his subjects. Though he mentions about sharia, it appears little more than a prop to the sultanate. The caliph is not mentioned at all. Razi meant the sultanate to be a secular state and the sultans, in fact, gave equal support to all faiths. Incidentally, Muslim rulers in Central Asia and Spain made justice and power the bases for legitimacy. Thus both the justice and military departments were kept in the hands of the Muslims and the rest of the state functionaries were allowed to be shared with the subject people. The sultans and later the Mughal state also kept justice and military in the hands of the immigrant Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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Conversion to Islam in the Muslim-dominated Cental Asian countries took place predominantly through the dervishes and sufis, and the process was repeated in the Sultanate and Mughal Bengal. The state itself did not undertake any measure to promote Islam in Bengal. Many of the sufis received land grants from government for maintaining their khankas (spiritual hubs). The Hindu spiritual figures and educators also had similar grants from the government. In short, the political mind of both the sultanate and Mughal state was to have a laissez-faire approach to the religious affairs of the subjects.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Rise of assorted ideas and institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  At the philosophical level, the major religions like Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism held many thoughts in common. Their sharing concepts like karma, yoga and dhyna had very wide ramifications among all the ancient religions of the region. More significantly, in esoteric and abstruse practices, the major religions had deep influences on indigenous culture too. Under this setting, the contact between Islam and Bengal&#039;s eclectic faiths and practices was destined to produce effects of far-flung significance. Islam, as the religion of the ruling people of the Sultanate and Mughal states, was likely to play a major role in its interaction with the existing faiths of the region. As has been noted earlier, the Muslim regimes maintained a neutral status with regard to dealing with local religions, which were allowed to function without being interfered by the state. Yet, without active state support Islam became strongly established in Bengal within a century of the foundation of Muslim rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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On the eve of the establishment of the sultanate state we find a movement for a synthesis in the Tantrika thought of worship in Hinduism. We have thus Tantrikism for at least five Hindu sects: Saiva Tantrikism, Sakta Tantrikism, Vaisnava Tanrikism, Saura Tantrikism and Ganapatya Tantrikism. The whole Tantrika procedure of mantra, yantra, chakra, nyasa, mudra, initiation, bhutasuddhi and consecration of images was gradually introduced into various Brahmanical cults signifying that Brahmanical domination in social ideas was eroding from within. The trend facilitated the movement to a common path to mystical practitioners of all religions including Islam. For all, Yogachara became the most important mode for achieving numinous insight by both Hindu and Muslim mystics. In mystical speculations, sufi methods sounded impressive to Hindu sadhus and Tantrika Buddhists, who were equally eager to comprehend the transcendent reality unmediated by priests or other worldly institutions.&lt;br /&gt;
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The sufis, who came to Bengal in the wake of the foundation of the sultanate state, put great emphasis on the acquisition of knowledge (&#039;ilm). &#039;They were able to convince the ruling dynasty that their political strength and security lay in the acquisition of knowledge. Rukunuddin Samarkandi (d. 1218), the chief qazi of the government of Ali Mardhan Khalji (1210-1212) was a great jurist and a sufi. He learnt Sanskrit to understand the state of learning in the new Muslim kingdom. He found good deal of similarity between mystic approach of the sufi and yogist and tantric thoughts of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and other minor religions. Such an approach was certainly highly favourable to the new regime, which found it expedient to promote the idea in a Hindu land ruled by Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;The Sufi theory of kingship&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Muslim mystics, particularly those of the early sultanate period, mostly possessed independent ideas about life, religion and state. They considered ilm (knowledge), ishq (love) and aql (intellect) as essential qualifications for spiritual and worldly advancement. Every sufi set up a madrasa within the precinct of his khanka. Most of them were also seasoned warriors and were supported by other warriors. Through their learning and armed following, the sufis wielded immense influence over the political authorities and on the people. The political government always sought their sanctions regarding legitimacy, law, sanctification of bureaucratic authority and bestowing state positions and so on. Without the sanction and support of the sufis it was difficult on the part of a sultan to rule peacefully. Thus all new sultans sought their blessings by personal visits to their khankas. However, differences of thoughts and ideas regarding din (religion) and duniya (worldly affairs) among sufis led them to remain organized under different silsila (spiritual orders) of which most important and influential during the sultanate and Mughal periods were the Chishti, Shattari, Suhrawardi and Firdausi orders.&lt;br /&gt;
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The existence of a sufi and a sultan in the same geographical domain gives two parallel visions of authority. While the sultan was the sovereign of the state, the sufis wielded some parallel power and status. The following parallelism of authority between a sufi and a sultan/padsha illustrates two parallel powers in the same realm:&lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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| The title of the sovereign is king. || The title of the sufi is Shah/Shahsufi.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King sits on a throne. || Sufi sits on a gadi.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has kingdom. || Sufi has wilayet.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has the capital. || Sufi has the khanqa.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King wears crown. || Sufi wears taz/dastar.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King has a court.Sufi has a darbar. || King collects taxes.Sufi collects musthi/nazrana. &lt;br /&gt;
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| King holds punyah at the year-end. || Sufi holds Urs and collects annual nazrana.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King punishes for violation of laws. || Shah punishes for bedaat.&lt;br /&gt;
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| King is a protector of subjects. || Sufi is the murshid (spiritual guide) of muridan (followers).&lt;br /&gt;
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| King issues decree. || Sufi issues fatwa (legal opinion).&lt;br /&gt;
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| King nominates a successor to throne. || Sufi nominates pirzada or sheikhzada to gadi (spiritual centre).&lt;br /&gt;
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In the sultani political thought as interpreted by the sufis, the political status of the sufi was theoretically superior to the sultan, as a shah or sufi could customarily issue fatwa against the legitimacy of a new sultan. This idea was commonly shared by all the leading orders of the sufis. The sufi&#039;s superiority over the sultan is recognized by the fact that the sultans honoured the sufis by making visits (ziarat) to them in their khankas. The royal visits were rarely returned by the sufis. In sufi thought, there was no scope for giving high positions to non-Muslims in a Muslim state. Though Muslims formed a microscopic minority demographically, the sufis considered Bengal as a Muslim state simply on the ground that the rulers of the country were Muslims.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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But realities prompted the sultans to share power with the Hindus. While most military and judicial positions were held by the Muslims, most civil positions, especially those of the crucial revenue administration, were allotted to the Hindus. According to orthodox Hindu thought, all those who cooperated with the Muslim rule by joining in the services of the Muslim state became polluted by their contacts and associations with the yavanas (foreigners), and such polluted people got new caste titles, such as Pir-Ali, Sher-khani and Srimantakhani. They were looked down upon by the mainstream Brahmin groups and subgroups. However, through their association with the Muslim rulers, they became immensely rich and influential in society, and their social influence ushered a new trend in the socio-religious ideas and thoughts. The rise of&#039; Gaudiya Vaishnavism&#039; was a direct result of the Hindu-Muslim cooperation. This movement launched by [[Sri Chaitanya|sri chaitanya]] in the late fifteenth century challenged the castes, sects, rituals, sacrifices prescribed by Hindu orthodoxy. Love for human and understanding God through love alone became the theme of the new movement. Most leading followers of the new movement came from those high caste Hindus who were &#039;polluted&#039; by their yavandosh. Their contact with yavanas made them unacceptable to orthodox Hindu society. Leaders of the Gaudiya Vaishnava movement were influenced by sufi thought and the greatest of them was Sri Chaitanya (1486-1533), a young radical scholar of Nabadwip. Chaitanya&#039;s core thought was unity and oneness of humankind and salvation through love for the whole humanity and all forms of Vishnu, especially Krishna. The aim of this new thought was to include all sections of society into its fold. It was presented as an alternative social ideology based on the reformed religious ideas and principles. All Hindus &#039;polluted&#039; by contact with the Muslim mlechhas and ostracised by orthodox Hindu society joined the new movement. Since most of them were relatively affluent and influential due to their wealth and education and state support, the new movement could establish support bases among the depressed people very rapidly. By the end of the sixteenth century the Gaudiya Vaishnava movement reached every nook and corner of the Shah-i-Bangaliya (the royal Bengal).&lt;br /&gt;
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The humanist idea of Bhakti, salvation through devotion and love of vaishnavism is rooted in the Vaishnava saints like Narada, Sandilya, Rupa Gosvami, Jiva Gosvami and Vallabhachari. All Vaishnava sects honour Narada as a great Vaishnava saint. His sayings, called Sandilya-sutra, have been described as a Mimansa of Bhakti tatva (thought). Rupa Gosvamin and Jiva Gosvami made the original simple dogma of Chaitanya complex and ritualistic to some extent. They were perhaps influenced by the worldly reality that without rituals no abstract thought could survive the test of time. The devotees were directed to give up learning and to submit to bhakti for the sake of psychic development. Bhakti required one to reject bohemianism of all kinds in the name of religion, and reject all kinds of physical and mental impurity. Bhakti was declared to be absolutely incompatible with sexual yoga. According to Bhakti thought, yoga as a method might be appropriate for acquiring knowledge, but for achieving the state of samadhi, the last stage of yoga, bhakti was superior to yoga.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Sharia concept of the Muslim state&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Sultans ruled a region, Shah-i-Bangaliya, which was populated predominantly by Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, tribals and others. Yet, the ulama, sufis and the sultans declared their regime as Muslim. Their claim was logical in the sense that it was then the rulers, not the ruled, who determined the political status of their domains. The Muslim law and justice system allowed the subject peoples to live according to their respective faiths and beliefs if they paid a symbolic duty called jizya, a tax which exonerated the non-Muslims from rendering military services during the time of war. The contemporaries did not look at jizya as a disgrace as it came to be perceived in modern times. The tax relieved its payers from the grave risk of going to war. At more practical levels, Muslim laws allowed the non-Muslims to live freely according to their own faiths and practices. It must be noted that similar toleration was shown to the non-Muslim subjects of the early Islamic state so long Muslim population did not acquire dominant position demographically. Such a supreme demographic superiority was never acquired in Bengal until the late nineteenth century and that was, again, achieved in eastern Bengal only. Therefore, as per the Islamic tradition of coming to terms with the majority subject peoples during the formative period of the Islamic state in the Arab, Persia and Central Asian worlds, the Sultanate and Mughal state also followed the policy of toleration towards the non-Muslims. As regards personal law, the state administered Hindu laws for the Hindu subjects and Muslim laws, for the Muslim subjects. Buddhists and other religionists were also governed by their respective religious canons.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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The political theory of the Mughal government in Bengal was to knit many religious and ethnic communities into a single political system. Activities offensive to Hindus were banned. Levies on Hindu pilgrims and all discriminatory taxes on Hindus were abolished. State support was given to celebrated Hindu festivals, and Hindu sages were accorded special honour. The theory and practice of looking at all subjects equally and generously had been directly drawn from both Indian and Perso-Islamic notions of kingship in which the king was seen as divine. In this respect, all subjects high and low had the right to seek justice and kindness from the throne on an equal footing. The institution of jharoka was intended to bring the ruler and the ruled together on a common platform. Both blessed each other. Jharoka was copied at provincial level. In Mughal political concept, all people of the kingdom from the highest to the lowest in rank were bound together by a theory of mutual obligations articulated through the ideology of &#039;salt&#039; (nimak), a semantic term of Persian origin expressing mutual obligation and protection.&lt;br /&gt;
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The most remarkable aspect of the ideas and institutions of the Sultani and Mughal regimes was the identification of land as the sole source of wealth. To generate wealth in land the Muslim rulers consistently tried to undertake measures congenial to development of land resources, which included forests and fisheries. Mughal thought favoured the idea of creating a landed class in the persons of zamindars and talukdars who were expected to represent the government to local people, and local people to the government. Thus the Mughal revenue administration vested the zamindars and talukdars with the revenue management locally. The creation of a state-sponsored intermediary class in the persons of zamindars and talukdars was a radical departure from the pre-Mughal practices.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;In Mughal political thought, the emperor possessed global jurisdiction. People visiting the emperor were considered as his subjects, not as foreigners endowed with special rights. This thought applied to the European maritime traders who came to Bengal for trade and commerce. They enjoyed no special rights. Thus Bengal could enter global trade through the European maritime traders. The imperial intention was to earn enough silver and make the imperial economy monetised and globalised.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Sultani thought on the national language&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The development of the Bangla language and literature into a national language and national identity in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was the realisation of a conscious thought promoted by the sultani rulers. A common feature of imperial history is that foreign rulers consistently introduced their own languages and cultures as a strategy of control over the subjugated peoples. The Sultani and Mughal rulers were no exception to this rule. They made Persian the official language of the sultanate, and the Mughals also upheld that tradition later. Under the Sultani and Mughal regimes Persian language and literature flourished. For material success local Hindu elites also learnt Persian and acquired the qualifications to get jobs under the Muslim rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, the great political thought of the Sultans and Mughals was concerned with the decision to make the state bi-lingual. Persian was to be the official language centrally, and Bangla regionally. The idea behind developing Bangla as a lingua-franca at local level was indeed revolutionary though it originated from a different motive altogether. The motive was essentially political. The existing supremacy of the Brahmanical class, which was opposed to the Sultani regime, in the social sphere and the dominance of the Sanskrit language and culture in the cultural arena had to be grappled with astutely and replaced by indigenous language and culture. The language policy of undermining Sanskrit and upgrading Bangla was felt to be absolutely necessary in order to strengthen the security of the sultani state.&lt;br /&gt;
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The state patronized the indigenous intellectuals to write in Bangla and on indigenous subjects. The policy led to the rise of an indigenous intellectual class to ventilate their thoughts in Bangla and to bring the indigenous culture to a broader view. The Bengali literary output of the great medieval writers like Jashoraj Khan, Kavindra Parameshvara, Shrikar Nandi, Shridhara, Vijaya Gupta, Vipradas and many others were the direct result of state patronage. That the sultan&#039;s language policy received local support is vindicated by the fact that writers of books in Bangla were eloquent in praising the patronizing sultans. Recognizing the contributions of the Sultani patrons in the prefaces of books became the standard practice among writers. Patronizing a vernacular language was stupendously successful in making Bangla the vehicle of intellectual expressions of Bengali writers. Once the Bangla language received recognition and status, the language of the land came to be known as Bangla. The state of the Bangla speaking people came to be known as Shah-i-Bangaliya.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Thoughts on human bondage&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The genealogy of bonded relations, especially slavery, established by the dominant classes may be historically traced back to the age of Aryanization of Bengal, when the subjugated local people, branded as dasa (slave) and bratya (untouchable), were politically, socially and economically placed in the social margin under the generic nomenclature of sudras. In the Aryan system, the labours of the sudra caste were designed to keep the general production system moving on the one hand and to give free labour to their high caste neighbours on the other. All faiths and polities preceding colonial rule preserved and promoted this system of social servitude in various forms of bondage from ordinary jazmani and peonage to direct slavery. The social idea of placing the dasas (slaves) and sudras at the bottom of the social ladder under the Brahmanic caste system was to sustain the comfort and creativity of the non-labouring higher castes. Undoubtedly, the idea of a perpetual working class (sudra caste) worked successfully in maintaining the supremacy of the higher castes until the mid-nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Muslim thought of slavery or social servitude fundamentally differed from the Hindu idea of the system. The dasas or slaves/sudras under the Brahmanic system was a permanent social domain placed at the bottom of society keeping the higher castes on the top as a perpetual arrangement. The Muslim thought about slavery came from political considerations rather than religious stipulations. It did not reject slavery outright but encouraged traditional slave owners to emancipate their slaves or at least treat them more humanely.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bengal, the Muslim social thought on slavery was to create a new variety of servitude beyond the existing caste-based institution of sudras. Muslim rulers and nobilities, who constituted initially a small minority in the country, needed considerable manpower to guard and serve their seraglios, harems and zenanas and to serve in the army and in other labour-intensive sectors. Under these pressing circumstances, they imported slaves from East Africa, Arab world, Central Asia and other places. The manner of importing foreign slaves was not very dissimilar to the slavery practiced in the early-modern plantation economies of America and European colonies in the Oceania.&lt;br /&gt;
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As for Mughal thought on political economy, the most significant was its decision to monetise the economy in response to western maritime contact. The thought was perhaps guided more by political than economic considerations. Against the European marine forces, traditional army supplied by mansabdars (military provincial governors) became ineffective. This realization came when the government failed to subdue the East India Company in a protracted naval war (1686-1690), which ended in a compromise and included the grant of zamindari right to the Company over three villages, Kolkata, Sutanuti and Govindpur. In response to the changed international relations, the government felt that a strong standing army and an efficient bureaucracy must be maintained to respond effectively to the presence of European maritime powers in the Indian waters.&lt;br /&gt;
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The European maritime companies brought bullion with them to buy eastern goods. The Mughal decision to establish takshal (minting house) to turn imported bullion into coins and to make the economy monetised was an extraordinary fiscal event in the history of medieval India. Hitherto money was minted but mainly to validate and display royal authority. Economically, the use of coins was limited to bulk transactions in urban centres.&lt;br /&gt;
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The monetization of the economy necessitated the bringing of corresponding changes in the revenue collection system. Previously revenue was generally collected in kinds, for which strong local government had to be established. Strong gram panchayet or village council was introduced to make revenue collection in-kind possible. Mughal authorities were quick to understand that monetisation of the economy held out to them a great opportunity to centralise the revenue collection system, and with it their political control over the remote local people too. Thus government conceived the idea of dispensing with the traditional rajas, bhuyans and rayans, and establish direct control over the people through a state-appointed zamindar class. Zamindars became the symbol of the state at pargana level. The idea of the zamindari system made the government politically strong on the one hand and financially stronger on the other. In between the zamindars and the state was created a hierarchic bureaucracy to make the collection of state revenue systematic and organised. With the intervention and encouragement from zamindars, various cash crops were introduced for facilitating the cash nexus of the economy.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions: British Period&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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The political idea of Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of the East India Company&#039;s domain in Bengal was to rule the country in accordance with the established ideas and institutions of the native people. As a long resident in the country he acquired considerable knowledge about the habits, customs and governing institutions of the country. His political idea was to preserve and promote the local culture and tradition and not to import alien political concepts and institutions for governing the country. For governance, he pursued the policy of power sharing with the local notables in the line of the Sultani and Mughal rulers. According to him Bengal was the inheritor of a rich historical tradition which must not be disturbed by the introduction of any European institution. As regards language, his policy was to preserve the local language and learning as was earlier done by the Muslim rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
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Hastings&#039;s &#039;orientalist&#039; ideas soon produced two groups of opinions among the civilians regarding the future management of the colonial state. One, and the most influential group until the early 1820s, was advocating for bringing changes in the country through revitalizing the indigenous institutions of the country, and the other, which was gaining ground from the 1820s, was in favour of abandoning the &#039;decadent&#039; oriental institutions and replacing them with western ideas and institutions for introducing vigour in the social mind of the country. The holders of the first idea have been known as Orientalists and those of the second as Anglicists.&lt;br /&gt;
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Intellectually, the Orientalist way was first beckoned by Sir William Jones (1746-1794), a Sanskrit scholar and jurist from Oxford and the founder of the Asiatic Society, Kolkata (1784) and a judge of the Kolkata Supreme Court. His famous &#039;Third Annual Discourse, 1788&#039; presented at the Asiatic Society let the world know for the first time that India had enjoyed a great civilization in the distant past (the Vedic age) marked by high degree of achievements in arts, sciences and philosophies. He inaugurated the discipline of linguistics by declaring with satisfactory evidences that the major languages of India are distinctly linked to those of the Aryans and Europeans. The other intellectuals stemming from the school of Jones were H.T Colebrook, S. Davis, J. Duncan, F. Gladwin, J.H Harrington, William Carey and C. Wilkins. They came from the colonial state&#039;s civil, diplomatic, military and judicial departments. Their main institutional bases were Kolkata Madrasah, Beneres Hindu College, Kolkata Fort William College, Kolkata School Text Book Society and Kolkata Sanskrit College. The Orientalists assumed that the way the European Renaissance drew its inspiration from the ancient texts, could very much show the path to Indian reawakening based on ancient Sanskrit lore. These Orientalists together represented the compound nature of Orientalist thought aspiring to achieving historical rediscovery, linguistic and literary re-birth and socio-cultural revival of India.&lt;br /&gt;
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The English public initially received the orientalist assumptions and findings with a spirit of humanism, classicism, cosmopolitanism and European enlightenment. Encouraged by this spirit, the government patronised the Orientalists until the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The Asiatic Society of Bengal (estd 1784) and [[Fort William College|fort william college]] (estd 1800) became the major centres for the cultivation of Orientalism. However, the outlook began to change from the 1820s when British colonial domination assumed world proportions and the imperialists thrust upon themselves the responsibility of &#039;civilising&#039; the subject peoples. The new thought, which got its strength from the liberal ideas of the Benthamite school in Britain, seriously suspected the usefulness of Orientalist exercises in the context of British colonial state in India. They were in favour of introducing English language and learning in India. This group, which came to be known as Anglicists as opposed to Orientalists, was led by the Council member Lord B. macaulay (1800-1859). The Anglicist thought of westernising India was in favour of abandoning the Orientalist policy of modernising India by revitalizing its ancient learning and institutions. Their idea was to launch the westernization drive by introducing western education and associated institutions.&lt;br /&gt;
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All the governor generals from Warren Hastings to Lord Amherst (1823-1828) belonged to the Orientalist view. Governor General William Bentinck (1828-35) adopted the Anglicist thought and overturned all the Orientalist ideas and achievements made since the time of Warren Hastings. Under Bentinck&#039;s administration, the College of Fort William became virtually non-existent, the Asiatic Society experienced grave financial strains, the Kolkata Madrassa and Sanskrit College came close to closure, the Kolkata School and School Text Book Societies were rendered ineffective. In short, the Orientalist thought of taking the colonial state to the path of progress and modernity without eradicating local culture and institutions was reduced to a dream of the past.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Anglicist arguments were first advanced seriously by Charles E. Trevelyan (1807-1886). Once an ardent Orientalist civilian and then turned an Anglicist, Trevelyan wrote a tract (1834) on the &#039;uselessness&#039; of the Fort William College. His argument was that the oriental thoughts of Warren Hastings and Wellesley were directed to educate the Europeans about local Indian languages and culture, but their ideas were later stretched out to the dream of making India modern by reviving and reinvigorating the ancient thoughts and institutions of India. Trevelyan found the effort of effecting modernism by an Orientalist way expensive and unpractical. Trevelyan recommended abandoning the Orientalist idea and making the desired change in India by giving western education in English and by introducing western institutions to inculcate western thoughts. Bentinck encouraged the Anglicist group and himself became an active Anglicist. H.H Wilson (1786-1860), the leader of the Orientalist group, being utterly frustrated, wrote to a friend that it was sheer lack of learning and ignorance about eastern civilisations that led Bentinck to support Trevelyan and other Anglicists. In fact, Bentinck represented Benthamite thought and wanted to transform India according to Utilitarian principles. Obviously, many civilians changed their Orientalist posture and joined the bandwagon of Anglicist group promoted by the Council&#039;s Law Member Thomas B. Macaulay, well-known in the west for his great intellectual ability, nationalism and literary style. He possessed little knowledge and experience about Indian civilization and possibly had no sympathy for the subjugated people of India at all. He believed that the introduction of English as a medium of instructions and administration would contribute to bringing modernist transformations for India and good for the people. He wrote a long minute on the issue of the Orientalist and Anglicist thoughts about future education policies. Throughout his minute Macaulay ridiculed the futility and vainness of Indian languages and cultures, arts and sciences and remarked that these were useless for modern life. The governor general in council finally resolved to abandon the orientalist line of policy and declared that the great object of the British Government ought to be the promotion of European literature and science amongst the natives of India and that all the funds appropriated for the purposes of education would be best employed on English education alone.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Liberal reform in operation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Ramram Basu (1757-1813), a kayastha and a pundit at Fort William College, inaugurated the thought of the liberal school by pointing to the moral laxity and idolatry of the Brahmanic class. In a tract entitled Jnanodoy (Dawn of Knowledge), Ramram described in details the errors of the Hindu priestly class and called for reforms in the religion before it became useless and dangerous to society. In terms of reason and re-thinking William Carey compared Ramram&#039;s tract with the discourses of Erasmus and Martin Luther on the eve of the Reformation in Europe.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Calcutta [[Hindu College|hindu college]] turned out to be earliest centre for inculcating western ideas and thought. Henry Louis Vivian Derozio (1809-1831), a young Eurasian teacher of Hindu College gave lectures on Enlightened philosophers, especially Hume and Kant. He taught his students how to be critical in outlook and how to think independently. Derozio was fired from the Hindu College for the style of education he presented to students. Derozio&#039;s teachings indeed crossed the limit of toleration that the conservative Hindus could endure. But many of Derozio&#039;s students were deeply influenced by his thought and became critical of the traditional Hindu beliefs and practices.&lt;br /&gt;
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This radical group of the Hindu College came to be known as [[Young Bengal|young bengal]]. Their aim was to rebuild the intellectual tradition of Bengal on the basis of reason. They were deeply influenced by the western intellectual ferment of the time. For their westernized outlook they received indignation and indictment from the conservative Hindus. The assumption of the Young Bengal was that for various historical and other reasons Bengal society became superstitious, irrational and gullible. So it must be put to the path of knowledge in order to salvage it from degradation. Their idea got expression in the publication of a weekly journal, Jnanannesan (search for knowledge) in 1831-40.&lt;br /&gt;
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In short, we find in the early nineteenth century the rise of three schools of thought. First was the Arya Samaj, which drew ideas from [[Raja Rammohun Roy|rammohun roy]] and his Atmiya Sabha. This school advocated for the restoration of monotheistic Vedic thought in religious practices and abandoned idolatry. The Arya Samaj supported the British idea of free trade and colonization of India and the introduction of commercial crops based on plantation mode of production. It is very clear that the Arya Samaj was under the influence of British free traders who were active in the movement for abolishing the East India Company and allowing British capitalists to introduce the plantation economy in India. The social thought of the Arya Samaj was to reform Hindu society in the line of Vedic ideas and make society caste free. The mainstream thought was represented by the Dharma Sabha (estd 1831) led by [[Deb, Radhakanta|raja radhakanta dev]], [[Bhabanicharan Bandyopadhyay|ram camul sen and bhabanicharan bandyopadhyaya]]. They also sought limited social reforms, and that within the bounds of Hinduism. They steadfastly opposed Bentinck&#039;s plan of reforms in the name of eliminating social &#039;superstitions&#039;. The opposition started with the legal abolition of [[Sati|sati]] in 1828. Radhakanta Dev and his followers opposed the abolition of sati not so much because they had strong faith in its practice, but because in the so-called reform move they felt intuitively the danger of destabilising Hindu society and culture through a series of reforms gradually undermining the fabric of Hindu culture. The most remarkable aspect of the ideas propagated by the Dharma Sabha was their very advanced thoughts as regards various measures taken by the Company regime. In view of the wholesale elimination of Indian elements from the responsible positions in the government, Dharma Sabha leaders called for Indianising&#039; the civil service, abolition of the Permanent Settlement, giving up the idea of colonisation, taking up poverty alleviation programme and setting up a charitable hospital. Undoubtedly such thoughts were far ahead of time. These ideas came under public discussion and became public demands half a century later when the nationalist movement began under the leadership of the western educated bhadralok class in the 1880s. The third school of thought was that of the Young Bengal which drew its inspiration from the west and gave the idea of establishing secularist knowledge and institutions based on reason and utility. Both these thoughts came from the minority elements of the Kolkata intelligentsia.&lt;br /&gt;
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The ferment of the Hindu reformist thoughts conceived and practised by Rammohun Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Devendranath Tagore, Akhayakumar Datta, Ramtanu Lahiri, Ramkrishna and others in the nineteenth century shook traditional social thought to its foundation. They attacked the system of sati, early marriage for girl and dowry systems. Their ideas made a synthesis of the traditional Hindu meaning of life and western ideas and education. Rammohun&#039;s Brahma Sabha, Ramkrishna&#039;s Asram and Mission, Rabindranath&#039;s Santiniketan, Sriniketan and Visva Bharati represented their quest for the larger universe and their commitment to humanity, and at the same time keeping faith in the theory of maya (illusion).&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Reform thoughts in Muslim society&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  As regards the application of reason in intellectual exercises and everyday life, the Muslim intellectuals were undoubtedly far more advanced than their Hindu counterparts in the eighteenth century. &#039;The ferment of Muslim scholarship in the eighteenth century is well attested by the historiography of the time compiled by H. M Elliot and J. Dawson in a multi-volume series published in 1877 and a Bio-bibliographical Survey made by CA Storey published in 1939. The historical works like Riyaz us Salatin by Ghulam Husain Salim, Siyar-e- Mutakkherin by Saiyid Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai, Tawarikh-i-Bangala by Munshi Salimullah, Tarikh-i-Muzaffari by Muhammad Ali Khan, Tarikh-i-Nusrat Jangi by Nawab Nusrat Jung and other works are brilliant examples of Muslim intellectual responsiveness to the time. All these historical writers, particularly Saiyid Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai and Ghulam Husain Salim, interpreted Muslim rule in India as glorious politically, economically and religiously though they also identified many weaknesses and decadence of the Bengal rulers since Nawab Shujauddin Khan (1727-1739). They regarded the Palashi and subsequent events as inevitable in view of the failure of the Muslim political classes, measuring the importance and implications of the commercial interactions with the Europeans. All these writers hailed the take-over of the country by the Company and expected that the country&#039;s interests would not be adversely affected by the political changes. But it was only when the diwani system was abolished in the 1770s and the westernisation of administration by purging the local amla began in the 1780s and 1790s in defiance of sharia law that the Muslim intelligentsia declared absolute non-cooperation with the British. The non-cooperation included the wholesale rejection of all things western, including the benefits and dividends of inter-cultural contacts. Sometimes non-cooperation took the shape of violence. They registered their disapproval of the mode of English rule by organising armed resistance to it, and resistance in different forms continued down to the end of the great Sepoy Revolt.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Waliullah, Syed|shah waliullah]] of Delhi (1703-1762) started an intellectual movement to make the Muslim community aware of their decadence and of their political status in the face of the presence of the Europeans in India. Waliullah wanted the restoration of Islam on the basis of Sharia, not on syncretist ideas. Waliullah&#039;s desciple Saiyid Ahmad of Rae Bereli (1786-1831) declared the British as infidel and unacceptable to Muslims. He had a number of vigorous reformist activist desciples in Bengal like [[Titu Mir|titu mir]] and [[Shariatullah, Haji|haji shariutullah]].&lt;br /&gt;
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As has been noted, we have three schools of thought among the members of the Hindu intelligentsia, the Brahma Samaj, Dharma Sabha and Young Bengal. In varying degrees, all of them sought reason and modernization in their traditional culture. But the Muslim intellectuals (ulama) is seen to have ignored the reality of the strength of British rule and remained committed to their eighteenth-century thought and outlook. The ruling status of the elite Muslims remained fresh in their memory and it was indeed hard on their part to reconcile with the conquering people and their thoughts and ideas, and to make a new start in the light of political changes. Until the end of Warren Hastings&#039;s regime, Muslims were actively involved in the management of the new colonial state and they had no reason to stay away from it because the new regime allowed the local administration to be governed by local elements and according to the traditional system. From 1786 began the processes of Europeanising the administration and this policy alienated the Muslim elite class from the British state. The ruling class pride and the policy of the Company government to dispense with the past institutions disregarding their merits made the Muslim intelligentsia antagonistic to English rule, and thus remained intentionally aloof from reaping the benefit of the colonial regime. It is in this backdrop that we must look at the thoughts and ideas of the Muslim intelligentsia of the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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One side effect of the continued non-cooperation of the Muslim intelligentsia to British rule was their conscious effort to keep their system of knowledge and cultural life impervious to western thoughts and ideas. They withdrew to the charm of their past glories. Under the changed circumstances, the Wahabi thought of Islam had a unique opportunity to propagate it almost unopposed among the rural Muslim population of Bengal, though neither Titu Mir nor Shariatullah and their adherents were able to exercise any influence over the Muslims of the upper and middle classes living in the urban areas. The urban Muslim intelligentsia consistently maintained their affinity with the syncretic thoughts and ideas of sufi tradition. But the Anglicist policies eventually alienated the hitherto loyal urban Muslims and drove them to join the rank of the rebellious rural Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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But in spite of the Muslim rejection of British rule and its westernization plan, a number of Muslim intellectuals emerged to point out the mistakes of holding on to the traditionalist thought, while wind of progressive changes was blowing under the impact of the Anglicist reforms. Special mention may be made of Abdur Rahim (1785&#039;1853). Like Rammohun, Rahim was also originally influenced by traditional Muslim rationalist thought. But, as he wrote in Persian and Urdu, his ideas and thoughts remained confined to a limited circle. Rahim had no high descent to be proud of. His father was a solvent weaver. By the age of 15, Rahim became proficient in Persian and Arabic and proceeded to Lucknow first and then to Delhi for higher studies. Abdur Rahim came to Kolkata in 1810 to settle down at the age of 25. In Kolkata he joined the Europeans and the Kolkata bhadralok class and soon acquired proficiency in English and began his career as a translator to the Text Book Society. He earned fame among the Kolkata Anglicists as a translator of an article on geometry into Persian from the Encyclopedia Britannica, Hutton&#039;s Course on Mathematics into Arabic and Bridg&#039;s Algebra into Persian.&lt;br /&gt;
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Like Rammohun, Abdur Rahim questioned many of the religious dogmas of the Muslims of his time, particularly the Shia-Sunni conflict and sharia and sufi ways of life. Eventually, Rahim discarded sharia and turned into a rationalist and free-thinker. His philosophical and scientific views offended Muslims of all sects when he argued that the idea of God or a Supreme Being was the gift of the imams (Muslim religious and intellectual leaders). According to him, things existed and moved according to the law of nature and not by the wishes of any supernatural force. With the Muslims, he came to be known as Abdur Rahim Dahri (materialist/atheist). His radical thought alienated him from both the Muslims and Hindu intellectuals and even from the Christian missionaries.&lt;br /&gt;
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Rahim&#039;s ideas were too radical to attract the general public. However, Rahim left behind two illustrious students to keep his critical outlook alive. One was Obaidullah al-Obaidi (1834-1885), the well-known Orientalist scholar, educationist and reformer; and the other was Delwar Hosaen Ahmed (1840-1913), the first Bengali Muslim graduate of Kolkata University and a rationalist. While Obaidullah al-Obaidi was inclined to reforming Islam according to Sharia, Delwar Hosaen Ahmed was advocating for applying reason and updating the laws and institutions of Islam according to the changes and demands of the time. He argued that change was the part of law of nature and this natural dictate must be recognised for survival. He ventilated his social thought in the form of essays published in most of the progressive Kolkata newspapers and periodicals. In 1889, two volumes of his writings under the title Essays on Mohammedan Social Reforms were published by Thacker Spink and Co., Kolkata. Delwar Hosaen&#039;s main idea about the state and religion was that they must be separate from each other. State must tolerate religion and religion must tolerate state laws.&lt;br /&gt;
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The greatest influence on Muslim minds in the nineteenth century was exerted by traditionalist (but friendly to British rule) Muslim scholars like Maulanakeramat ali (1800-1873) of Jaunpur,abdool luteef (1828-1893) and syed ameer ali (1849-1928). They declared that though under a Christian regime India was not dar-ul harb. Opposing the ideas of the Wahabi leaders like Titu Mir and Shariatullah, they advocated for establishing a relationship with the British based on cooperation on the ground that Islam was not in danger under British rule. The Kolkata Mohammedan Society which was founded and led by Nawab Abdool Luteef, maintained that jihad or religious war against the British Raj would be unlawful. This statement represents just the opposite views held by the Wahabi activists who thought that opposition to, and even war against, British rule was an obligation on the part of all Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas of transferring power to elected institutions&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; About governance, the guiding principle of the East India Company&#039;s government was to rule the country as far as possible by the native laws and institutions but without the participation of the natives in administration. The Great Sepoy Revolt of 1857 changed the mind of the British parliament about the continuation of British imperial presence in India. Parliament resolved in principle to take the natives in partnership in governing the country and eventually transferring power to the natives in phases, when it was appropriate. Through various reforms, measures were undertaken to recruit educated natives for the newly introduced Indian Civil Service. Measures were also taken to include the competent natives in the decision making areas like legislative councils, municipal government. The process started in 1862 with the induction of limited number of nominated members in the Governor General and Viceroy&#039;s Council and provincial governor&#039;s council. The processes of local self-government was begun with the introduction of local self-government in urban and rural areas. Through [[Morley-Minto Reforms|morley-minto reforms]] (1909) electoral system on a limited scale was introduced for the governor&#039;s legislative council. The most significant aspect of the Morley-Minto reforms was the introduction of separate electorate for the relatively backward Muslim community. The separate electorate system was destined to heighten the Hindu-Muslim tension, and eventually the partition of Bengal on communal basis.&lt;br /&gt;
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The [[Montagu-Chelmsford Report|montagu-chelmsford reforms]] (1919) laid the foundation of the representative government in the country. Under this Act limited representative government, what is known to us as Diarchy, was introduced. The idea of representative government based on adult franchise obtained institutional fullness under the Act of 1935, which introduced responsible provincial government under the separate electorate system. The Act transferred most of the governing powers to the elected representatives excepting some reserved powers held by the governor who now stood as the only link between the British and the Indians. It was under this Act that the total transfer of power was implemented on 14-15 August, 1947.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ideas and Institutions, 1947-1971&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The partition of Bengal (1905) and its annulment (1911) led the Muslims think that they were in fact used as a pawn of British imperialism. The annulment of the partition forced the Muslims of East Bengal to chart their political future independent of British tutelage, and drove them to join the Pan-Islamist movement of the time and make a united platform with the Congress in order to fight against imperialism and achieve independence. The result was the Lucknow Pact (1916). The Lucknow Pact recognised the separate electorate system provided by the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909. The Hindu-Muslim unity got further strengthened by the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements and finally by the Bengal Pact (1923) which gave an institutional structure to Hindu-Muslim amity by giving the gurantee that the Muslims would be entitled to more jobs and services than their numerical entitlements until the parity was achieved between Hindus and Muslims. Thus the political thought of Pan-Islamism gave way to Hindu-Muslim unity based on Indian nationalism.&lt;br /&gt;
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But the ideal of Hindu Muslim unity soon collapsed on the rock of the Shuddhi and Sangathan movements lauched by Swami Shraddhananda in North India. Both the movements aimed at reconverting the Hindus who accepted Islam before. In response, Tabligh movement was launched from Deoband to stop the process of Muslims becoming Hindus. In the mean time Gandhi cancelled his Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement without consulting the Muslim leaders. All these had a backlash on Hindu-Muslim relations which culminated into a series of communal riots beginning from 1925 to 1927. Hindu-Muslim dissensions destroyed Gandhi&#039;s dream of Hindu-Muslim unity in Indian politics.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Emergence of the ideas of partition&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald&#039;s Communal Award (1932) which became the basis of the Act of 1935 largely satisfied the Muslim demands, but the Congress rejected the Award. The Communal Award was quickly followed by the idea of Pakistan first put by a young Cambridge student, Chowdhury Rahmat Ali, who set up an organisation called Pakistan National Movement to promote the idea of Pakistan. Pakistan, according to the idea of Rahmat Ali, was to be something like a Federation of Muslim majority provinces in the North West of India. The first leaders to take to the idea of &#039;Pakistan&#039; for implementation was the spiritual leader Aga Khan and political leader Fazli-i-Husain of the Punjab. Pakistan as a political concept became current in Muslim political parlance by 1935. In support of the Pakistan idea, poet and philosopher Allama Iqbal wrote to ma jinnah, the Muslim League leader, on 21 June 1937 encouraging him to translate the idea of &#039;Pakistan&#039; into a reality. But so far &#039;Pakistan&#039; idea did not include Bengal. But so far the &#039;Pakistan Scheme&#039; did not mean partition of India but a federated India with virtual independent provinces in which &#039;Pakistan&#039; would be one. The Pakistan idea was first supported by the daily Star of India (Calcutta) in its issue of 14 April 1933, but with little stir until 1940. While the [[Krishak Praja Party|krishak praja party]] (KPP) fought the elections of 1937 on the questions of rights of raiyats and rural indebtedness, the Bengal Muslim League fought mainly on the old Muslim solidarity issue. The concept of Pakistan arrived in Bengal in 1940 as a newspaper report from the Muslim League&#039;s Lahore Conference.&lt;br /&gt;
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As a new political party, the KPP did astoundly good at the 1937-elections, in which it emerged as the third largest party in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Indian National Congress being the first. Personally, [[Huq, AK Fazlul|a.k fazlul huq]] emerged as the most influential leader of Bengal, especially of East Bengal. But politically he failed to turn his KPP into a national institution. Soon KPP split into mutually opposing groups and for power became dependent on the support of the Muslim League. To stay in power, Huq joined the Muslim League and joined the Lahore Conference as the premier of Bengal. The Muslim League&#039;s Lahore Conference obtained special political significance from the fact that the League could persuade Fazlul Huq to read out the historic resolution that led to the emergence of Pakistan. The emergence of Pakistan was accompanied by the death of KPP.&lt;br /&gt;
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The original Lahore Resolution conceived Pakistan as a federation of &#039;states&#039; in agreement with the Act of 1935 and contemporary pan-Islamic movement as a bridge between Muslim nationalism and Indian nationalism. But the Muslim League&#039;s huge electoral success in the Muslim majority provinces turned the Muslim League&#039;s idea of the federation of&#039; &#039;states&#039; into a demand for one single state based on Muslim nationalism and thus Pakistan came into being on 14 August 1947.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;The idea of independent Bengal&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Under the Act of 1935, the provincial governments wielded the real power and responsibilities maintaining nominal link with the central government in Delhi. On the question of the mode of transfer of power, the Congress and Muslim League were unable to reach any agreement, and consequently law and order situation was collapsing in many provinces, particularly in Bengal and the Punjab. Being tired of the political wrangling between the Congress and the League, Prime Minister Attlee announced in February 1947 that the British rule in India would end inevitably by June 1948, and that if the Congress and the League could not reach an agreement on the question of transfer of power, the Britons would in that case leave India by keeping the provincial governments in power, if necessary. In this setting, [[Suhrawardy, Huseyn Shaheed|husein shaheed suhrawardy]], the Chief Minister of Bengal, officially initiated (27 April 1947) in Delhi the idea for an &#039;independent, undivided and sovereign Bengal&#039;. The move was backed by [[Khan, Khan Bahadur Hashem Ali|abul hashem]], secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, Sarat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc and Kiran Shankar Roy, the leader of the Bengal Congress parliamentary party. M.A Jinnah raised no objection to the idea of an independent Bengal. On 20 May 1947, an agreement was reached at Sarat Bose&#039;s house at Calcutta on the issue of the constitutional structure of the United Independent Bengal. But though the high commands of both Congress and League agreed to the idea, the independent Bengal plan did not eventually materialise. Time stood on its way. The transfer of power took place one year earlier than the date announced by Attlee. There was little time left for successful negotiations. Congress High Command gave veto to the idea of united independent Bengal. Communal tensions heightened. Above all, majority members of Legislative Assembly from the western part of Bengal voted for the partition of Bengal. Time was indeed too short to pilot successfully the idea of independent Bengal, and the central government&#039;s role was dubious. It was not really too pressing for them to organize the transfer of power one year earlier than the declared date. Furthermore, Suhrawardy should have been active on his idea of united independent Bengal much earlier than he did.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Language Movement&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Each of the five provinces of Pakistan had its own major language. In this spectre of multi-linguality, the most dominant was Bengali, the tongue of 53% people of Pakistan as a whole. To promote national integration, the central government in 1948 declared Urdu to be the state language of Pakistan. But Urdu, a language of North India, had no currency in East Bengal. East Bengal people spoke Bangla, and duly protested the measure of the central government. At one stage of the protest movement several students were shot dead in Dhaka (21 February 1952). This incident intensified the language movement in East Bengal and the government had to declare Bangla along with Urdu as the state language of Pakistan, and to promote Bangla language a research institution called Bangla Academy was established in December 1955.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Disparity debate, concept of two economies&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  On the eve of the partition, HS Suhrawardy, the premier of Bengal, remained busy with his idea of United Independent Bengal and thus the Bengal Muslim leadership in fact had no time, rather no mental preparation, to discuss the terms and conditions of East Bengal&#039;s becoming a constituting partner within the framework of Pakistan. Henceforth East Bengal remained the most neglected province of Pakistan. East Bengal&#039;s civil service, economy and armed forces were dominated by West Pakistan. The results of the First Five Year Plan and allocations made in the Second Five year Plan showed that East Bengal was made a source of income for West Pakistan. In short, East wing of Pakistan was virtually made a colony of West Pakistan. The economists and intellectuals of East Pakistan proved it quantitatively that earnings by East Pakistan were spent in development activities of West Pakistan, and central government allocations showed a regional disparity against East Pakistan to the extent of 60%. The progressively widening disparity issue persuaded the economists of East Pakistan to develop a Two Economy Theory for Pakistan. The economists and intellectuals visualized that the growth in disparities between East and West Pakistan originated in the inequitable policies and allocative decisions of the central government.&lt;br /&gt;
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The East Pakistan economists and intellectuals analysed the Second Five Year Plan (1960-65) and made it clear analytically that East Pakistan was destined to be poorer and poorer compared to West Pakistan unless the economic planning was made based on two economies. Economically, East and West Pakistan would compete and collaborate with each other in order to forge a balanced development for both the wings. But such thought did not get any consideration from the central government, and thus discontentment in East Pakistan was growing fast. Politicians took the language of the economists and intellectuals and tried to mobilize the masses to realize their demands and supported the two-economy theory advanced by economists and intellectuals of East Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Six-Point Programme&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Influenced by the two-economies idea, [[Rahman, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur|sheikh mujibur rahman]], the leader of the Awami League, advanced his Six-Point Programme at All-Parties Convention at Lahore on 6 February 1966. In his programme the Sheikh declared that East Pakistan was reduced to a colony of West Pakistan in all intents and purposes. To bring East Pakistan to equal footing with West Pakistan in all respects, Sheikh put up in his programme that Pakistan should be declared a federal state which would look after only defence and foreign affairs and the rest of the powers would be dealt with by the provinces; that the wings of Pakistan would have two convertible currencies; that taxation and revenue collection would be vested in the provincial government; that East Pakistan should have its separate militia or para military force. The West Pakistan leaders rejected Sheikh Mujib&#039;s demand outright and branded it as a plea to making East Pakistan independent of West Pakistan. The Sheikh was immediately confined and a case against him was filed to face a trial for sedition. But in the face of mounting mass agitation government released him. The Awami League joined the elections of 1970 on the Six-point programme. The people endorsed the six-point programme by electing the Awami League thereby expressing their total support to the political ideas.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Idea of independence and War of Liberation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  On the confinement of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a popular movement began in support of his Six-point programme. The movement was spearheaded mainly by the student community. Various student organisations drew up an eleven-point programme the target of which was the independence of East Pakistan. They declared independence at Dhaka University on 2 March 1971 and raised the standard of independent Bangladesh. They chose a national anthem and put up pressure on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to declare independence. Bangabandhu&#039;s address in the mamoth gathering at Ramna Racecourse on 7 March 1971 was the virtual declaration of independence. The declaration was followed by a War of Liberation from the mid-night of 26 March 1971, which culminated in the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The rise of Bangladesh as an independent state establishes the fact that the great tradition of ideas and institutions shaping and re-shaping the socio-cultural landscape of a society over the centuries can scarcely be nullified by political conveniences of the time. [Sirajul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Bibliography&#039;&#039;&#039;  Sirajul Islam ed., Cultural History, in Cultural Survey of Bangladesh Series-vol. 4 (Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2007); Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, Delhi, 1994; Mohammad Mohar Ali, History of the Muslims in Bengal, Riadh, 1985; Asim Roy, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal, Princeton, 1983; David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dnamics of Indian Modernization 1773-1835, University of California Press, Berkeley 1969; A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed, Bangladesh: Tradition and Transformation, Dhaka 1987.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:প্রতিষ্ঠান]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Tribal_Culture&amp;diff=15577</id>
		<title>Tribal Culture</title>
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		<updated>2026-03-15T07:06:27Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Tribal Culture&#039;&#039;&#039;  There are many indigenous communities in Bangladesh and each of these communities has its own culture and tradition. Some of them may even have cultural distinctions within their different clans. But some traits are generally common among most tribes. For instance, originally most tribes had been animists. &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Celebrations and Festivals&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Most tribes have festivities, particularly dancing and singing. Most of these festivals are celebrated by drinking a lot of alcoholic beverages. A very popular festival of the [[Manipuri, The|manipuri]]s is a type of Gopi dance celebrating the love of [[Radha1|radha]] and [[krishna]]. In spring, Manipuris, [[Santals, The|santals]] and [[Oraon, The|oraon]]s celebrate &#039;&#039;Holi&#039;&#039; when they drench each other with colour. The Oraons count their year from the month of Falgun. Young Oraon men and women celebrate the first night of the year dancing around a fire. Drums, cymbals and flute provide the music. &lt;br /&gt;
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Most religious rites and festivities of the Manipuris and the [[Garo, The|garo]]s are based on the seasons of the year. For a whole month, starting with the midnight of the Holi full moon, young Manipuri men and women dance in the open. They also celebrate the rice harvest through singing contests. &lt;br /&gt;
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The youths and maidens of the Malpahari tribe also spend the night in festivities, singing, dancing, and consuming alcohol. Santals celebrate the harvest or &#039;&#039;sahrai&#039;&#039; festival for three to four days. Like the Manipuris, young Santal men and women dance and sing to the accompaniment of cymbals and flute. Like Manipuri and Santal youths, Garo ones also sing and dance collectively at the &#039;&#039;oyanggala&#039;&#039; festival, which is connected with sowing of seeds and harvesting of crops.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCulturePalagan.jpg|thumb|right|A cultural festival]]&lt;br /&gt;
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These celebrations take place at night when the young Garo men and women drink and dance. Buffalo horns are blown on the occasion. As night advances, the music and dancing become wilder, as alcohol is consumed freely. The wild dancing at Garo oyamgala is intended to appease evil spirits. Food is also offered to the spirits then. The Maghs spend the first three days of the Maghi year singing, dancing and drinking. &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Religious beliefs and taboos&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Except for the &#039;&#039;Sangsarek&#039;&#039; of the Garos and [[Buddhism|buddhism]] of some tribes of Chittagong and the [[Chittagong Hill Tracts|chittagong hill tracts]], all other tribes have no specific religion. They regard their ancient rites, beliefs and customs as their religion. The Samsarek of the Garos is also close to extinction. Most of them have by now become Christians. However, they still follow certain rites of Samsarek. Most Santals are Christians now but they observe their own tribal rites. The periods of the full moon and the dark of the moon are of special significance to the Oraons, Manipuris and Buddhist tribes. Many religious and cultural rites take place during the full moon.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Oraons follow the sayings of [[dak]] and [[khana]]. They have many superstitions regarding journeys. For example, Oraons will not undertake a journey if they stumble at the start, someone beckons from behind, a house-lizard calls out, a message is delivered about someone&#039;;s death, a corpse appears on the way, a crow caws on a dry twig, or an empty pitcher comes in view. When Oraons start tilling the field, they will do so from the east. They will wait for an auspicious day to begin building a house. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureTonchongaBaiddya.jpg|thumb|right|Tanchangya vaidya in prayer]]&lt;br /&gt;
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They believe that it is inauspicious to comb hair at night, to throw women&#039;s hair outside, to sweep a house at sunset, to give something to someone after dusk, to hear an owl hooting, or a dog weeping at night. Oraons also have certain superstitions about cows. Thus they give away the first yield of milk from a lactating cow, and will not let a menstruating woman or a woman who has not completed the period of confinement after childbirth enter a cowshed. Women must not take the name of the husband&#039;s elder brother. Oraons believe that magic can be used to enthrall women. They also believe in the power of spells and charms. For protection against witches they go to Ayurvedic physicians. The Garos do not believe in witches. However, they do believe that some men become tigers at night and attack and kill cattle. They also believe that those who are killed by wild animals are reborn as animals. The Oraons believe that the spirit of a still-born child is reborn and that some Ayurvedic physicians have the power to prevent the appearance of evil spirits. &lt;br /&gt;
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There are many superstitions and taboos regarding women. Thus, a pregnant Oraon woman will not eat rats or eels for fear of making her child hideous. After childbirth she is forbidden to eat &#039;&#039;khesari&#039;&#039; (a type of lentils), potatoes, or stale food. She is not allowed to drink cold water. Manipuris do not allow their pregnant women to go out in the open with their hair loose; they are also not allowed to go far at night, nor to cross a river or a bridge. &lt;br /&gt;
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Malpaharis believe that spirits may possess a woman at her wedding and that they may possess both mother and newborn at childbirth. They are always on the lookout for danger. [[Khasia, The|khasia]]s and [[munda]]s believe that the spirits of dead children and of one&#039;s ancestors may visit a house and therefore they erect a stone platform for these spirits. All tribes believe in household gods that regulate their well being. &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Concept of Creation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; According to the Garos, a woman named &#039;&#039;Nastunpantu&#039;&#039; created the earth from soil brought up by a tortoise from the bottom of the sea and then dried it with the help of the sun god to make it habitable. Manipuris legends narrate how the world was composed entirely of water. Then the great guru Shidara made 9 gods and 7 goddesses. The gods threw soil from the heavens and the goddesses danced on the soil and flattened it to create the earth. The Khasias believe Thyu Blauu first created the earth and then a man and woman from whom the entire human race descended.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Farm work&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Some tribes regard the earth as mother; so they worship the earth-mother before sowing crops. Oraons revere the cropland and believe that it is the earth-mother&#039;s menstruation that produces crops. This is why they observe a number of ceremonies where the earth is treated as a menstruating or pregnant woman. Some tribes give the land special food, as is the custom in the case of a pregnant woman. The Oraons and the Santals reverently apply vermilion spots on their farm implements. Among Garos, Manipuris, Santals and a few other tribes men and women work together in fields. The men clear the jungles and till the soil while the women, as symbols of fertility, sow seeds and do the transplanting. All tribes celebrate seed planting and crop harvesting in their own colourful ways. Young men and women sing and recite rhymes as they carry the ripe crops home.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureJhumCultivation.jpg|thumb|right|Chakma woman in jhum cultivation]]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Marriage&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  There are similarities as well as dissimilarities in the wedding rites of different tribes. Most tribal marriages are based on love matches, with the bridal couple getting to know each other before marriage. Oraons do not allow child marriage, nor weddings during the months of Chaitra, Bhadra and Paus. Grooms have to pay a bride price. Pre-wedding ceremonies include seeing a bride, &#039;&#039;panchini&#039;&#039; (confirmation of a match) and [[Gaye Halud|gaye halud]] (applying turmeric paste on the bodies of both groom and bride). Women of both sides sing nuptial songs on the day of wedding.&lt;br /&gt;
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Oraons and Manipuris put up colourful wedding pandals. Oraons install &#039;&#039;mabgalghat&#039;&#039;, a vessel of water, as a symbol of divine blessings in the wedding pandal. At the wedding ceremony which takes place in the pandal, the groom and the bride daub each other&#039;s forehead with vermilion as women of both parties raise &#039;&#039;uludhvani&#039;&#039; (a sound produced by quickly turning the tongue in the mouth).&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureRakhainMarriageCeremony.jpg|thumb|right|Rakhain wedding ceremony]]&lt;br /&gt;
Among both Oraons and Manipuris, the bridal couple go round the pandal to be greeted with paddy and &#039;&#039;durva&#039;&#039; grass. Among the Manipuris the groom is welcomed by lighting a &#039;&#039;pradip&#039;&#039; (oil lamp) and his feet are washed by a young boy. At this time [[kirtan]] is sung and music is played. Two women from both sides release a pair of &#039;&#039;taki&#039;&#039; fish symbolising the groom and the bride into water. &lt;br /&gt;
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It is a good omen if the pair of fish move side by side in the water. In a similar ceremony among the Garos, a cock and hen, with throats slit, are thrown to the ground. It is a good omen if, while they are in their death throes, the two come together to die. Otherwise, it is an ill omen and must be remedied through prayer and incantation by a &#039;&#039;khamal&#039;&#039; (mendicant). The gods are offered special food on the occasion so that they may bless the couple. A Manipuri bride comes to visit her parents for the first time on the fifth day after marriage, providing an occasion for a lavish feast. According to tribal custom, all members of the clan are invited to this ceremony and they come with presents of rice, meat, fowls, pigs, money or alcohol. &lt;br /&gt;
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Among the Magh, young men and women get an opportunity to know each other closely at the new year festival. This is the time they choose their partners, subject to the approval of their parents. Girls of the Garo, Khasia, Tippra and Magh tribes go to the market to buy and sell goods. This again provides an opportunity for boys and girls to know each other more closely and select partners and then marry with the approval of their parents. Young men and women among the Santal, Garo and Manipuri tribes work together in the fields, giving them an opportunity to select their life partners. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Chakmas, The|chakma]]s cannot marry during the dark of the moon, full moon, or eclipse. Oraons, Santals, Khasias, Garos and Manipuris cannot marry within their own clans. Manipuris are forbidden to marry close relations. Members of the same Garo clan regard each other as brothers and sisters, and so cannot marry within the clan. However, Maghs marry within their clan as they discourage inter-clan marriages. Marriage between cousins is, however, forbidden, as is marriage between a man and his father&#039;s sister or mother&#039;s sister. &lt;br /&gt;
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A Santal wife becomes part of her husband&#039;s clan. Magh men cannot marry again unless the wife is barren or mentally ill. Divorced and widowed women are permitted to remarry among both Maghs and Oraons. Divorce is permitted on the grounds of incompatibility, impotence or the wife&#039;s infidelity. However, though divorce is allowed among the Oraons, Khasias, Chakmas and Maghs, it is rather rare. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureMarmaSaiongai.jpg|thumb|right|Sangai festival of the Marmas]]&lt;br /&gt;
At times a young Garo woman chooses a Garo boy, marries him and keeps him at her parents&#039; home. Such marriages are rare these days. However, some tribes, such as the Oraon, allow their boys and girls to elope and marry, with subsequent parental approval. Oraon and Santal wives put vermilion on their forehead or in the parting of their hair. Except among the Maghs, marriage within the clan is considered disgraceful and the guilty are expelled from the village. &lt;br /&gt;
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It is a sin for the Khasias not to marry. Khasia women may have more than one husband at a time on grounds of the first husband&#039;s impotence or debauchery, desire to have more children or strong sexuality but this rarely happens. A Khasia woman cannot marry someone from another tribe. A Khasia girl may invite home a chosen boy from an approved clan, live together for a few days and, if she finds him acceptable, may marry him with the approval of both families. In Khasia weddings, women cannot accompany the groom&#039;s party to the bride&#039;s house. Among the Oraons, however, women can do so. After being blessed by his mother and elders, the Khasia groom leaves his mother&#039;s house wearing &#039;&#039;dhuti&#039;&#039; and turban and accompanied by the bridal party. Khasia wedding feasts consist of rice and dry fish, followed by alcohol. Three pieces of dry fish are offered to the gods to seek divine blessings for a new couple. Among the matriarchal Khasia and Garo tribes, the groom becomes a &#039;&#039;ghar jamai&#039;&#039; (part of his in-laws&#039; house). Chakma weddings take place at the groom&#039;s house after the two sides have agreed and exchanged thinks. A Manipuri groom wears dhuti and turban and the bride wears the traditional gathered skirt, blouse, and peaked head dress.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureHouse.jpg|thumb|right|Tribal house]]&lt;br /&gt;
While some tribes allow divorce, it is rare. In case a divorce becomes inevitable, both husband and wife have to give their consent as do the elders of the clan. The party responsible for the divorce has to pay compensation to the other party. Among the Chakmas and Maghs, the cost of maintenance of minor children has to be borne by the husband. Among the Khasias, either the couple or someone else has to notify the clan chief about the divorce. The chief allows the couple time for reconciliation. If this does not work, an announcement is made of the breakup of the marriage. The person responsible for divorce has to pay the other party some compensation. Among the Khasias it is usually the wife who is held responsible for divorce. If the husband is responsible, he is caned or given a beating with shoes; his face is smeared with lime and black paint and his head is shaved. A pregnant woman cannot be divorced. A widow may marry a year after her husband&#039;s death. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureChakmaOrnament.jpg|thumb|right|Chakma girl in traditional ornament]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dresses&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The men of Oraon and many other tribes commonly wear dhutis and their women wear saris. There was a time when some tribes used to wear tree leaves to cover the lower part of the body. The Garos used to wear barks of trees, which had been pounded and softened to resemble thin cloth. Lower-class Garos still wear &#039;&#039;nengti&#039;&#039; or a tiny piece of cloth which merely cover the genitals. Some tribes living in the deep forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts still wear tree leaves as their only dress. Santal dresses are called &#039;&#039;panchi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;panchatat &#039;&#039; and &#039;&#039;matha&#039;&#039;. The main dress of the Chakmas is the &#039;&#039;lubgi&#039;&#039;, worn with a shirt. Their women wear a red and black sarong, called &#039;&#039;pindhan&#039;&#039;, plus a blouse and a scarf called &#039;&#039;khadi&#039;&#039;. Magh women cover their body from chest to knees with a &#039;&#039;thami&#039;&#039; (sarong) over a full-sleeved blouse.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureTripuraWoman.jpg|thumb|right|Tripura girl in traditional dress and ornament]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Ornaments and cosmetics&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  There is very little variety in the ornaments that tribal women wear. In north Bengal they wear almost identical ornaments. Santal and Oraon women wear ornaments on their hands, feet, nose, ears and neck. Oraon women peak up their hair on the head and wear a &#039;&#039;tikli&#039;&#039; on the forehead. Chakma women wear bangles and anklets, as well as coin earrings and necklaces. Garo women do up their hair in buns, which they then adorn with flowers. Magh women use a herbal powder or wood paste to lighten their faces.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureRakhaiReligious.jpg|thumb|right|Religious function of the Rakhains]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Food and drink&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The tribals eat everything except their totems. The Garos do not eat cats as the cat is their totem. Maghs, Chakmas and Khasias do not eat beef, and Garos do not drink milk. Magh and Chakma men and women are fond of smoking. Their favourite dishes are those that are sour and are made of dried prawns. Oraons eat rats, eels, potatoes and khesari pulse. Alcohol made of fermented rice is every tribe&#039;s favourite drink.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:TribalCultureSocialWork.jpg|thumb|right|Cooking for a social function]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Social rites&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  In matriarchal tribes, men do not inherit property. Men are neglected in their mothers&#039; homes as well as in the houses of their wives. Among the Garos, after a mother&#039;s death, the daughters do not bear any responsibility for their father. However, among the Khasias, the daughters must fulfill that responsibility. The chief of the tribes of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Santals is called Raja, while the Khasias call him &#039;&#039;mantri &#039;&#039;or minister. Almost all tribes condemn adultery. If a couple has pre-marital sex it is obligatory for them to marry each other. Oraons give goat milk or mother&#039;s milk to a newborn to drink; others give honey. The new mother is given turmeric water to drink. Most tribes build a thorny fence around the house to protect the mother and the newborn from evil spirits; &#039;&#039;ojhas&#039;&#039; or vaidyas put the house under a protective spell and attempt to rid the mother and the child of any evil spell by incantation of &#039;&#039;mantras&#039;&#039;. Oraons keep an iron knife or an arrow near the head of the child and at times fling arrows. New mothers among the Chakma and Magh tribes do not bathe for a few days after delivery. On the sixth day after the birth, Manipuris clean the newborn, the mother and the hut where the delivery has taken place. A child&#039;s ear lobes are pricked immediately after birth. Garos avoid giving a baby an attractive name in order to avoid the evil eye. Usually on the fifth day of its birth or of the day of the week of its birth, an Oraon child is given a name in keeping with the names of its forefathers. Pigs, dogs and cocks are the favourite pets of tribal people. Oraons take great care of cows. At some festivals they wash the cows and then rub them with oil. On the day following the dark of the moon, they paint their courtyard with rice paste, burn incense in the cowsheds, wash farm implements, and put vermilion on them for good luck. &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Disposing of the dead&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Tribal people sacrifice animals and weep to propitiate their dead so that their angry souls do not create trouble for the living. They then dispose of the body with gifts according to their capacity and later hold &#039;&#039;shraddha&#039;&#039; (feast) for the relatives of the dead. There is a basic uniformity in these rites despite some variations from tribe to tribe. The aborigines of Kushtia quickly bury their dead. The pallbearers take a dip in the river before returning home. Maghs and Chakmas cremate their dead two or three days after death. A priest&#039;s body is kept upto two or three months. Manipuris keep the dying person outside the house, on a banana leaf, while kirtans are chanted. Dead bodies are washed with the head of the corpse pointed northward. As the funeral procession proceeds to the cremation ground, kirtan is chanted. Earlier Manipuris used to bury their dead, but now they bury bodies of adolescents and cremate bodies of older persons. After disposing of the body, the pallbearers take a bath and dry their hands by holding them above a fire before entering their house.&lt;br /&gt;
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The heir to the dead person carries a chopper in his or her hand for some time as protection against any evil spirit. The members of the family of the dead eat vegetables for twelve days and milk and banana for two days before the sraddha and sangkirtan. Among the Oraon, family members shave their heads after the funeral rites are over. &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Houses&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  All hill tribes build bamboo houses on raised platforms. They use ladders which are withdrawn at night so that wild animals cannot climb up. Maghs build houses on the flat ground. Oraons smear their houses with a plaster made of mud and cow dung. Usually their houses are made of earth, with thatched roofs, but they also build houses with fence made of &#039;&#039;shola&#039;&#039; (sponge wood). They draw leaves and vines on the mud walls of their houses. In general it can be said that the tribal folk culture of Bangladesh has similarities with that of many other Southeast Asian countries. [Ali Nawaz] &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Bibliography&#039;&#039;&#039;  Yamada Ryuji, &#039;&#039;Cultural Formation of the Mundas&#039;&#039;, Takai University Press, 1970; Bhupender Singh ed, &#039;&#039;The Tribal World and its Transformation&#039;&#039;, New Delhi, 1980; &#039;&#039;Tribal Cultures in Bangladesh&#039;&#039;, IBS, Rajshahi University, 1981.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039; [[Tribal Cultural Academy|tribal cultural academy]]; [[Tribal Dance|tribal dance]]; [[Tribal Languages|tribal languages]].&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Category:Indigenous Community]]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Category:Festival]]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:উপজাতীয় সংস্কৃতি]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15576</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15576"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T09:17:50Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on 2 May 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life. Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fyzennessa was deeply involved in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founders of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another one at a place adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater &#039;&#039;Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela&#039;&#039; (editor), and &#039;&#039;Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya&#039;&#039; comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial School. These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
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Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted ‘Khelaghar’ an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around this city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
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In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu (Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on 31 March 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Islam,_Muzharul&amp;diff=15575</id>
		<title>Islam, Muzharul</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Islam,_Muzharul&amp;diff=15575"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T09:12:37Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Islam, Muzharul&#039;&#039;&#039; (1923-2012)  first professionally trained modern architect in Bangladesh. Muzharul Islam was born on 25 December 1923 at Shundarpur village of Krishnanagar in Murshidabad district. He began his schooling in Krishnanagar High School. His father, professor Omdatul Islam was transferred from Krishnanagar to Rajshahi Government College in 1932, when Muzharul Islam also moved to Rajshahi Government High School, and got admitted into class five and studied there upto Matriculation (1938). He passed Intermediate in Science from the Rajshahi Government College in 1942, and studied Civil Engineering at Shibpur Bengal Engineering College and graduated in 1946. Muzharul Islam received his Bachelor degree in Architecture from the University of Oregon, USA in 1952. At Oregon he observed that seeing is cognitive rather than a rational phenomenon. It involves identifying, understanding properties and usages and digging into the inner meaning of things. He gradually transformed from a practical engineer to an imaginative architect in Oregon. He also completed Post Graduate in Tropical Architecture, from the Architectural Association (A.A) School of Architecture in London, UK in 1957.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Islam,Mazharul.jpg|middle|thumbnail|300px| Muzharul Islam]]&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam started his career as an Assistant Engineer under the Ministry of Communication, Building and Irrigation (CB &amp;amp; I) of the Government of East Pakistan in 1947. He designed the complex of the College of Arts and Crafts (now Faculty of Fine Arts) at Dhaka University. In the design the openness of the buildings, walkways, garden spaces and the sensorial ambiance of the whole created a campus ideal for contemplation of arts. The College immediately on completion achieved an iconic status in Dhaka as a fine work of modernism inflected by time and place. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The Faculty of Fine Arts Building in Dhaka University designed by Muzharul Islam and constructed between the years of 1953 and 1955, is considered as the first modern building in Bangladesh. Muzharul Islam designed the Public Library (now the Central Library of Dhaka University) building. In this scheme two similar rectangular building blocks raised on pilot is with a ramp leading to the first floor are connected by a third block with vaulted roof. These two light-weight floating buildings with open ground floor are adorned with murals by artist Aminul Islam and sculptures by Novera Ahmed and this way Islam celebrated architecture as the mother of all arts. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam went on a British Council Scholarship in 1957 for higher training. Later on, he went to USA on a Rockfeller Fellowship and completed his Master of Architecture from Yale University in 1961. Muzharul Islam received training from architect Paul Rudolf. He left government service in 1962 and started his own private practices as a professional architect.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam was instrumental in inviting Louis Kahn to design the National Assembly Complex at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar. He also brought his mentor Paul Rudolf to design Bangladesh Agricultural University Complex at Mymensing. He collaborated with Stanley Tigerman in the design of Polytechnic Institutes.  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1964, Muzharul Islam established &#039;&#039;Vastukalabid&#039;&#039;, an architectural consulting firm in partnership with the civil engineer S M Shahidullah and practiced the profession of architecture with great spirit, passion and artistic freedom until the beginning of the Liberation War in 1971. &#039;&#039;Vastukalabid&#039;&#039; soon became the largest and the busiest consulting firm in the then East Pakistan. It created a number of world-class architecture between the years of 1964 and 1971 for which Muzharul Islam received international awards and recognitions. Some of the projects of &#039;&#039;Vastukalabid&#039;&#039; include Islam’s own house, National Institute of Public Administration (NIPA) Building, Bangladesh Agriculture Development Corporation (BADC) Head Quarters Building, Eastern Federal Union (EFU) Building, Five Polytechnic Institutes and the campuses of two universities at Chittagong and Jahangirnagar. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The plan of Muzharul Islam’s own house at Dhanmondi, Dhaka, built in1964-69, was conceived as a free floating reinforced concrete roof slab (parasol) on four columns, under which complex layers of spaces are articulated with exposed brick walls where the walls are completely separated from the roof. Different sizes of rooms with varied heights in this house allow natural ventilation and light creating comfortable interior. This upright building with sculptural forms created a new progressive and aesthetic symbol for modernist living and established Muzharul Islam as one of the great architects of South Asia. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
NIPA Building in the campus of Dhaka University and it is now used as the administrative wing of the Faculty of Business Studies of the university. NIPA was built with regularly spaced rectangular pillars conveying a strong sense of visual order. This top-heavy structure with the regular patterns of the concrete fins, shades and shadows presents itself with a sense of tender monumentality and repose. The Eastern Federal Union Building (now Jiban Bima Bhaban) in Motijheel is also realsied with similar design principles that of NIPA but because of the curvature of the structure, this building exhibits greater dynamism. The 14-storey Head Quarters building of BADC at Motijheel with a deep recess at the ground floor to facilitate movement of pedestrians in the shade along with its intricate pattern of the repetitive concrete fins as shade giving device provides the citizens a strong modernist urban visual fabric. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the design of five Polytechnic Institutes (Rangpur, Bogra, Pabna, Sylhet and Barisal), Muzharul Islam collaborated with his friend and classmate, Stanley Tigerman of Chicago, where they created a system design appropriate for prototype institutional construction. In order to harmonize built-form with the hilly nature of the site at the Chittagong University, Islam devised a system of staggering open to sky roof terraces in each floor echoing the slope of the hills. The robust exposed brick walls with similar rectangular openings and staggered form provide the buildings a sense of order and primordial power. While in the design of Art College and Chittagong University, Muzharul Islam was seeking for strong harmony of built-form and nature, in the design of Jahangirnagar University he opted for contrast. Its master plan was determined by a geometric pattern of tilted squares, triangles and diagonals interrupted by the irregular form of water bodies, vegetation and the undulation of the site. Here he wanted to realise his utopia of an alternate city.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
During the period of 1980-84, Islam was engaged with two government projects, Jaipurhat Limestone and Cement Project, and National Library at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, Dhaka. In these projects Islam’s architecture is thoughtful, elemental, primitive but devoid of gesture. His buildings are urbane, heavy and violent. Their violence is latent and potential. Their body is platonic, abstractly geometric in the essential shapes of square, triangle and rhombus, translated into matter, as if silent protector of the purity. His buildings are serious business aspiring to the ideal.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
He rejected Mughal, colonial and other traditional models in architecture in order to develop the nature and form of an appropriate modern architecture against the prevailing socio-economic, cultural and physical context of Bangladesh. Although Muzharul Islam adopted the western ideals and thoughts in his works, due to his extraordinary sensitivity, creative power and his deep understanding of society, culture, economy and particularly the sub-tropical, geo-climatic conditions of Bangladesh, he was able to build an authentic foundation of modern architecture on which the future generations of architects of Bangladesh were to build.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam did not only consider architecture as a utilitarian art. He looked at architecture as a vehicle to achieve better life. He rejected all feudal content in architecture and avoided traditional ornamentation and decoration as these were, as he perceived, useless and expensive and instead created an open and straight forward architecture revealing expressive value of locally available materials without prejudice and in doing so he took a position in favour of the common man. Although he used simple means, due to his genius and creative power he was able to create a thoughtful architecture expressing a sense of victory of the educated middle class. His architecture was, as if, a declaration of the middle class which is achievable by the poor and where the rich would come down to embrace it for its beauty and reason.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam was always concerned with the complex relationship of architecture and politics. His continued commitment and affiliation with the left rationalist and materialist philosophy led to his serious antipathy to the manipulation of architecture and culture within a politicised religious situation. His whole personality was expressed in the balancing of the two. He participated actively in the WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971. During the Liberation War Muzharul Islam left Bangladesh with his family to work for the Government of Bangladesh in exile in Kolkata. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam earned the Independence Day Award in 1989. The many other awards that in received in recognition of his outstanding contributions in architecture include Citation by the Indian Institute of Architecture (IIA), West Bengal chapter in 1989 along with Hasan Fathy of Egypt and Lourie Baker of England, Gold Medal by the Institute of Architects Bangladesh (IAB) in 1993 and Grand Master’s Award by IIA in collaboration with J K Cement in 1997. He was a member of the Master Jury for the first Aga Khan Award at Geneva in 1980. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
He was President of Institute of Architects, Pakistan (1968-1969) and President, Institute of Architects Bangladesh (1972-1975) and (1976-1980). He was granted Honorary Fellowship by the American Institute of Architects in 1999 along with Rem Koolhaas of Holland and Ken Yeang of Malaysia. A documentary film was made on Architect Muzharul Islam&#039;s life and works titled ‘The Architect’ in 2005. He published a few articles in the both journals of home and abroad.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Muzharul Islam died on 15 July 2012.  [Shamsul Wares]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Katcha_River&amp;diff=15572</id>
		<title>Katcha River</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Katcha_River&amp;diff=15572"/>
		<updated>2026-02-19T03:57:01Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Katcha River&#039;&#039;&#039; a river originating from Hularhat and Kawkhali upazilas of [[Barisal District|barisal]] district. The river flows through Parerhat steamer station and Gazir Char following a confluence with the Baleshwar that falls into the [[Bay of Bengal|bay of bengal]] after being renamed as the Haringhata. [Sultana Nasrin Baby]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:natural sciences]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:কচা নদী]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Jute&amp;diff=15571</id>
		<title>Jute</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Jute&amp;diff=15571"/>
		<updated>2025-12-14T06:24:20Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Jute&#039;&#039;&#039;  dicotyledenous fibre-yielding plant of the genus Corchorus, order Tiliaceae. Jute was once known as the golden fibre of Bangladesh, since it was the most important cash crop for the country. Jute fibre is produced mainly from two commercially important species, namely White Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchours capsularis&#039;&#039;), and Tossa Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchorus olitorius&#039;&#039;). The centre of origin of white jute is said to be Indo-Burma including South China, and that of tossa Africa. The word jute is probably coined from the word jhuta or jota, an Orrisan word. However, the use of jutta potta cloth was mentioned both in the Bible and Monushanghita-Mahabharat. This indicates the ancient uses of jute materials by the people of these areas. There is evidence of the trade of jute cloth in the 16th century. [[Ain-i-Akbari|ain-i-akbari]] (1590) mentions sackcloth originating from Bengal. Jute grows under wide variation of climatic conditions and stress of tropic and subtropics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:JutePlant.jpg|thumb|400px|right|Jute plant]]&lt;br /&gt;
It is grown in Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Nepal, China, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Brazil and some other countries. Bangladesh used to enjoy almost a monopoly of this fibre commercially; its share in the export market was 80% in 1947-48 but in 1975-76 it fell to only 25%. This fall in the world market was due to the fact that many countries had started growing jute and allied fibres. The substitutes of jute are multiwalled paper bags, poly-propelin, polythylene, and natural fibres from kenaf, hemp, sida, sunhemp, etc. Jute fibres are used in hessians and gunnies, carpet and rugs, paper, canvas, tarpaulin, handicrafts, etc. Dundi (UK) purchases high class jute of all grades, particularly white and tossa. Belgium, Italy, USA, South America are the buyers of superior quality jute. Jute was cultivated in ancient times in Bengal.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
At that time it was more or less a garden plant and its leaves were used as a vegetable and for medicinal purposes.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Jute grows well where the annual rainfall is 1500 mm or more, with at least 250 mm during each of the months of March, April and May. The optimum range of temperature required is 18°-33°C. Jute is cultivated in the rainy season. In Bangladesh sowing usually starts at the end of February and continues up to the end of May, depending on the species.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Cultivation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  largely depends upon pre-monsoon showers and moisture conditions. &#039;&#039;C. capsularis&#039;&#039; is more water tolerant and thus generally can be grown in low lands, and even under water logging conditions, while &#039;&#039;C. olitorious&#039;&#039; is more susceptible to water logging and hence cultivated in medium to lower medium lands. Jute can be grown in a number of soil types, ranging from clay to sandy loam with optimum fertility, and soil pH ranging from 5.0-8.6.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:JuteCutting.jpg|thumb|400px|left|Jute cutting from wetland]]&lt;br /&gt;
Jute is basically self-pollinated and has fourteen diploid chromosomes. It needs long day light for growth. After sowing, four to five months are needed for harvesting of crops. This is done at the flowering stage. The fibre is obtained from the bast or phloem layer of the stem. Jute cultivation is labour intensive and is mostly grown by marginal, poor, and small landowners. For successful cultivation, land preparation is very important. It needs 3-5 times cross ploughing and laddering for uniform smooth soil, which must have more than 20% organic content. Cow dung is generally used, along with NPK in appropriate proportion, according to the soil type. In Bangladesh farmers generally do not use any fertiliser in jute cultivation. However, when used it must be applied in three stages; one at land preparation, and two as top dressing at appropriate time. During cultivation weeding is usually done in addition to thinning.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Generally, 10-12 kg/ha seed is sown by the broadcasting method. In line sowing, lower amount of seeds is required. Traditionally, farmers keep a small part of the crop area for growing seeds until the seeds mature in October/November. After harvesting, plants are bundled together with required number of plants, and kept standing for 5-7 days in the field for shading off the leaves. Then the bundles are put under water. Clear slow flowing water is the best thing possible for good retting. After 12-15 days, when proper retting is completed, the fibre is separated from the stick by hand and then washed and dried in sunlight. After drying, farmers sell the fibre in the local market.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Although jute is grown in almost all the districts of Bangladesh, Faridpur, Tangail, Jessore, Dhaka, Sirajganj, Bogra, and Jamalpur are considered the better growing areas. Total area under the crop is estimated to be 559,838 ha and the total production about 5310,500 bales. [[Bangladesh Jute Research Institute|bangladesh jute research institute]] (BJRI) so far has developed about 27 high-yielding and good quality jute cultivars.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:JuteProduct.jpg|thumb|400px|right|Handicraft items from jute fibre]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Jute products&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Jute and jute-based products are put to a wide range of uses. Since antiquity it has been used as a raw material for packaging. Before being used as a commercial commodity it was used in different parts of the world to make household and farm implements such as ropes, hand made clothes, wall hangings, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In Bengal sacks and saris made of jute were commonly used in the Middle Age. Export of sacks started in the 18th century. Its leaves and roots were used as herbal medicine, and as vegetable by the local people. Its use as an industrial commodity began in the Crimean war when it was used as a substitute of flax. Its use was popularised primarily in Western Europe, particularly at Dundee. Traditionally, use of jute products are limited to packaging materials like twine, hessian, gunny bag, twill, carpet backing, wool pack, tarpaulin, mats, canvas, wall cover, upholstery, and as furnishing fabrics of different types and natures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:JuteCultivationArea.jpg|left|thumbnail|400px]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Jute research&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Jute being a cash crop, by 1900 a fibre expert was appointed by the government of undivided Bengal at the direction of the India Government. He developed a number of superior varieties like Kakya Bombai, D154 (Dhaka 154), and CG (Chinsurah Green). In 1938, the Indian Jute Research Institute was established at Dhaka and technological laboratory was set up at Tullyganj in Kolkata. Jute research was once again initiated at Dhaka through the creating of the Central Jute Committee in 1951 by the Ministry of Agriculture. A Jute Research Institute was established at Tejgaon, Dhaka, in 1957. Located on Manik Mia Avenue at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, the Institute is now named as Bangladesh Jute Research Institute.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The Jute Regulation Directorate was established in 1940 by the provincial government for the regulation of the crop. This department was setup to regulate the cultivation and production of jute and to ensure that it was grown in fixed areas and to see farmers did not grow it more areas than assigned. A Jute Board was set up in 1949 which used to regulate the entire jute trade, and was assisted by the Jute Trading Corporation, Jute Price Stabilization Corporation, and Jute Marketing Corporation. In 1973 the Jute Division was created and put under the direct control of the Finance Ministry so that it could look exclusively on various aspects of jute. In 1976 this Division was converted into full-fledged ministry. Now the International Jute Organisation has its head office in Dhaka. [ABM Abdullah and Md. Anwarul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:JuteCultivationArea.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px]] &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Diseases of jute&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  both the species of jute, Corchorus capsularis and C. olitorius, suffer from a number of diseases. Of these the most important is stem rot caused by Macrophomina phasiolina. The pathogen may cause infection and damage at all stages of growth of the plants, right from seedling emergence to maturation.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The fungus is primarily seed borne, and over winters in crop residues and soil in the form of sclerotia. Many races of the fungus have been reported from Bangladesh and West Bengal, India. The pathogen is known to have several alternate hosts like cotton, sesame, legumes, and brinjal.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Destruction of crop residues, field sanitation, and crop rotation with non-host crops reduce infection in the following year. Pre-sowing seed treatment with fungicides like Vitavax, Homai, and Cupravit are often recommended. Some common diseases are: Black band- caused by Bitryodiplodia theobromae, Anthracnose- caused by Colletotrichum corchorum, and the disease occurs on the varieties of Corchorus capsularis only, Soft rot- caused by Sclerotium rolfsii is commonly seen in all jute growing areas of Bangladesh, Powdery mildew- caused by Oidium sp produces whitish to ash coloured powdery growth on the leaves, Root knot disease- caused by the nematodes Meloidogyne incognita and M. javanica, and Mosaic disease- caused by virus, usually common in Corchorus capsularis. Leaf spot caused by Phyllosticta sp is quite common. [Abul Khair]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table&#039;&#039;  Insect and mite pests of jute.&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| English name || Local name || Scientific name || Order || Pest status || Nature of damage&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute hairy caterpillar || Pater bichha poka || &#039;&#039;Spilosoma obliqua&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Major || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute semilooper || Pater ghoda poka || &#039;&#039;Anomis sabulifera&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Major || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute stem weevil || Jute apion/Stem weevil || &#039;&#039;Apion corchori&#039;&#039; || Coleoptera || Major || Pierces stem resulting in knots&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Field cricket || Urchubga/Ghugra poka || &#039;&#039;Brachytrypes portentosus&#039;&#039; || Orthoptera || Major || Damages young plants at the underground level&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|  Yellow mite || Halood makod || &#039;&#039;Polyphagotarsonemus latus&#039;&#039; || Acarina || Major || Sucks sap from leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Indigo caterpillar || Katri poka || &#039;&#039;Spodoptera exigua&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Minor || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Black hairy caterpillar || Kalo bichha poka || &#039;&#039;Pericallia ricini&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Minor || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cut worm || Katui poka || &#039;&#039;Spodoptera litura&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Minor || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pod borer || Xutir majra poka || &#039;&#039;Earias cuprioviridis&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Minor || Bores in developing pods&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Stick insect || Chhari poka || &#039;&#039;Scopula emmisaria&#039;&#039; || Lepidoptera || Minor || Feeds on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Red mite || Lal makor || &#039;&#039;Tetranychus bioculatus&#039;&#039; || Acarina || Minor || Sucks sap from leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Mealy bug || Pater chhatra poka || &#039;&#039;Ferisia pseudococcus&#039;&#039; || Homoptera || Minor || Sucks sap from leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute aphid || Pater jab poka || &#039;&#039;Apis gossypii&#039;&#039; || Homoptera || Minor || Sucks sap from leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Leaf miner || Pat patar miner || &#039;&#039;Trachys pacifica&#039;&#039; || Coleoptera || Minor || Grub mines on leaves&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Termite || Weepoka || &#039;&#039;Microtermes obesi&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Odontotermes obesus&#039;&#039; || Isoptera || Minor || Affect fibres in godowns&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Stem girdler || --- || &#039;&#039;Nupsera bicolor&#039;&#039; || Coleoptera || Minor || Damages stem&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Leaf beetle || Patar poka || &#039;&#039;Luperomorpha vittata&#039;&#039; || Coleoptera || Minor || Feeds on young leaves &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Hooded hopper || Sosok poka || &#039;&#039;Otinotus elongatus&#039;&#039; || Homoptera || Minor || Sucks sap from stem&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Pest of jute&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; The jute crop at all of its growing stages is infested by over two dozens insect and mite pests. As a result, both the quality and quantity of the crop is affected. It is estimated that under certain conditions the loss of jute production due to pest damage alone may be as high as 12 percent or more. However, the intensity of damage varies in different areas and in different years. The incidence of pest infestation largely depends upon weather conditions, variety of jute, method of cultivation, and the presence of predatory and parasitic organisms. Of the commonly encountered pests, a few are considered as major, while the others are treated as minor. If environmental conditions become favourable, a minor pest may attain the rank of a major pest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Of all the pests, the jute hairy caterpillar, Spilosoma obliqua, is most destructive. The larval stages, particularly the third and fourth stages feed voraciously on the jute leaves and may skeletonize the jute plant. The jute semilooper, Anomis sabulifera is another serious pest.  [SM Humayun Kabir]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Jute Research Institute|bangladesh jute research institute]]; [[Fibre Crop|fibre crop]]; [[Jute Industry|jute industry]]; [[Jutton|jutton]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Agriculture]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:পাট]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15570</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15570"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T09:06:26Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another one at a place adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater &#039;&#039;Lekha Sikshan Paddhati&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad&#039;&#039;, &#039;&#039;Kaler Samukh Bhela&#039;&#039; (editor), &#039;&#039;Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political&#039;&#039; and &#039;&#039;Rokeyar Manosh Konnya&#039;&#039; comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school. These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15569</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15569"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:58:47Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another one at a place adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela (editor), Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15568</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15568"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:58:35Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another one at a place adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela (editor), Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[:ফয়জননেসা, নুরুননাহার]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15566</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15566"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:56:28Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another one at a place adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela (editor), Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ফয়জননেসা, নুরুননাহার]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15565</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15565"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:51:39Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela (editor), Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ফয়জননেসা, নুরুননাহার]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=File:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg&amp;diff=15564</id>
		<title>File:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=File:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg&amp;diff=15564"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:51:17Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15563</id>
		<title>Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Fyzennessa,_Nurun_Nahar&amp;diff=15563"/>
		<updated>2025-07-01T08:50:51Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: Created page with &amp;quot;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&amp;#039;&amp;#039;&amp;#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&amp;#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qaz...&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fyzennessa, Nurun Nahar&#039;&#039;&#039; (1932-2004)  born on May 21, 1932, in Chakda, Nadia District (West Bengal), was a trailblazing figure in the fields of education, women&#039;s rights, and social activism. She is the daughter of Khan Shahib Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola, of Dargahi family of Panchnoor. He was Deputy Secretary, parliamentary affairs (an influential government official) a graduate from Presidency College and Begum Ratubunnesa, from a prominent family in Murshidabad. Qazi Mohammad Sadrul Ola&#039;s ancestor, Mirza Sheikh I&#039;teshamuddin a highly enlightened man, was the first educated Indian to travel to England and France as emissary of the Mogul King Shah Alam, as encapsulated in his memoirs ‘Vilayetnama’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:FaizannesaNurunNahar.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Nurun Nahar Fyzennessa]]&lt;br /&gt;
Encouraged by her family’s progressive outlook, Fyzennessa&#039;s formative years were marked by a passion for cultural activities and sports, pursuits she would continue throughout her life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her academic journey began at Sakhawat Memorial Girls&#039; High School in Calcutta, followed by Victoria Institution, where she completed her matriculation in 1946. After the Partition of India, her family moved to Chittagong, where she completed her Intermediate studies in 1948 and graduated with a Bachelor&#039;s degree from Chittagong Government College in 1950. In the same year, she was married to Syed Moqsud Ali, a young lecturer of Political Science at Dhaka University. Fyzennessa completed her Master&#039;s in Political Science from Dhaka University in 1952 and later pursued a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree in 1959. Her academic aspirations took her abroad, and in 1968, she earned a PhD degree in Primary Education from Colorado State University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s career as an educator and advocate was marked by numerous pioneering achievements, many of which established her as a leading figure in Bangladesh’s social and academic spheres. She began her teaching career in 1953 at Siddheswari Girls&#039; School and later taught at Viqarunnisa Noon School. In 1959, she joined the Dhaka Teachers&#039; Training College as a lecturer and was appointed as a faculty member at the Institute of Education and Research (IER) at Dhaka University in 1965. One of her most notable contributions was her role as the founding Principal of the Dhaka University Laboratory School in 1966, an initiative that set new standards for educational practices in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Her commitment to education extended beyond the classroom. Fyzennessa was a vocal advocate for women&#039;s rights and social justice, positions that often put her at odds with the status quo. As Provost of Rokeya Hall at Dhaka University from 1981 to 1990, she made history as the first woman to hold this role for two consecutive terms. Known for her dedication to her students, she took on a maternal role, ensuring their welfare while maintaining a strict discipline. Her efforts earned her the admiration of generations of students, many of whom remember her as a guiding force in their lives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa’s pioneering role in women&#039;s rights also extended to her political engagement. In 1985-86, she became the first woman elected to the Dhaka University Syndicate, the university’s highest decision-making body. She was also elected to the Senate of Dhaka University in 1977 and later served on the Board of Governors of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 1986. Fyzennessa&#039;s efforts to elevate the status of women in academia and politics were groundbreaking, making her a significant figure in the feminist movement in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Beyond her academic and professional achievements, Fyzennessa was deeply invested in social welfare and cultural enrichment. She was one of the founder&#039;s of the Azimpur Ladies Club in the 1950s, which led to the creation of Agrani Balika Biddyalaya (School). In 1986, she established Chhaya Neer, a daycare center for the children of Dhaka University faculty, providing much-needed support for working parents. She also played a key role in establishing a cooperative shop at Dhaka University and was instrumental in erecting a memorial at Rokeya Hall and another adjacent to the Vice Chancellor&#039;s residence in honour of the martyrs of the Bangladesh Liberation War.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s commitment to women&#039;s empowerment was central to her life’s work. She was a founding member of the Begum Rokeya Foundation, which continues to provide scholarships to deserving students. Her tireless efforts to advance the cause of women&#039;s studies at Dhaka University led to the establishment of the Department of Women’s Studies, which remains one of her most lasting legacies in the academic world. She was also an active member of the Mahila Parishad, where she served as president of its Mahanagar unit, and a key figure in the women&#039;s research organization ‘Women for Women’.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions to the academic and social spheres were also reflected in her published works, which include Hater Lekha Sikshan Paddhati, Ekattorer Prachchhanna Prachchhad, Kaler Samukh Bhela (editor), Children’s World of Effective Behaviour: Social and Political and Rokeyar Manosh Konnya comprising articles by 35 alumni of Rokeya Sakhawat Memorial school.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These publications highlight her dedication to education, child development, and the empowerment of women. Her untiring work and visionary leadership left a profound impact on both the educational landscape and the social fabric of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon after the partition of 1947 the first Radio station was centred at Nazimuddin road at old Dhaka which was then the city centre. Radio played a vital role then. Dr. Fyzennessa, joined the drama circle and played the lead roles for radio plays in Bangla and English. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Dr. Fyzennesssa took on the role of nurturing young talents and conducted &amp;quot;Khelaghar&amp;quot; an immensely popular radio programme way back in the mid-sixties. Children from all around ths city, gathered to perform live. As a media petsonality Dr. Fyzennessa much later would conduct the Mohila Mahfil (womens&#039; programme) and the Shikhharthider Ashor (Students programme).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 2019 she was awarded the prestigious Rokeya Padak (posthumous) for her contribution to women&#039;s emancipation and education.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa left behind her two sons, Emeritus Professor Syed Saad Andaleeb, and Zia Sayeed Arastu(Founder Konnekt Hub Ltd.) and two daughters Sadya Afreen Mallick (noted Nazrul’s songs singer, founder Gems of Nazrul and journalist) and Nazia Jabeen (Founder Sporsho Foundation and Children&#039;s Author).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Fyzennessa passed away on March 31, 2004, but her legacy endures through the institutions she founded, the countless individuals she mentored, and the enduring changes she instigated in the fields of education and women&#039;s rights. Her life stands as a testament to the power of determination, the importance of education, and the need for social justice. Fyzennessa&#039;s contributions continue to inspire new generations, solidifying her place as one of Bangladesh&#039;s most pioneering and respected figures.  [Sadya Afreen Mallick]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ফয়জননেসা, নুরুননাহার]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Islam,_Syed_Nazrul&amp;diff=15562</id>
		<title>Islam, Syed Nazrul</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Islam,_Syed_Nazrul&amp;diff=15562"/>
		<updated>2025-06-16T04:34:50Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Islam, Syed Nazrul&#039;&#039;&#039; (1925-1975) lawyer, politician and the acting President of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh at Mujibnagar. Syed Nazrul Islam was born in 1925 at Jashodal Dampara in Kishoreganj district. He obtained his MA degree in History in 1947 and LLB in 1953 from the Dhaka University. He took active part in politics in his student life, and was the vice president of Salimullah Muslim Hall Student Union (1946-47) and secretary of Muslim Student League. Syed Nazral Islam was the captain of the Dhaka University cricket and hockey team and secretary of games and sports of Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSU).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:IslamSyedNazrul.jpg|right|thumbnail|400px|Syed Nazrul Islam]]&lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul Islam successfully competed in the Pakistan Central Superior Service in 1949 and joined as an officer in the Department of Taxation. He resigned from government service in 1951 to join Anandamohan College (Mymensingh) as Professor of History. Subsequently he joined the Mymensingh district bar. He took active part in the [[Language Movement|language movement]] as a member of the all party Action Committee.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul started his political career as an activist of [[Awami League|awami league]]. He was elected president of Mymensingh district unit of the party in 1957.&lt;br /&gt;
 &lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul Islam was the senior vice president of central committee of Awami League from 1964 to 1972. He continued to hold the responsibility of the acting president of Awami League (1966-1969) following the confinement of the party chief Bangubandhu [[Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman|sheikh mujibur rahman]] during the movement with [[Six-point Programme|six-point programme]]. As one of the leaders of the Democratic Action Committee he played an important role in the anti-Ayub movement in 1969. He was a member of the Awami League delegation to the Round Table Conference convened by President [[Khan, Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub|mohammad ayub khan]] at Rawalpindi (1969).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul Islam was elected member of the Pakistan National Assembly from Mymensingh in 1970, and was elected deputy leader of the Awami League parliamentary party. He had a vital role in the non-cooperation movement in March 1971, and was an associate of Bangabandhu in his dialogue with President[[Khan, Aga Mohammad Yahya| yahya khan]] (19 March 1971). He officiated as acting president of Awami League after the arrest of Bangabandhu on 25 March 1971.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul Islam was the Vice-President of the [[Mujibnagar Government|mujibnagar government]] formed on 10 April 1971, and in absence of the President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman he pioneered the[[War of Liberation, The| war of liberation]] as Acting President. He was a member of the first cabinet of Bangabandhu in charge of the Ministry of Industry. He was a member of the committee for drafting the Constitution of Bangladesh. He was elected deputy leader of the Awami League parliamentary party in 1972.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Syed Nazrul Islam was elected member of the Jatiya Sangsad from Mymensingh in 1973. He was again elected deputy leader of the Awami League parliamentary party in the Sangsad. He was a member of the cabinet of Bangabandhu in charge of Ministry of Industry. With the introduction of one-party presidential form of government in the country in 1975 Nazrul Islam was made the vice president and also the vice chairman of [[Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League|bangladesh krishak sramik awami league]] (BAKSAL).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
After the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by a group of army personnel on 15 August 1975 martial law was promulgated and [[Ahmad, Khondakar Mostaq|khondakar mostaq ahmad]] was made President of the country. Khondakar Mostaq managed to get some of his old collegues into his cabinet. But the top four leaders of Awami League Syed Nazrul Islam, [[Ahmad, Tajuddin|tajuddin ahmed]], [[Ali, Captain M Mansur|m mansur ali]] and [[Qamaruzzaman, Abul Hasnat Mohammad|ahm qamaruzzaman]] having expressed their reluctance in joining the cabinet were arrested on 23 August and kept confined in the Dhaka central jail. Syed Nazrul Islam along with three others were ruthlessly killed inside the jail on 3 November 1975. He lies buried at Banani graveyard. [Rozina Kader]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ইসলাম, সৈয়দ নজরুল]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Azimpur_Girls_School_and_College&amp;diff=15561</id>
		<title>Azimpur Girls School and College</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Azimpur_Girls_School_and_College&amp;diff=15561"/>
		<updated>2025-05-26T03:44:49Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Azimpur Girls School and College&#039;&#039;&#039; is an outstanding educational institution of the capital with rich heritage. A meeting held on 14 February 1956 with MA Jabbar Chief Engineer of the then C.B 29 in the Chair decided to establish a girl&#039;;s high school at Azimpur. An adhoc committee was also constituted with MA Jabbar its President and Ferdous Khan as secretary to materialise the objective. The government gave a cash grant of 5 hundred rupees. The infrastructure of the school was built on 5.33 acres of land and admission of students began on 16 January 1957. Initially AW Khan Chawdhury discharged the responsibilities of Acting Head Master. The school participated in Board examinations for the first time in 1960 and five students came out successfully. The number of meritorious students started increasing successively. The Honorable Prime Minister of the government of the peoples Republic of Bangladesh [[sheikh hasina]] was a student of this school. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A Girls College named Azimpur Mahila College was setup in the compound of Azimpur Girls High School in 1995 with Jahan Ara Begum was its first Principal in 1999, both the school and the college merged into one unit with the identity of Azimpur Girls School and College. Hosne Ara Begum joined as the Principal of new institution on, June 1999. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Azimpur Girls School and College operates in two shifts morning and day. About 3,500 students from class one to class twelve are taught in morning and day shifts. There are 106 staff-members including 80 teachers and 26 supporting staffs.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The institution has setup a well-furnished Computer Club to provide the students latest knowledge on Information and Communication Technology. The students take part in the national level cultural competitions. The institution has a good reputation in the inter School football, cricket, athletics, handball, volleyball, kabadi, badminton, table tennis and debate championships. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The cricket team became runner up in the first T-20 national meet for women and the football team bagged the golden boot prize. The institution is divided in to four house and the girls of each house take part in the inter-house annual sports competition. [Hosne Ara Begum]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Education]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:আজিমপুর গার্লস স্কুল এন্ড কলেজ]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Translators&amp;diff=15559</id>
		<title>Translators</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Translators&amp;diff=15559"/>
		<updated>2025-04-29T03:20:24Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;* Ahmed, ABM Shamsuddin  Principal (retd), Nazimuddin Govt College, Madaripur &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Helal Uddin  Joint Secretary, Bangladesh Government &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Lilyma  Officer, Rupali Bank Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Lubna  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Masuda  Professor (retd) of History, Eden College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Naimuddin  Justice, Law Commission, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Shafi  Professor of English, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Shamsud-Din  former Additional Secretary, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Sharif Uddin  Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Tahmina  former Lecturer, Savar Mohila College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahmed, Zaheda  Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ahsan, Syed Mohammad Kamrul  Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akbar, Ali  Bangladesh National Archives and Library, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhtar, Sharmin  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhter, Farzana  Lecturer, East West University, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhter, Md Shamim  Writer, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhter, Nasrin  Assistant Editor, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhter, Shahida  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akhter, Shamima  Research Associate, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Akkas, Abu Jar Md  Senior Staff Correspondent, Weekly Holiday, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alam, Aksadul  Associate Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alam, Mahbubul  Additional Secretary, Ministry of Establishment, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alam, Mashiul  Assistant Editor, Daily Prothom Alo, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alam, Md Shafiqul Director (retd), Department of Archaeology, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alamgir, Khoundkar  Director, Department of Archaeology, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Alamgir, Mohammad  Keeper and in-Charge, Ahsan Manzil Museum &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ali, AMM Shawkat  former Secretary, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ali, Muhammad Ansar  Professor (retd) of History, Jagannath Govt. College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Al-Quaderi, Golam Gaus  Department of English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Anwar, Nurul  Professor of AEE, Bangladesh Agricultural University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Arjumand Ara  Lecturer, University of Asia Pacific, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Asaduzzaman, Khondakar M  Secretary, BRTA, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Asif  Cultural activist, Narayanganj &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ayub, Mahfuza  Dhaka Cantonment &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Baby, Sultana Nasrin  Cartographer, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Banerjee, Kajal Krishna  Department of English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Banerjee, Sures Chandra  Advocate, Kolkata &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bari, MA  Professor of Islamic History and Culture, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Barua, Moumita  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Barua, Subrata  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bashar, Chapal (Shafiqul Bashar)  Journalist, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Baten, Muhammad Abdul  Deputy Keeper, Ethnological Museum, Chittagong &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Begum, Ferdousi  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bhattacharya, Deva Priya  Fellow, Centre for Policy Dialogue &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bhowmik, Dulal  Professor of Sanskrit, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bhuiyan, Golam Kibria  Professor of Islamic History and Culture, Chittagong University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bhuiyan, Md Iftekharuddin  Manager, Bangladesh Krishi Bank, Narayanganj &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Bhuiyan, Mokammal H  Associate Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Biswas, Taposh Kumar  Lecturer, Institute of Education and Research, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chakraborty, Profulla  Professor (retd), ISI, Kolkata &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chakraborty, Tapan  former Deputy Director, Bangla Academy, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chakravorty, Ishani  Assistant Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chisti, AA Sheikh Md Asrarul Hoque  Department of Islamic History and Culture, Manikganj Mohila College &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Choudhury, Nurul Hossain  Professor of History, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Abdul Momin  former Vice Chancellor, National University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Masud Hasan  Assistant Editor, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Md Mahmood Alam  Executive Vice President, Mercantile Bank Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Nasim  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Rafia Akter  Lecturer, CODA, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Raqib  Lecturer in English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Chowdhury, Sifatul Quader  Professor of Geology, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Das, Bidhan Chandra  Professor of Zoology, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Das, Dipak Ranjan  Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Das, Ranajit Kumar  Sruti Cultural Academy, Narayanganj &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Das, Sanjib Kanti  Artist, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Faroqi, Gofran  Senior Officer, Dhaka Bank Limited &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Fatema, Kaniz  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ghosh, Shantinarayan  Professor of Accounting, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Habib, Farid  Assistant Chief of Neval Staff, Naval Headquarters, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Habib, Muhammad Ahsan  Writer, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Habibullah, M  Professor of Accounting and Information Systems, Dhaka University  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hadi, Mohammad Abdul  Cartographer, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Halder, Nilratan  Assistant Editor, The Bangladesh Observer &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Halim, M Abdul  Professor of International Relations, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Haq, Enamul  former Director General, Bangladesh Betar and Television &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Haq, Kaiser M Hamidul  Professor of English, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Haq, Shahidul  Professor (retd) of Economics, Nazimuddin Govt College, Madaripur &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Haque, AKM Khademul  Assistant Professor of Islamic History and Culture, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Haque, Muhammad Lutful  Colonel (retd), Bangladesh Army &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hasan, Delwar  Writer and Researcher, Dhaka   &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hasan, Md Mahmudul  Assistant Professor of English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hasan, Sahidul  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hoque, M Inamul  Professor (retd) of Islamic History and Culture, Chittagong University    &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hoque, Mohammad Mozammel  Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnargar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hoque, Neamul  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hoque, Sirajul  Professor of Soil, Water and Environment, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hoque, Sydul  Accounts Officer, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain Urmee  Research Associate, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Abu Md Delwar  Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Aftab  Senior Sub Editor, The Daily Ittefaq &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, AKM Yakub  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Ashfaque  Associate Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, ATM Zayed  Lecturer in History, Kumudini Govt. College, Tangail &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Md Mukbil  IT Officer, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Shamsul  Deputy Curator, Chittagong University Museum   &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Hossain, Zahid  Additional Secretary, Ministry of Establishment, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Howlader, Abdul Awal  Additional Secretary, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Huda, Md Dewan Nazmul  former Principal Officer, Janata Bank &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Huq, Ahsanul  BSMMU, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Huq, Raria  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Huq, Sharmin  Writer and researcher &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Husain, Nusrat  Research student, Department of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Husain, Shahiduddin,  Associate Professor, Department of Law, International Islamic University, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Ibrahim, Muhammad  Director (retd), Bangla Academy, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Iqbal, Mahedi  Bangladesh Agricultural University, Mymensingh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Iqbal, Md Ashik  Officer, Dutch-Bangla Bank Limited &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Islam, Asha  Associate Professor of History, Dhaka University   &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Islam, Md Anwarul  Professor of Zoology, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Islam, Md Zahirul  Bangladesh Safe Community Foundation, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Islam, Nazrul  Deputy Director, National Institute of Mass Communication &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Islam, Sirajul  Chief Editor, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Jafar, Abu  former Chief Information Officer, PID, Ministry of Information, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Jahan, Shahnaj Husne Professor of General Education, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Jahangiri, Mahmood Nasir  Department of Bangla, Mirpur College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Jalil, Humaira Fatima  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Jubayar, Shamim  Dr KM Maqsudur Rahman Trust, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kabir, Ahmed  Professor of Bangla, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kabir, Md Hasan  Bangla Academy &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kabir, Shahin  Professor of English, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kabir, SM Humayun  Professor (retd) of Zoology, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kalim, Jabed  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kamal, Ahmed  Professor of History, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Kamal, Begum Akter  Professor of Bangla, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Karim, AFM Rezaul  Prantic Unnayan Society, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Karim, ASM Enayet  former Director, Bangla Academy, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Karim, Md Rezaul  Deputy Keeper (retd), Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khair, Abul  Professor of Botany, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Abu Sayeed  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Ayoub  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Ayub  Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Jafar Ullah  Beximco Pharmaceuticals Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Masud Rana  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Md Enamul Haque  Writer and Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Md Masudur Rahman  Upazila Secondary Education Officer, Belabo, Narsingdi &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Mofakkhar Hossain  Department of Chemical Engineering, University of Waterloo, Canada &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Muazzam Hussain  Principal (retd), Gazaria Govt College, Munshiganj &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Sadat Ullah  Writer, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khan, Sanjida  Lecturer in English, King Khaled University, Saudi Arabia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khanam, Mahmuda  Researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Khanam, Tahmida  Research Assistant, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Litu, Shekh Muhammad Sayed Ullah  journalist, Brahmanbaria  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Majumder, Shantanu,  Assistant Professor of Political Science, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mallick, Ali Ahmed  Professor of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Manjur, Nurul Islam  Assistant Professor of History, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mazid, Muhammad Abdul  former Secretary, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Miah, Sajahan  Professor of Philosophy, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Misra, Chitta Ranjan  Professor of History, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mitra, Priti Kumar  Professor, Institute of Bangladesh Studies, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mizan, Tarek Bin  Lalmatia, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mohanta, Sambaru Chandra  Senior Officer, Pubali Bank Limited &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Molla, Md Tuhin  Jamuna Bank Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Momtaz, Ahmad  Journalist and researcher, Chittagong &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mowla, AHM Shafiqul  Professor (retd) of Economics, T&amp;amp;T College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mozammel, Md Muktadir Arif  Senior Research Assistant, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Mullick, Ansar Ali  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Munni, Tanjina Khan  Assistant House Tutor, Begum Fazilatunnessa Mujib Hall, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Murshed, Md Mahbub  Assistant Professor of Geography and Environment, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Nasiruddin, Muhammed  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Nasreen, Zobaida  Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Nessa, Fazilatun  Research Associate, Banglapedia  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Noor, Abdun  Associate Professor of History, Sadat College, Karatia, Tangail &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Pal, Asit Boran  Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Parvez, Md Masud  Government Vocational Training Institute, Munshiganj &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Pavel, Akid Ahmed  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Quaderi, Fazlul Quader Writer, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Quat-il-Islam Assistant Editor, The Shaili, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rabbi, Fazle former Director, National Book Centre, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Atiqur Lecturer in Journalism, Chittagong University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Bilkis  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, FM Mostafizur Editor, Shilpa Barta, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Gazi Md Mizanur  Research Assistant, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Mahbubur former Additional Secretary, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Md Hafizur  Lecturer in History, Bagerhat Govt. PC College &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Md Mahbubur  Professor of History, Rajshahi University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Md Muneebur  Professor of History, Ananda Mohan College, Mymensingh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Mizanur  Lecturer, Barura Shahid Smriti Govt College, Comilla &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Moqaddesur  Professor of History, Chittagong University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Mushfiqur  Asia Energy Corporation (Bangladesh) Pvt Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, Rezaur  Professor of English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, S M Mahfuzur  Professor of International Business, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rahman, SS Mostafizur Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rashid, M Harunar  former Director, Department of Archaeology, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rashid, Md Mamunur  Assistant Professor of History, Jagannath University  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rauf, Md Abdur Assistant Director (retd), Bangladesh Parliament Secretariat, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Razzaque, Rana  Associate Professor of History, Dhaka University  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rita, Vadreshu  Lecturer in Graphic Design, Faculty of Fine Arts, Dhaka University  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Roy, Kashinath Professor of English, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Roy, Pradip Kumar  Professor of Philosophy, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Roy, Shekhar Nath Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Rubya, Tania  Officer, Dutch-Bangla Bank Limited, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Saifullah, M  Senior Information Officer, Information Department, Bangladesh Government &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Salam, Md Abdus  Deputy Director (retd), University Grants Commission &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sarkar, Swapan Kumar Senior Assistant Secretary, Ministry of Establishment, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sarker, Mahfuzur Rahman  Associate Professor of Bio-medical Sciences, Oregon State University, USA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sarma, Dwijen  Professor (retd) of Botany, Notre Dame College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sattar, Abdus  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sen, Rangalal  National  Professor, Department of Sociology, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Shabbir, Shah Muhammad Nazmus Sa&#039;adat  Research Associate, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Shaheen, Shamina  Lecturer, Asia Pacific University, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Shahnewaz, AKM  Professor of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Shamsuzzaman, Kazi  former Assistant Publication Officer, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sharma, Devi  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sharmin, Mir Farjana  Research Assistant, Banglapedia &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sheren, Syeda Momtaz  Principal House Tutor, Shamsunnahar Hall, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Shibly, Atful Hye  Member, University Grants Commission &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sikdar, Abdul Malek  Gulshan, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Solaiman, Md  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sultana, Arifa  Professor of History, Jahangirnagar University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sultana, Jesmin Ara Trainer and researcher, Directorate of Non-formal Education, Government of Bangladesh &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sultana, Syeda Faozia  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Sur, Samaresh  Writer and researcher, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Taher, M Abu  Department of Islamic History and Culture, Titumir College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Wahab, Hasan Saimum  Independent University, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Waheduzzaman, Syed  Writer, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Waiz, Rasheda  Professor of Islamic History and Culture, Eden College, Dhaka &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Zahir, Qazi Sajjad Ali  Lieutenant  Colonel (retd), Bangladesh Army &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Zaman, Shafique-Uz  Professor of Economics, Dhaka University &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Zeenat, Afrin  Lecturer, East West University, Dhaka&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Khan,_Field_Marshal_Mohammad_Ayub&amp;diff=15558</id>
		<title>Khan, Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Khan,_Field_Marshal_Mohammad_Ayub&amp;diff=15558"/>
		<updated>2025-04-22T06:15:34Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;[[Image:KhanFieldMarshalMohammadAyub.jpg|right|thumbnail|300px|Mohammad Ayub Khan]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;Khan, Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub&#039;&#039;&#039; (1908-1974)  military ruler and President of Pakistan. Ayub Khan was born at Abottabad in the Northwest Frontier Province in 1908. He was educated at Aligarh Muslim University and at Royal Military College, Sandhurst, UK. He joined the army in 1928. He was promoted to the rank of Major General in December 1948 and was then appointed the General Officer Commanding (GOC) in the province of East Bengal. He discharged the responsibility of Defence Minister of Pakistan between 1954 and 1956.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In collusion with the then President Iskandar Mirza, army chief Ayub Khan imposed martial law in Pakistan on 7 October 1958, and abrogated the Constitution. Ayub Khan was appointed the Chief Martial Law Administrator by President Mirza on 8 October. But only after a few days, he ousted Iskandar Mirza from power (27 October) and declared himself the President of Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ayub Khan’s martial law regime was a form of representational dictatorship, and he introduced a new political system in 1959 as [[Basic Democracies|basic democracies]]. The Basic democracies system set up five tiers of institutions. The lowest tier was composed of union councils and the members were designated as basic democrats. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The urban areas had a similar arrangement, under which the smaller union councils were grouped together into municipal committees to perform similar duties. In 1960, the elected members of the union councils voted to confirm Ayub Khan&#039;s presidency, and under the 1962 Constitution they formed an electoral college to elect the President, the National Assembly, and the provincial assemblies. The system of Basic democracies did not have time to take root or to fulfil Ayub Khan&#039;s intentions before he and the system fell in 1969.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By 1958 Ayub Khan and his fellow officers decided to turn out the politicians, a task easily accomplished without bloodshed. He then took some fiscal measure especially in land holding. The landholding ceiling was raised from thirty-three hectares to forty-eight hectares. Landholders retained their dominant positions in the social hierarchy. Some 4 million hectares of land in West Pakistan, much of it in Sindh, was released for public acquisition between 1959 and 1969 and sold mainly to civil and military officers, thus creating a new class of farmers having medium-sized holdings. These farms became immensely important for future agricultural development, but the peasants were scarcely benefited.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1958, a legal commission was set up to suggest reforms of the family and marriage laws. Ayub Khan examined its report and in 1961 issued the Family Laws Ordinance. Among other things, it restricted polygamy and &#039;regulated&#039; marriage and divorce, giving women more equal treatment under the law than they had before. It was a humane measure supported by women&#039;s organisations in Pakistan. However, this law which was similar to the one passed on family planning, was relatively mild and did not seriously transform the patriarchal pattern of society.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ayub Khan adopted an energetic approach toward economic development that soon bore fruit in a rising rate of economic growth. Land reform, consolidation of holdings, and stern measures against hoarding were combined with rural credit programmes and work programmes, higher procurement prices, augmented allocations for agriculture, and, especially improved seeds to put the country on the road to self-sufficiency in food grains in the process described as the Green Revolution. The Export Bonus Vouchers Scheme (1959) and tax incentives stimulated new industrial entrepreneurs and exporters. Bonus vouchers facilitated access to foreign exchange for imports of industrial machinery and raw materials. Tax concessions were offered for investment in less-developed areas. These measures had important consequences in the development of industry and gave rise to a new class of small industrialists.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
On 1 March 1962, Ayub Khan introduced a Constitution based on the presidential system and thereby became all-powerful in the country. In November 1964, election of basic democrats was held in both the wings of Pakistan. On 2 January 1965, election for the presidency of Pakistan was held through an indirect system of voting. The 80,000 basic democrats elected earlier had to act as the electoral college in this election. Ayub Khan was elected President by defeating the opposition candidate Fatema Jinnah.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ayub Khan articulated his foreign policy on several occasions, particularly in his autobiography, Friends not Masters. His objectives were the security and development of Pakistan and the preservation of its ideology as he saw it. Toward these ends, he sought to improve or normalise relations with Pakistan&#039;s immediate and looming neighbours, India, China, and the Soviet Union. While retaining and renewing the alliance with the United States, Ayub Khan emphasised his preference for friendship, not subordination, and bargained hard for higher returns to Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Other than ideology and Kashmir, the main source of friction between Pakistan and India was the distribution of the waters of the Indus River system. A compromise that appeared to meet the needs of both countries was reached during the 1950s; it was not until 1960 that a solution finally found favour with Ayub Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru. Broadly speaking, the agreement allocated use of the three western Indus rivers (the Indus itself and its tributaries, the Jhelum and the Chenab) to Pakistan, and the three eastern Indus tributaries (the Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej) to India. The agreement also detailed transitional arrangements, new irrigation and hydroelectric power works, and the waterlogging and salinity problems in Pakistan. The Indus Basin Development Fund was established and financed by the World Bank.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pakistan&#039;s tentative approaches to China intensified in 1959 when China&#039;s occupation of Tibet and the flight of Dalai Lama to India ended five years of Chinese-Indian friendship. An entente between Pakistan and China evolved in inverse ratio to Sino-Indian hostility, which climaxed in a border war in 1962. This informal alliance became a keystone of Pakistan&#039;s foreign policy and grew to include a border agreement in March 1963, highway construction connecting the two countries at the Karakoram Pass, agreements on trade, and Chinese economic assistance and grants of military equipment, which was later thought to have included exchanges in nuclear technology. China&#039;s diplomatic support and transfer of military equipment was important to Pakistan during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War over Kashmir. The Soviet Union strongly disapproved of Pakistan&#039;s alliance with the United States, but Moscow was interested in keeping doors open to both Pakistan and India. Ayub Khan was able to secure Soviet neutrality during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ayub Khan was the architect of Pakistan&#039;s policy of close alignment with the United States, and his first major foreign policy act was to sign bilateral economic and military agreements with the United States in 1959. Nevertheless, Ayub Khan expected more from these agreements than the United States was willing to offer and thus remained critical of the role the United States played in South Asia. Especially troublesome to Pakistan was United States&#039; neutrality during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war. Pakistan did not extend the ten-year agreement signed in 1959.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The 1965 war began as a series of border flare-ups along undemarcated territory at the Rann of Kutch in the southeast in April and soon after along the cease-fire line in Kashmir. The Rann of Kutch conflict was resolved by mutual consent and British sponsorship and arbitration, but the Kashmir conflict proved more dangerous and widespread. Each country had limited objectives, and neither was economically capable of sustaining a long war because military supplies were cut to both countries by the United States and Britain. On September 23, a cease-fire was arranged through the UN Security Council. In January 1966, Ayub Khan and India&#039;s prime minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, signed the Tashkent Declaration which formally ended hostilities and called for a mutual withdrawal of forces.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When war broke out between Pakistan and India on 6 September 1965, Ayub Khan promoted himself to the rank of Field Marshal. Then in 1966, he chose the path of repression of his political opponents when the Six-point demand for autonomy of East Pakistan was raised by the [[Awami League|awami league]]. The leaders of the Awami League including party chief Bangabandhu [[Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman|sheikh mujibur rahman]] were arrested. In the backdrop of an intense anti-Ayub movement during the period of 1966-68, Ayub Khan convened a round table conference of opposition political leaders at Rawalpindi on 26 February 1969. But when the conference failed to resolve the crisis, Ayub Khan handed over power to the army chief General [[Khan, Aga Mohammad Yahya|aga mohammad yahya khan]] on 24 March 1969, and retired from politics. He died on 20 April 1974.  [Helal Uddin Ahmed]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Biography]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:খান, ফিল্ড মার্শাল মোহাম্মদ আইয়ুব]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Declaration_of_Independence&amp;diff=15557</id>
		<title>Declaration of Independence</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Declaration_of_Independence&amp;diff=15557"/>
		<updated>2025-04-21T09:18:12Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Declaration of Independence&#039;&#039;&#039; for Bangladesh has a pre-history. This declaration is the final and inevitable outcome of the rise of Bangali nationalism. The Bangali nationalism emerged via Pakistan, the product of British colonial control system and the Two Nation Theory advanced by the Muslim League leader [[Jinnah, Mohammed Ali|mohammed ali jinnah]] and supported by [[Suhrawardy, Huseyn Shaheed|huseyn shaheed suhrawardy]], the premier of Bengal and leader of the Bengal Muslim League. Based on the Two Nation Theory Pakistan came into being. But the theory proved to be illusive after the creation of Pakistan. In no time, a consciousness developed that the Bangalis were different from the West Pakistanis historically, culturally, linguistically, economically and even religiously. Religiously, East Bengal Muslims belonged to a genre very different from that of West Pakistan. However, the Two Nation Theory has a background again, which very relevantly comes into the picture when Bangladesh nationalism is considered. These inter-linked and interactive thoughts and activities have been listed below sequentially down to the Declaration of Independence of 26 March 1971.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Road to Pakistan&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1905&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bengal was partitioned into two new provinces, West Bengal and East Bengal and Assam with Dhaka as its capital. The measure highly pleased the East Bengal Muslims and equally disappointed the Bengal Congress nationalists especially the Hindu nationalists.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1906&#039;&#039;&#039; All India Muslim League was founded in Dhaka with the objective of safeguarding the interests of the Indian Muslim community.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1906&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Simla Deputation|simla deputation ]]&#039;explained to Lord Minto, about the relative backwardness of the Muslim community and demanding separate electorate for the Muslims to ensure their representation to Government.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1909&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Morley-Minto Reforms|morley-minto reforms ]]&#039;introduced separate electorate system thus laying the foundation of the Muslim separatist politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1911&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Partition of Bengal, 1947|partition of bengal]] annulled. The measure made the East Bengal Muslims extremely unhappy. Bengal Provincial Muslim League was formed with a view to mobilizing public opinion to uphold Muslim interests.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1919&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Montagu-Chelmsford Report|montagu-chelmsford report]] started the processes of self-rule by introducing limited representative government. Separate electorate system was maintained. Congress opposition to the system offended many Muslim nationalists who later joined communal politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1923&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Bengal Pact, 1923|bengal pact]] tried to establish political cooperation between the nationalist Hindus and Muslims of Bengal on some points in the areas of jobs and services and communal harmony. The Muslims hailed the Pact, but after the death of its architect C.R Das, the accord collapsed and communalist politics began again.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1935&#039;&#039;&#039; Government of India Act&#039; provided for separate electorate for the Muslims and thus creating opportunities for them to make government of their own in the Muslim majority areas. The Congress threatened to boycott the elections under the Act on the ground of communal representations, though later joined the elections.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1937&#039;&#039;&#039; General elections held. In securing seats, Congress came out first, second Muslim League and Krishak Praja Party third. Congress refused to form government. Their plan was to make the government of the minority combine unworkable. AK Fazlul Huq, however, formed the ministry in coalition with the Muslim League and some other splinter groups.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1938-39&#039;&#039;&#039; As promised in the election manifesto AK Fazlul Huq failed to abolish zamindari system due to non-cooperation from the Congress. It made the Muslim peasantry suspicious of the good will of the Congress.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1940&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Lahore Resolution|lahore resolution]] announced at the general session of the Muslim League the Two Nation Theory and called upon the British Government to make the Muslim majority areas of India &#039;independent states&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1943&#039;&#039;&#039; Muslim League formed the cabinet with Khawaja Nazimuddin as Prime Minister.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1946&#039;&#039;&#039; General elections held. In electioneering Muslim League made the concept of &#039;Pakistan&#039; the main issue. The Muslim League emerged as the absolute majority party in the Assembly. As Prime Minister, HS Suhrawardy formed the Muslim League Ministry.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1946&#039;&#039;&#039; Suhrawardy called Direct Action Day, hartal on 16 August declaring the day a public holiday. The hartal culminated in the killing and maiming thousands of people of all communities. As a sequence, the Hindu Mahashaba demanded the partition of Bengal in communal line and later Congress also supported the move.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1946&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Cabinet Mission|cabinet mission plan]] recognized the demand for partitioning Bengal in communal line.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1947&#039;&#039;&#039; Bengal was bifurcated into East Bengal and West Bengal. East Bengal became the eastern wing of Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Road to Bangladesh&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1948&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Jinnah, Mohammed Ali|ma jinnah]], the architect of Pakistan visited Dhaka. He announced at Dhaka University that Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. Students at once dissented his proposal and demanded for making Bangla, the language of the majority people, the state language of Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1949&#039;&#039;&#039; Bengal Muslim League dismembered. The liberal and left-wingers within the Muslim League formed a new political party, Awami Muslim League with Maulana [[Bhasani, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan|abdul hamid khan bhashani]] as its president.&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1952 21 February&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Shaheed Dibash|shaheed day]]. In putting up their demand to make Bangla the state language of Pakistan, students held protest meeting at Dhaka University Amtala and brought out a procession in defiance of the Article144 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Police opened fire killing a number of students. The action sparked off a resistance movement against the government.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1953&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Krishak Sramik Party|krishak sramik party]] (KSP), a revival of Krishak Praja Party of AK Fazlul Huq, announced its [[Twenty One Point Programme|twenty-one point programme]], the focal point being establishing autonomy for East Pakistan according to the letter and spirit of the Lahore Resolution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1953&#039;&#039;&#039; November, an electoral alliance called [[United Front|united front]] was formed against the Muslim League Government. The alliance consisted of Awami Muslim League, KSP, Nizam-i-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The alliance drew up a 21-point manifesto focusing on the achievement of autonomy for East Bengal and removing regional disparity and establishing Bangla as the state language.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1954 11 March,&#039;&#039;&#039; In the provincial elections in East Bengal the United Front won a sweeping victory overthrowing the ruling Muslim League almost absolutely. AK Fazlul Huq, the chief of KSP, became the Chief Minister.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1954&#039;&#039;&#039; 31 May Chief Minister Fazlul Huq and Awami League general secretary Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were sacked and placed under house arrest on the allegation that they were conspiring for severing East Bengal from Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1954&#039;&#039;&#039; 19 October, at the Awami League Convention at Joypurhat in Bogra, the party changed its name from Awami Muslim League to Awami League, thereby indicating its nationalist and secular character.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1957&#039;&#039;&#039; 3 April, East Bengal Provincial Assembly adopted the resolution on regional autonomy. The resolution marked only three subjects for the centre, defence, foreign affairs and currency.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1958&#039;&#039;&#039; 27 October General Ayub Khan declared Martial Law by easing out President General Iskandar Mirza. He abolished all elective systems and promulgated series of Martial Law Regulations banning politics and disqualifying major political leaders from elective bodies. In January 1962, HS Suhrawardy was arrested under Security Act; scores of university students demonstrated in Dhaka, and large number of Awami League leaders were arrested, while Ayub Khan was in Dhaka. On 8 February 1862, Awami League general secretary Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and scores of others were arrested. The announcement of the new Basic Democracy constitution did not evoke any interest in East Pakistan. On 22 September&#039; police opened fire on students who were observing Protest Day.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1963-65&#039;&#039;&#039; East Pakistan intellectuals and economists marshalled massive quantitative evidences of the ever-growing disparity in economic development taking place between the two wings of Pakistan. They showed how foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan was spent in the interest of West Pakistan, and how East Pakistan could benefit if autonomy could be achieved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1966&#039;&#039;&#039; 6 February, The leaders of the opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention of opposition parties at Lahore on 6 February 1966. The Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman joined the convention along with other top leaders of his party, and presented his famous Six Points Formula of demands for consideration at the conference. But the West Pakistan opposition parties rejected the Six-points formula as absurd propositions. On the following day the newspapers of West Pakistan published reports on the Six-point programme, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was projected as a separatist. Sheikh Mujib boycotted the conference and returned home.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1966&#039;&#039;&#039; 18 April, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested under the Emergency Regulations. Almost non-stop mass resistance in East Pakistan followed in support of Sheikh&#039;s Six-point charter.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1967&#039;&#039;&#039; [[Agartala Conspiracy Case|agartala conspiracy case]] Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 34 other public leaders, armed force members, entrepreneurs and bureaucrats were implicated in an alleged conspiracy to make East Pakistan independent by an armed uprising.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1968&#039;&#039;&#039; Mass movement developing against the Agartala Conspiracy Case. The left brand politicians and students issued a printed Programme for Independent Republic of Purba Bangla (East Bengal). Their slogan was &#039;Establish Independent Republic of Purba Bangla&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1969&#039;&#039;&#039; 1 January,&#039; Mass movement turning into a virtual uprising. Formation of the Sarbadalia Chhatra Sangram Parishad&#039; (All Student Parties Resistance Council) and announcement of their Eleven Points charter aiming at virtual independence for East Pakistan. The Chhatra Sangram Parishad articulated the concept of a Bangali nation by the slogans: &#039;Awake, Awake Bangalis, Awake&#039;; &#039;Brave Bangalis, take up arms and make Bangladesh independent&#039;; &#039;Your Desh (motherland) and My Desh, Bangladesh, Bangladesh&#039;. The students chanted the rallying slogan &#039;Joy Bangla&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;22 February&#039;&#039;&#039; The Ayub government bowed down to the mass uprising by withdrawing the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case and releasing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman unconditionally on 22 February.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;23 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Ramna Race Course coronation organized by the Chhatra Sangram Parishad. Tumultuous crowds gathered to receive their idol Sheikh Mujib. President of the meeting, Tofael Ahmed, made the proposal to honour Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with the honorific title &#039;Bangabandhu&#039;. Tofael Ahmed&#039;s citation received enthusiastic support from the cheering crowds and subsequent media reports appreciating the badge of honour adorning the leader. Sheikh Mujib accepted the honour with thanks to the countrymen and to the &#039;revolutionary crowds&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;10 March&#039;&#039;&#039; At the Rawalpindi Round Table Conference, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presented Awami League&#039;s federalist Six Points Formula. It aimed at restructuring Pakistan constitution on the basis of Six-Points and Eleven Points Programme. West Pakistan political parties branded his thesis as a camouflage to disband Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;25 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Following the failure of the Round Table Conference and unabated resistance movement to his regime, Ayub Khan resigned and handed over power to General Yahya Khan. Martial Law clamped. Yahya Khan announced a definite timetable for national and provincial elections, the first general elections ever to be held on all Pakistan basis during the 23-year history of Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1970  28 October&#039;&#039;&#039; In his election address on Radio Pakistan, the Banglabandhu reiterated his federalist idea and invited all to accept his thought and cooperate with him in his plan to frame a new Constitution for Pakistan on the basis of six points and eleven points.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;23 November&#039;&#039;&#039; Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasahni declared at a meeting at Paltan Maidan that the past events and the government&#039;s scheming indifference to the victims of the 12 November, cyclone disaster led him to believe that Pakistan as a state had become an anachronism and purposeless. He called upon people of East Pakistan to end its bond with Pakistan and make it an independent state. He ended his speech not with traditional &#039;Pakistan Zindabad&#039;, but with&#039; &#039;East Pakistan Zindabad&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;26 November&#039;&#039;&#039; On his return from the cyclone devastated area, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman exposed in a press conference attended by national and international journalists the blatant failure of Pakistan government to stand by the side of the cyclone victims and declared at the end that it was more a failure of Pakistan than of the ruling regime, and concluded that &#039;East Pakistan must achieve its self-rule by ballot if possible, and by bullet, if necessary&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;4 December&#039;&#039;&#039; While demanding the release of all political prisoners, the Student League in a public meeting raised two slogans: (a) Peasants and labourers take up arms to make Bangladesh independent, (b) Build up a Ganabahini (people&#039;s force) to make Bangladesh independent. At a combined political meeting organized by NAP (Bhasani), Jatiya League (Ataur Rahman) and Zamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam (Pir Muhsinuddin) at Paltan Maidan, Maulana Bhasani demanded for establishing independent East Pakistan as per the Lahore Resolution. Ataur Rahman Khan and Pir Mohsinuddin who also addressed the meeting, fully endorsed the proposal of Bhasani.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;7 December and 17 December&#039;&#039;&#039; General elections held. People voted comprehensively for six-points and eleven point programmes. The Awami League counted 288 of 300 seats in the East Pakistan legislature and 167 of 300 seats in the National Assembly. Nevertheless, neither Awami League nor Pakistan People&#039;s Party got any seat beyond their own provinces indicating the total separation of the two wings from each other politically.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1971 3 January&#039;&#039;&#039; All elected representatives met at Ramna to take an oath to implement the six-point and eleven-point programmes. Bangabandhu conducted the swearing ceremony. The representatives swore to remain united and never to waver on the question of the six and eleven point programmes, which were now the people&#039;s trusts vested in them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;12-13 January&#039;&#039;&#039; General Yahya came to Dhaka and had parleys with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other leaders. Sheikh Mujib told the press that the discussion between him and Yahya went cordially and satisfactorily. Yahya expressed the same sentiment at the time of his departure from Dhaka and addressed the Sheikh as the &#039;future prime minister of Pakistan&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;27-28 January&#039;&#039;&#039; Bhutto along with his chief associates came to Dhaka and had discussion with Sheikh Mujib and his other colleagues on the question of power sharing. No positive result came out of the meetings. Bhutto left with a remark to the press that &#039;more discussions were necessary&#039;. Mujib demanded for convening of the National Assembly at Dhaka by 15 February at the latest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;13 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Yahya announced the date of convening the National Assembly at Dhaka on March 3.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;15 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Bhutto declared his party&#039;s inability to join the National Assembly meet at Dhaka unless a compromise was previously made on the Six-point issue.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;21 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared from the Shahid Minar that the Bengalis must remain prepared for responding to any plot against their rights and interests. He restated his pledge to go to any extent to implement Six-point programme.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;22 February&#039;&#039;&#039; President Yahya dismissed his cabinet, met the military generals and resolved to solve the crisis in his own way.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;24 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Responding to the dramatic turn in the political scenario, the Bangabandhu called a press conference. He bitterly criticized the actions of the scheming army. He also asked the people to recall how army had been always preventing democratic institutions take root in Pakistan ever since 1954. He declared that people would fight to the end to safeguard their democratic and human rights and establish their self-rule.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;28 February&#039;&#039;&#039; Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman invited the members of the National Assembly to join its Dhaka session and help make a democratic Constitution for Pakistan. On the same day Bhutto threatened that he and his party would boycott the Dhaka session.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;1 March&#039;&#039;&#039;  President Yahiya Khan called off the scheduled Dhaka session of the National Assembly at Dhaka on March 3. The news sparked off an instant civil resistance movement in Dhaka. Tens of thousands of people assembled before the Purbani Hotel where the Bangabandhu was holding the Awami League Council meeting. The furious crowds were demanding to the Bangabandhu for immediate declaration of independence for Bangladesh. Bangabandhu addressed the crowds, asked them to restrain themselves and announced a protest programme to continue until 7 March when he would make a crucial policy declaration to the nation at the Ramna Race Course.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;2 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Students and members of public began to assemble at Bat-tala of Dhaka University from all parts of the city and suburban. The crowds chanted slogans of independence and were singing Bangladesh independence in a monotone. The student leaders (Nure Alam Siddiqui, ASM Abdur Rob, Shahjahan Siraj and Abdul Quddus Makhan) addressed the crowds and declared independence under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Student League leader and vice president of Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSU) ASM Abdur Rob then hoisted the flag of independence to the tumultuous applause and slogans of Jai Bangla.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;3 March&#039;&#039;&#039; a countrywide hartal called. Dhaka University teachers met at Bat-Tala and declared their solidarity with the independence struggle under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bangabandhu addressed a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan and announced his action programme until 7 March. But the crowds demanded from him an instant and outright declaration of independence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Swadin Bangla Chhatra Sangram Parishat headed collectively by ASM Abdur Rob, Abdul Quddus Makhan, Nure Alam Siddiqui and Shahjahan Siraj, circulated an istehar (declaration) proclaiming independence for Bangladesh. The istehar went thus: &#039;Jai Bangla: Proclamation of independence. Independence for Bangladesh has been hereby declared. It is now an independent and sovereign country.... The name of this territory of 54506 miles is Bangladesh...&#039;. The istehar described in details the modality of conducting the struggle for independence. Swadhin Bangla Chhatra Sangram Parishad (SBCSP) selected a national anthem for Bangladesh, Tagore&#039;s song &#039;Amar Sonar Bangla...&#039;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;4 March&#039;&#039;&#039; complete hartal observed all over the country. All businesses, governance and communications came to a standstill. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani gave an ultimatum for establishing an independent and sovereign Bangladesh immediately.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;5 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Dhaka students headed by ASM Abdur Rob, Abdul Quddus Makhan and other student leaders brought a lathi (club) procession in the city. Intellectuals and professionals headed by Dr Ahmad Sharif took an oath expressing allegiance to the movement for independence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;6 March&#039;&#039;&#039; President Yahya Khan announced that the National Assembly would meet in Dhaka on March 25. But Awami League and all other parties were firm in continuing non-cooperation movement as fully and intensely as before.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;7 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Crowds to the tune of millions assembled at the Ramna Race Course to hear Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Most people held lathis, the symbol of resistance, and were chanting Jai Bangla slogans and waiving up their lathis symbolizing their readiness to fight on. Non-stop Jai Bangla slogans made the maidan resonating. Before the Bangabandhu arrived, student leaders were keeping the spirits of the crowds high with the slogans like: জয় বাংলা; আপোষ না সংগ্রাম, সংগ্রাম সংগ্রাম; আমার দেশ তোমার দেশ বাংলাদেশ, বাংলাদেশ; পরিষদ না রাজপথ, রাজপথ রাজপথ; বীর বাঙ্গালি অস্ত্র ধর বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন কর; ঘরে ঘরে দুর্গ গড় বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন কর।&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In his historic address Bangabandhu put up three main conditions to enable him to join the National Assembly now scheduled to meet on 25 March in Dhaka: withdrawal of martial law, taking the military people back to barrack and investigation into the army atrocities on civilians, forming the provincial government immediately. He proclaimed that until these demands were met, all offices, courts, educational institutions would remain closed and all cooperation with the government would remain suspended. Bangabandhu further said that until the country was fully free, no tax would be paid to the illegitimate government and no money would be remitted to West Pakistan. He directed the people to make every home a fortress and fight the enemy with whatever weapons they had ready in hand. Bangabandhu concluded his speech declaring: এবারের সংগ্রাম আমাদের মুক্তির সংগ্রাম, এবারের সংগ্রাম আমাদের স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম। জয় বাংলা।&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;9 March&#039;&#039;&#039; In a large meeting at Paltan Maidan Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Ataur Rahman Khan declared independence. Bhashani also circulated a signed leaflet elaborating on the question of independence for Bangladesh. He declared that he would start the last phase of the struggle for independence in solidarity with Sheikh Mujib unless the independence idea was not peacefully recognized by the military by 25 March at the latest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;10 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Ataur Rahman Khan asked Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to form an interim independent Bangladesh government immediately.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;11 March&#039;&#039;&#039; The Bangali members of the EPCS and CSP associations declared their loyalty to Bangabandhu and everybody donated their salary for one day to the Awami League fund.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;14 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Swadhin Bangladesh Chhatra Sangram Parishad started resistance preparations by raising check posts in several key places of the city in order to stop supply to the military and stop outward cargoes to West Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;15 March&#039;&#039;&#039; President Yahya Khan arrived Dhaka accompanied by senior generals and officers. On the same day, SBCSP proclaimed that Bangladesh was already independent and the military had no legal right to make rules for them and that Bangladesh would obey only the orders of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. They invited all citizens of Bangladesh for an imminent armed struggle.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;16 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Yahya&#039;s dialogue with Sheikh Mujib began and was to be continued intermittently up to 25 March.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;18 March&#039;&#039;&#039; SBCSP called upon the world community to support the constitutional struggle for independence for Bangladesh and put up pressure on the Pakistan military regime to vacate Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;19 March&#039;&#039;&#039; A skirmish took place at Gazipur Ordnance Factory and Joydevpur cantonment between the East and West Pakistan soldiers on the issue of East Bengal Regiment&#039;s refusal to fire on the protesting crowds. The crowds raised barricades at strategic points along the roads to stop the movements of the Pakistan army with vehicles.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Several persons were killed in the process by Pakistan army. Sheikh Mujib warned dire consequences of indiscriminate killings of men, women and children in Joydevpur and Tongi areas by the army.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;20 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Calling a press conference in Chittagong, Maulana Bhashani asked Yahya Khan to form an interim government with Sheikh Mujib as its chief. He maintained that let this interim government decide what relations independent Bangladesh would keep with Pakistan in the future. He repeated the statement in a public meeting in Chittagong on the same day.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;20-21 March&#039;&#039;&#039; Bangabandhu and other principal leaders met Yahya Khan and had long dialogues several times but without any noticeable progress.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
22 March The picture of the Bangladesh national flag was printed in colour in all national newspapers. Swadhin Bangladesh Chhatra Sangram Parishad directed all nationalists to reject Pakistan Day and hoist instead the Bangladesh Flag on every house top. Hundreds of processions of all trades and professions passed the Bangabandhu&#039;s house chanting independent Bangladesh. Bangabandhu assured them his uncompromising support.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;23 March&#039;&#039;&#039; The Bangali nationalists headed by the Kendriya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (Nure Alam Siddiqui, Shajahan Siraj, ASM Abdur Rob and Abdul Quddus Makhan) rejected Pakistan National Day. Swadhin Bangla Kendryiya Sramik Parishad hoisted the Bangladesh national flag on the top of the Bangabandhu&#039;s house. At Paltan Maidan was arranged an independence day parade by the Jai Bangla Bahini. The four leaders of the Kendriya Chhatra Sangram Parishad took salute of the &#039;independence parade&#039;. The pre-recorded song Amar Sonar Bangla ...was played while taking salute to the national flag. Ten platoons and a band platoon of the Jai Bangla Bahini headed by the Shwadhin Bangladesh Chhatra Sangram Parishad proceeded to Bangabandhu&#039;s house parading all the way from Paltan Maidan. Bangabandhu addressed them and directed them to keep ready for the final victory.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;24 March&#039;&#039;&#039; At the headquarters of East Pakistan Rifles (EPR) at Jessore, the sepoys chanted Jai Bangla and hoisted the Bangladesh flag and saluted it.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;25 March&#039;&#039;&#039; In his presidential address to Sramik Federation and Biplabi Chhatra Union in a meeting, Kazi Zafar Ahmed dismissed the Yahiya-Mujib dialogue as a hoax and made a call to establish &#039;Independent People&#039;s Republic of Bangladesh&#039; through an armed struggle. The port labours and officers refused to unload the cargoes from the Swat, which came from Karachi loaded with military hardware. Chittagong people raised barricades in all major roads to stall Pakistani troop movements. Yahya Khan and West Pakistani leaders left Dhaka incognito. Pakistan army&#039;s mid-night crackdown on Dhaka killed thousands of people.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Declaration of Independence&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;26 March&#039;&#039;&#039; In a message form, [[Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman|bangabandhu sheikh mujibur rahman]] declared independence. The message is said to have been made available to EPR shortly after midnight and it was duly broadcast through EPR radio communication system. Because the system was VHF frequency crystal controlled, not very many people did listen to the declaration. The message went:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Major [[Rahman, Shahid Ziaur|ziaur rahman]] of East Bengal Regiment declared independence the following day (27 March);&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I Major Zia, Provisional Commander-in-Chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army, hereby proclaims, on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the independence of Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;I also declare, we have already framed a sovereign, legal Government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which pledges to function as per law and the constitution. The new democratic Government is committed to a policy of non-alignment in international relations. It will seek friendship with all nations and strive for international peace. I appeal to all Government(s) to mobilige (sic) public opinion in their respective countries against the brutal genocide in Bangladesh. The Government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is sovereign (and) legal Government of Bangladesh and is entitled to recognition from all democratic nations of the world.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;30 March&#039;&#039;&#039; From the Shadhin Bangla Betarkendra Major Ziaur Rahman again declared that the Pakistan army, air force and navy had launched a combined operation against the civilian and killing people indiscriminately. He announced,&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I once again request the United Nations and the big powers to intervene and physically come to our aid. Delay will mean massacre of additional millions.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;10 April&#039;&#039;&#039; Many elected members of the National Assembly (MNAs) and Provincial Assembly (MPAs) assembled in Kolkata and formed themselves into a Constituent Assembly in exile and drafted the Proclamation of Independence, which was ceremoniously declared on 17 April at Baidyanathtala (renamed Mujibnagar after the proclamation, a border area in present Meherpur district), where Yusuf Ali, an MNA read out the Proclamation of Independence. The early part of the Proclamation states the background of the War of Liberation. Then it goes:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;We the elected representatives of the people of Bangladesh, as honour bound by the mandate given to us by the people of Bangladesh whose will is supreme duly constituted ourselves into a Constituent Assembly, and having held mutual consultations, and in order to ensure for the people of Bangladesh equality, human dignity and social justice, declare and constitute Bangladesh to be sovereign Peoples&#039; (sic) Republic and thereby confirm the declaration of independence already made by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and do hereby affirm and resolve that till such time as a Constitution is framed, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman shall be the President of the Republic and that Syed Nazrul Islam shall be the Vice-President of the Republic, and that the President shall be the Supreme Commander of all the Armed Forces of the Republic...&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Retrospection&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
A close examination of the developments of events, incidences and episodes from the earliest days of Pakistan to the announcement of the Six-Point Programme by the Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1966, people&#039;s response to general elections of 1970 and subsequent developments and eventual declaration of independence indicate that Muslim nationalism, the basis of Pakistan nationalism, was eroding fast from the very next year of the foundation of Pakistan and that the idea of independence for Bangladesh was evolving over time and gaining momentum after the general elections of 1970.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The December elections (1970) made Sheikh Mujib the sole spokesman of the Bengalis. Mujib got the mandate of his people to restructure the Constitution of Pakistan on the basis of Six Points. After the elections the Six-point formula became a legal document, a &#039;Bill of Rights&#039; for the Bengali nation as a whole. Moved by the mandate, the elected representatives, like their counterparts at the Tennis Court Oath of the similarly placed Third Estate on the eve of the French Revolution, took a solemn oath at Ramna Race Course to the effect that they&#039; would never budge from the Six-point formula and Eleven-point programmes while framing the new constitution for Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since the Oath Day (3 January 1971) Bangabandhu was never tired of reiterating it throughout the post election period until the last moment of the so-called dialogue. His dream was to make Pakistan a federation of states according to the letter and spirit of the Lahore Resolution (1940). The idea of &#039;states&#039; in the text of the Lahore Resolution was reduced to a &#039;state&#039; later on without taking any prior consent from the elected representatives of the people. Sheikh Mujib wanted to mend it and make it &#039;states&#039; within the framework of the supra state of Pakistan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soon Mujib faced some theoretical difference on his federalist concept from the collective student leadership. They were inclined to believe that Mujib&#039;s scheme was too visionary, too unworkable. They developed a parallel political creed based on Bengali nationalism. For the Bengalis, they envisioned a new identity: Padma Meghna Jamuna Tomar Amar Thikana, a new nationhood. But developing such a nationalist ideology did not really mean to challenge the leader&#039;s main political tenets. It was only an alternative programme pursued with silent consent of the leader. If Six-point failed, one point, independence, must prevail. With his charisma and consummate skill, Mujib could maintain a balance between the militant nationalist aspirations of the younger generations on the one hand and the moderate federalists, on the other.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
From 1 March, 1971 it became crystal clear to the nationalist activists and politically conscious masses that Pakistan military and political vested interests were not in the mood to honour the electoral verdict. It could readily be perceived that the West Pakistan&#039;s hegemonistic relations with East Pakistan over the last decades obtained such a complexity that it was practically impossible on the part of the military and civil elites to descend from their dominant position and agree to reshape the relations with the Bangalis in equal terms. To them, Six point formula meant allowing the Bangalis to demolish their dominant status first, and dissolve Pakistan next. For them the hard reality was to proceed for maintaining the given power structure with East Pakistan, if possible, and abandoning the sinking boat, if their attempt to salvage it failed.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Under the circumstances, nationalist activists, particularly student leadership, began to assert themselves and resolved to make East Pakistan independent from Pakistan through an armed struggle. The struggle got a good trial from the mass uprising of early 1969. Releasing Sheikh Mujib by means of warlike mass mobilization symbolized the burying of the concept of Pakistan and formal launching of Bangali nationalism, which was emerging underneath since the language movement. It is during the mass upsurge of 1969 that student and youth leadership got ascendancy in politics. Most of the senior leaders were in jail and consequently it was the students and youth who took the command in mobilizing the masses. The student leadership proved to be highly imaginative and inventive in thought and dynamic in action. They constituted Sangram Parishad at all levels of schools, colleges and universities. All peasant and labour fronts also formed Sangram Parishads. Many of the nationalist slogans and symbols used during the non-co&#039;operation movement and during the war of liberation and even now were coined by student leaders during the stirring mass movement of 1969.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The nation-building processes deepened and acquired high velocity from 1 March, 1971. Circumstances so turned out since then that public mood began to shift from Six points to one point of students, complete independence. Apparently it looks contradictory that while Sheikh Mujib was trying to work out a peaceful solution to the crisis through dialogue, his nationalist student followers were putting pressure on him to declare independence outright.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The contradiction, however, appears to be more apparent than real. Bangabandhu&#039;s politics of Six points and student politics for outright independence became, in fact, symbiotic in relation. The Bangabandhu needed students as a pressure group and the students needed the Bangabandhu for protection. That Mujib was not unwilling to accept radical nationalist ideas of students is borne out by the facts that he very readily and enthusiastically used the nationalist prose and idioms invented by students in his public speeches ever since his acquittal from the [[Agartala Conspiracy Case|agartala conspiracy case]]. He accepted with pride the nationalist title of Bangabandhu from student leadership. He also accepted and used the stirring slogan Jai Bangla and he never missed to mention eleven points when he spoke of his six points. It may be noted that though the slogans, idioms and symbols of the militant nationalist students were not strictly consistent with the six point political thought of the Bangabandhu, they regularly met him and had political discourse with him without having any disagreeable turn out ever.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The nationalist students and youth developed the concept of Bangali nationalism, gave a name to the perceived Bangali nation state and they also provided the theoretical basis of the perceived nation-state-Bangali nationalism, socialism, secularism and democracy. They gave a name to the nation- Bangladesh, a name that hitherto existed as a loose literary expression only, not as the concept of a nation. They invented a national slogan, Jai Bangla. They also made a father of the nation in the person of their leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman whom they hitherto adorned with a nationalist title, Bangabandhu. They made a flag for the nation, which they hoisted at Dhaka University at the time of their first declaration of independence on 2 March 1971. They also selected a national anthem for the nation: Amar Sonar Bangla.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
All these icons and idioms of Bangladesh of pre-26 March are still venerated and sanctified by the nation, but with only one exception. It is the question of the declaration of independence. The series of open and opaque declarations of independence made by student leadership, public leaders of most political brands, sangram parishads, labour and peasant leaderships and so on are no pompous rhetoric historically.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Independence as a discourse became universal to the Bangali public from 1March,1971. The government did not treat these otherwise politically blasphemous declarations and slogans as seditious, because there was no government to question their bona fide, because the local and national Sangram Parishads brought the governance under their own control. From March 1 to 25 March, nothing moved without their sanctions and directions. The nationalist student leadership followed the Bangabandhu during the non-cooperation movement extremely faithfully, but with a difference. The Swadhin Bangla Kendriya Chhatra Sangram Parishad and the hierarchic Chatra Sangram Parishads and other sangram parishads were openly in favour of outright independence, while the Bangabandhu was in favour of six points and dialogue. But both Bangabandhu and student leadership declared the army-led government illegitimate and its control over the country was reduced to cantonments only.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Therefore, by confirming the date of independence of Bangladesh with effect from 26 March 1971, the elected and revolutionary government of Mujibnagar had perhaps ignored the virtual independence achieved by the people before 26 March. The historic fact is that all the prose and idioms that the Mujibnagar Government used were all coined and used by student and youth leaderships ever since 1969. The name of the nation as Bangladesh, slogan of the nation as Jai Bangla, father of the nation and his title Bangabandhu, national flag, national anthem, etc were all used during the non-cooperation movement. Ignoring the pre-26 March revolution is to ignore the very basis of the war of liberation and to ignore the theoretical and practical builders of the war of liberation.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In deciding the national Independence Day, the Mujibnagar government could have used profitably either of the two historic models before them. One is the model of the American Revolution. While all protests and dialogues with the centre failed, the elected deputies of the colonies met at Pennsylvania on July 4 and declared independence with effect from that date. The Bangladesh elected deputies could have done the same when they met at Mujibnagar on April 10. Alternatively, they could have used the model of the French Revolution. Storming the Bastille prison (an old fort then used as a prison) by the crowds on 14 July 1789 has been made the National Day for France, because the episode of storming the prison house by the agitating people on that day was symbolized by the Revolutionaries as the beginning of the end of the despotic French Monarchy and assertion of liberty, equality and fraternity by the people. Releasing Sheikh Mujib on 22 January 1969 by a mass uprising symbolized the end of Ayubean despotism and victory of the people. If primacy could be given to sovereign will of the people, this day is arguably the most significant for the inauguration of the Bangladesh nation-building journey. Next most suitable day was possibly the great [[Seventh March Address|seventh march address]] by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Another very significant day to demonstrate people&#039;s power and will was 23 March. On that day, national flag was hoisted on the tops of most houses and offices of Bangladesh, ceremonial parade was held, and the national flag accompanied by national anthem was hoisted and saluted ceremonially. All marks of independence were visible on that day.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Independence seemed so real on that day that the Awami League organ Jai Bangla asserted that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared independence on 23 March. The declaration drafted in legal form and signed by M.Yusuf Ali was printed in its issue of 11 May 1971. This claim, however, went out of currency later.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To historians and social scientists, the politics of the declaration of independence thus presents an interesting but enigmatic issue. In the current debate among politicians, the greatest importance is attached to who declared independence on 26 March 1971. Questions are not asked as to who prepared the ground for it, who prepared the substructure on which the superstructure was built. Contemporary history is essentially the voice of the people in power. That explains why declarer of independence changes in the school text books with the change of regime. Who decides it finally? For judgment history always takes note of a range of time, never of a point of time, which is ephemeral and momentary, and thus bears least historical significance. The nation building processes of Bangladesh are still active, and so are all these differences of opinions among the public leaders. But at least some issues of our history of independence are now beyond dispute. These are Sheikh Mujib&#039;s contributions to the unfolding of Bangali aspirations, identity and nationalism, and contributions of the most dynamic collective student leadership to the conceptualization and formalization of the nationalist struggle for independence. [Sirajul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:স্বাধীনতা ঘোষণা]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rural_Electrification&amp;diff=15556</id>
		<title>Rural Electrification</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rural_Electrification&amp;diff=15556"/>
		<updated>2025-04-09T04:09:00Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Rural Electrification&#039;&#039;&#039; a major component of overall rural infrastructure aimed at accelerating the pace of socio-economic development of Bangladesh. In rural sector, it is identified by the policy planners of the country as a key programme. In the vision statement of the government it is stated that by the year 2020 electricity would be made available to all the citizens of the country. The [[Rural Electrification Board|rural electrification board]] (REB) was established in 1978 to expedite development efforts. Under the Rural Electrification Board Ordinance of 1977, all the areas of the country, except the municipal areas of Dhaka, Narayanganj, Mymensingh, Gazipur, Narsingdi districts, [[Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha|rajuk]] areas, industrial areas, divisional towns of Chittagong, Rajshahi, Khulna, Sylhet and Barisal with other district towns, cantonments and universities which are already electrified by Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) are under the jurisdiction of REB. Based on the universal principle of cooperative, Palli Biddut Samities (PBS) of REB are formed as democratic, decentralised and autonomous organisations where the member consumers enjoy equal opportunities and are entitled to exercise equal rights. Continuous support from the government and donor agencies and the people associated with the programme and comparative transparent and accountable system of the PBS has helped to set a high standard of performance of the organisation. The owners of PBSs are its customer members and PBS management is accountable to a locally elected Board of Directors and the overall performances of the PBSs are controlled by REB.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:RuralElectrificationBoard.jpg|right|thumnail|400px]]&lt;br /&gt;
REB is basically running on funding from the government and development partners. Some of the PBSs are still not financially self reliant as most of their consumers are residential connection holders. A &#039;PBS Revolving Fund&#039; was established with the help of financially sound Samities for the PBSs which are yet to be self reliant to reduce their dependence on government and development partners.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This fund is expected to play a positive role in expansion and operation of the weaker Samities. REB has been receiving continuous support and generous assistance from development partners of Bangladesh in all phases of the programme. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association of USA made the feasibility study for the rural electrification programme in 1976. Immediately after that United States Agency for International Development (USAID) provided funds of $79.2 million for constructing distribution system and other infrastructures for 13 PBSs to electrify 54 upazilas in the first phase of rural electrification. Since then USAID and the bilateral and multinational assistance continued to come forward with generous assistance. Among the bilateral/multinational fund providers USAID, KFAID, IDA, JDRG (Japan), OECF (Japan), IDB, OPEC, CIDA, SFD, ADB, NORAD and the government assistance from Finland, Saudi Arabia, France, Netherlands, and China are significant.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Bangladesh has been experiencing shortages of power for the past several years despite the fact that power generation capacity of the country has increased many fold over the years from 80 MW in 1960s to 3,803 (installed capacity) in 2000. Although the real generation at present is 2,800 MW of which approximately 20% is consumed by REB. REB receives supply from BPDB and Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority (DESA) at 33 kV level at a rate of Tk 1.84/kWh and Tk 1.91/kWh (base load) respectively. BPDB is the major supplier of power for REB. DESA supplies approximately 35% of REB consumption. The chronic power shortage has created increasingly serious economic hardship. During peak time it is common to experience shortages in power supply and the rural electric systems are hit the hardest. Over the past 10 years demand for electricity in rural Bangladesh has increased at an average of annual 19%. Over the next 10 years, this demand is expected to increase at 11% per year, from a current peak of 700 MW to nearly 1,600 MW in 2007. In addition, several hundred megawatts of electricity demand and thousands of customers will be transferred to rural sector from BPDB and DESA. Present target of REB is to construct annually 10,000-11,000 km transmission lines in the rural areas to cover more consumers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
At present (Feb 2001) electricity supply is ensured to rural population through 67 Palli Bidyut Samities coordinated by REB of the government. REB purchases electricity from BPDB and DESA as bulk supply and distribute it to 7 category consumers at a negotiated price rates variable at different PBSs level. The average rate of electricity supplied by REB for all seven categories of consumers is Tk.3/kWh. REB has secured electricity supply to 30 million people through 3,100,000 connections and 122,580 km distribution lines mostly in rural areas operated by 67 PBS covering 424 upazilas. PBS customers comprise domestic consumers, small industries, big industries, commercial enterprises, irrigation, street and station lights, and charity organisations. In order to ensure reliable power supply to PBSs and to supplement BPDB supply, REB has signed contracts with Independent Power Projects (IPPs).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In May 1998 a separate Generation Directorate was established at REB. Purpose of this set up was to develop generation projects for the benefit of PBSs and their consumers. REB has developed Rural Power Company (RPC) as its subsidiary IPP and a 140 MW gas based power plant is established at Shambhuganj, Mymensingh which has been producing and supplying power to BPDB since April 1999 Tk 2.15/kWh. Steps are being taken to increase the RPC plant capacity up to 210 MW. The RPC was established to strengthen the present generation capacity under financial assistance of Asian Development Bank and joint ownership of Rural Electrification Board and five Palli Biddut Samities. In addition REB has signed contracts for power purchase with three 10-MW IPPs under construction (one of the 10-MW is already on trial production) at Savar, Narsingdi and Comilla. Also eight more 10-MW IPP plants at 8 PBSs are planned to be set up. IPPs are to be run on build-own-operate (BOO) basis. The IPP produced power will be consumed by REB at a rate of Tk 1.61 to Tk 1.80 per kWh (base load).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Apart from taking electricity supply from national power grid, REB has taken initiatives to use Solar PV cells for producing electricity for remote and isolated islands like Karimpur and Nazarpur unions located by the river Meghna in Narsingdi under Narsingdi Palli Biddut Samiti-1. The Unions are far from the national grid and were selected for the pilot project to provide electricity through Solar Photovoltaic Systems with a French grant of $6.4 million and local currency support of about Tk 26.3 million. Under this programme about 1,000 members of various categories of solar power consumers were targeted for electricity supply. The Narsingdi Solar PV Pilot Project, the first of its kind in the country is designed to test technical and socio-economic prospects of solar PV Systems is Bangladesh. Since the rural network is characterised by a comparatively lower consumer density, it often becomes difficult and uneconomic to extend power lines to certain remote locations within the jurisdiction of a PBS. Some remote areas are not likely to be covered by grid network due to inaccessibility and low consumer density. Renewable energy technologies are considered as viable technical options for such remote areas especially for ensuring equitable development of all areas and different cross sections of socio-economic groups. REB is actively reviewing its Solar PV System achievements.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Distribution and revenue collection performances of REB are so far impressive. The ratio of revenue collection of PBSs is more than 96% and the system loss is 16% compared to national power sector system loss of 35%. [Mushfiqur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Research Institutes]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:পল্লী বিদ্যুতায়ন]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Huq,_Rafique-ul&amp;diff=15555</id>
		<title>Huq, Rafique-ul</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Huq,_Rafique-ul&amp;diff=15555"/>
		<updated>2025-04-08T04:19:11Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Huq, Rafique-ul&#039;&#039;&#039; (1935–2020)  an eminent lawyer, former Attorney General, and philanthropist. Rafique-ul Huq was born on 2 November 1935, in Calcutta. He was a son of Mumin-ul Huque and Noorjahan Begum. Rafique-ul Huq received his intermediate degree from Islamia College, Calcutta. He achieved his BA, MA (Philosophy), and LL.B degrees from Calcutta University in 1955, 1957, and 1958 respectively. Rafique-ul Huq got a gold medal from Calcutta University for securing first position in Criminal Law. He obtained his Bar-at-Law degree with distinction in Hindu Law from the UK in 1961. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:HuqRafique-ul.jpg|right|thumbnail|200px|Rafique-ul Huq]]&lt;br /&gt;
Rafique-ul Huq&#039;s illustrious career as a lawyer began with his enrollment in the Calcutta High Court in 1960. He joined the Dhaka High Court in 1962 and the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 1965. In 1975, he joined the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh as a Senior Advocate. He also served as Attorney General of Bangladesh from 7 April 1990 to 17 December of the same year. In a successful legal career of 60 years, he earned name and fame by handling many important and complex cases, and about 500 cases he dealt with were reported in law books and journals. Huq was the pioneer of the company and corporate law in Bangladesh as well. He was one of the members of the Company Law Reform Committee in 1977.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Barrister Rafique-ul Huq worked with the first government of Bangladesh headed by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in matter of drafting laws, including the Nationalization Order 1972. As a lawyer, he played an important role during the 2007-2009 national political crisis of Bangladesh. During this time, he worked as a lawyer for many political leaders, including Sheikh Hasina, the President of Bangladesh Awami League, and Begum Khaleda Zia, the Chairperson of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). He also made a special contribution to restoring the rule of law and democracy in Bangladesh. Rafique-ul Huq was also as a part-time teacher in the Department of Law, Dhaka University. It was with him that the teaching of &#039;Hindu Law&#039; started at Dhaka University.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Barrister Rafique-ul Huq was Chairman of the Bangladesh Bar Council Tribunal, Bar Council Election Tribunal, and Bar Council of Bangladesh (1990). He was a member of the Executive Committee of the World Association of Lawyers, Foreign Trade and Investment, and International Taxation. He was a member of the National Committee of Finance, Banking, and Credit, wherein he acted as Chairman of the Finance and Banking Sub-Committee and played a pivotal role in reforming the banking laws. He also played an instrumental role in enacting various laws, including Bangladesh Bank Orders and Private Investment. He was one of the members of the Committee formed to stir up the share market. Rafique-ul Huq was the founder and entrepreneur of Bangladesh Industrial Credit Corporation, National Tea Company Limited, Arab Bangladesh Bank Limited, National Investment and Finance Company Limited (NIFCO), IFIC Bank Limited, and Maldives Bangladesh Bank Limited. Moreover, he was one of the members of the delegation to the UN General Assembly in 1990.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Following the family tradition, Rafique-ul Huq was active in politics in his student life. Barrister Rafique-ul Huq&#039;s father, Mumin-ul Huque, was a physician by profession but was also, the Chairman of the 24 Pargana Municipality. Rafique-ul Huq was the elected Social Welfare Secretary of the Calcutta University Students Union. Later, he became the Vice President of the West Bengal Youth Congress. Through this source, he also got the opportunity to work with the then President of the Central Youth Congress, Srimati Indira Gandhi. Former President of India, Pranab Mukherjee was his friend. Rafique-ul Huq was not directly involved in politics during his professional career, but he worked with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, President Ziaur Rahman, President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Barrister Rafique-ul Huque was a social philanthropist. He has done a lot for the welfare of humanity. His family contributed to the establishment of Islamia Eye Hospital in Dhaka. He played a leading role in the establishment of Dhaka Children&#039;s Hospital. He was also involved in establishing and developing more than 25 social organizations, including Ad-Deen Medical College and Hospital, [[BIRDEM|birdem]] Hospital, and Ahsania Mission Cancer Hospital in Dhaka. He served as Chairman of Ad-Deen Foundation and BIRDEM Hospital Management Committee and Secretary General of Dhaka Children&#039;s Hospital Management Board. Rafique-ul Huq also established 100-bed Subarna-Ibrahim General Hospital at Chandra, Gazipur, with his funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For his outstanding contributions as a lawyer and a philanthropist, Rafique-ul Huq received the Mother Teresa Gold Medal of Calcutta bestowed on him by the US Senate, the Ibrahim Cardiac Hospital Appreciation Award, and the Patron Award of the Freedom Fighters Museum. He was awarded medals by MCCI and the Rotary Club of Dhaka South Lions Club for his contribution to health and cleanliness.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Noted jurist Barrister Rafique-ul Huq breathed his last on 24 October 2020. He was 85 years of age at the time of his death.  [Mohammad Siddiqur Rahman Khan]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:হক, রফিক-উল]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rural_Electrification&amp;diff=15554</id>
		<title>Rural Electrification</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rural_Electrification&amp;diff=15554"/>
		<updated>2025-04-08T03:47:06Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Rural Electrification&#039;&#039;&#039; a major component of overall rural infrastructure aimed at accelerating the pace of socio-economic development of Bangladesh. In rural sector, it is identified by the policy planners of the country as a key programme. In the vision statement of the government it is stated that by the year 2020 electricity would be made available to all the citizens of the country. The [[Rural Electrification Board|rural electrification board]] (REB) was established in 1978 to expedite development efforts. Under the Rural Electrification Board Ordinance of 1977, all the areas of the country, except the municipal areas of Dhaka, Narayanganj, Mymensingh, Gazipur, Narsingdi districts, [[Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha|rajuk]] areas, industrial areas, divisional towns of Chittagong, Rajshahi, Khulna, Sylhet and Barisal with other district towns, cantonments and universities which are already electrified by Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) are under the jurisdiction of REB. Based on the universal principle of cooperative, Palli Biddut Samities (PBS) of REB are formed as democratic, decentralised and autonomous organisations where the member consumers enjoy equal opportunities and are entitled to exercise equal rights. Continuous support from the government and donor agencies and the people associated with the programme and comparative transparent and accountable system of the PBS has helped to set a high standard of performance of the organisation. The owners of PBSs are its customer members and PBS management is accountable to a locally elected Board of Directors and the overall performances of the PBSs are controlled by REB.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:RuralElectrificationBoard.jpg|right|thumnail|400px]]&lt;br /&gt;
REB is basically running on funding from the government and development partners. Some of the PBSs are still not financially self reliant as most of their consumers are residential connection holders. A &#039;PBS Revolving Fund&#039; was established with the help of financially sound Samities for the PBSs which are yet to be self reliant to reduce their dependence on government and development partners.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This fund is expected to play a positive role in expansion and operation of the weaker Samities. REB has been receiving continuous support and generous assistance from development partners of Bangladesh in all phases of the programme. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association of USA made the feasibility study for the rural electrification programme in 1976. Immediately after that United States Agency for International Development (USAID) provided funds of $79.2 million for constructing distribution system and other infrastructures for 13 PBSs to electrify 54 upazilas in the first phase of rural electrification. Since then USAID and the bilateral and multinational assistance continued to come forward with generous assistance. Among the bilateral/multinational fund providers USAID, KFAID, IDA, JDRG (Japan), OECF (Japan), IDB, OPEC, CIDA, SFD, ADB, NORAD and the government assistance from Finland, Saudi Arabia, France, Netherlands, and China are significant.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Bangladesh has been experiencing shortages of power for the past several years despite the fact that power generation capacity of the country has increased many fold over the years from 80 MW in 1960s to 3,803 (installed capacity) in 2000. Although the real generation at present is 2,800 MW of which approximately 20% is consumed by REB. REB receives supply from BPDB and Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority (DESA) at 33 kV level at a rate of Tk 1.84/kWh and Tk 1.91/kWh (base load) respectively. BPDB is the major supplier of power for REB. DESA supplies approximately 35% of REB consumption. The chronic power shortage has created increasingly serious economic hardship. During peak time it is common to experience shortages in power supply and the rural electric systems are hit the hardest. Over the past 10 years demand for electricity in rural Bangladesh has increased at an average of annual 19%. Over the next 10 years, this demand is expected to increase at 11% per year, from a current peak of 700 MW to nearly 1,600 MW in 2007. In addition, several hundred megawatts of electricity demand and thousands of customers will be transferred to rural sector from BPDB and DESA. Present target of REB is to construct annually 10,000-11,000 km transmission lines in the rural areas to cover more consumers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
At present (Feb 2001) electricity supply is ensured to rural population through 67 Palli Bidyut Samities coordinated by REB of the government. REB purchases electricity from BPDB and DESA as bulk supply and distribute it to 7 category consumers at a negotiated price rates variable at different PBSs level. The average rate of electricity supplied by REB for all seven categories of consumers is Tk.3/kWh. REB has secured electricity supply to 30 million people through 3,100,000 connections and 122,580 km distribution lines mostly in rural areas operated by 67 PBS covering 424 upazilas. PBS customers comprise domestic consumers, small industries, big industries, commercial enterprises, irrigation, street and station lights, and charity organisations. In order to ensure reliable power supply to PBSs and to supplement BPDB supply, REB has signed contracts with Independent Power Projects (IPPs).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In May 1998 a separate Generation Directorate was established at REB. Purpose of this set up was to develop generation projects for the benefit of PBSs and their consumers. REB has developed Rural Power Company (RPC) as its subsidiary IPP and a 140 MW gas based power plant is established at Shambhuganj, Mymensingh which has been producing and supplying power to BPDB since April 1999 Tk 2.15/kWh. Steps are being taken to increase the RPC plant capacity up to 210 MW. The RPC was established to strengthen the present generation capacity under financial assistance of Asian Development Bank and joint ownership of Rural Electrification Board and five Palli Biddut Samities. In addition REB has signed contracts for power purchase with three 10-MW IPPs under construction (one of the 10-MW is already on trial production) at Savar, Narsingdi and Comilla. Also eight more 10-MW IPP plants at 8 PBSs are planned to be set up. IPPs are to be run on build-own-operate (BOO) basis. The IPP produced power will be consumed by REB at a rate of Tk 1.61 to Tk 1.80 per kWh (base load).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Apart from taking electricity supply from national power grid, REB has taken initiatives to use Solar PV cells for producing electricity for remote and isolated islands like Karimpur and Nazarpur unions located by the river Meghna in Narsingdi under Narsingdi Palli Biddut Samiti-1. The Unions are far from the national grid and were selected for the pilot project to provide electricity through Solar Photovoltaic Systems with a French grant of $6.4 million and local currency support of about Tk 26.3 million. Under this programme about 1,000 members of various categories of solar power consumers were targeted for electricity supply. The Narsingdi Solar PV Pilot Project, the first of its kind in the country is designed to test technical and socio-economic prospects of solar PV Systems is Bangladesh. Since the rural network is characterised by a comparatively lower consumer density, it often becomes difficult and uneconomic to extend power lines to certain remote locations within the jurisdiction of a PBS. Some remote areas are not likely to be covered by grid network due to inaccessibility and low consumer density. Renewable energy technologies are considered as viable technical options for such remote areas especially for ensuring equitable development of all areas and different cross sections of socio-economic groups. REB is actively reviewing its Solar PV System achievements.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Distribution and revenue collection performances of REB are so far impressive. The ratio of revenue collection of PBSs is more than 96% and the system loss is 16% compared to national power sector system loss of 35%. [Mushfiqur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Research Institutes]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:Rural Electrification]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15553</id>
		<title>Dolphin</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15553"/>
		<updated>2025-04-06T10:28:43Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dolphin&#039;&#039;&#039; aquatic [[Mammal|mammal]], also called smaller toothed whales, of the family Delphinidae (marine true dolphin) and Platanistidae (freshwater dolphin), order Cetacea. The order also includes whales and porpoises. Dolphins are often mistakenly called porpoises. Dolphins, meaning beak, have a beak-like snout and slender body, whereas the porpoise (family Phoceonidae) is smaller with a blunt snout and stocky body. The name dolphin is also applied to a species of fish, called Dolphin Fish, which is a large and swift game fish, Coryphaena hipparus, and is distributed nearly worldwide in warm waters.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Dolphin1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Ganges River Dolpin]]&lt;br /&gt;
There are about 32 species of true marine dolphins, and 5 freshwater species found in rivers of South America and southern Asia. The river dolphins resemble their ancestor whales, they have long beaks with whiskers, and the neck vertebrae are not fused, and grow up to a length of about 2.7 metres. They live in turbid waters. Their sense of sight is limited, and the animals are reliant on echolocation. The eyes of the Ganges River Dolphin, Platanista gangetica (also found in Bangladesh) lack lenses; it swims on its side and feels for the bottom with one flipper, and picks up bottom-dwelling crabs and fish. The Indus River Dolphin hunts for catfish while swimming on its back.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Bangladesh has 10 species of marine and six species of freshwater dolphins. Of the four marine species, two are critically endangered, and two are data deficient (status could not be evaluated due to paucity of data); the only freshwater species, Platanista gangetica, is endangered.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Most species of dolphins are highly gregarious, and feed chiefly on fish. They breathe air through a single, dorsal blowhole. They are fishlike in form, and have streamlined, hairless bodies. They have 160-200 sharp teeth. The eyes are of moderate size, the ear aperture is minute, and the blowhole crescentic. Most dolphins are black above and white below. The female gives birth to a single young and is a devoted mother.  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins have long been famous for riding the bows of ships, and it is now known that they also ride the bows of large whales. Today they are valued and exploited as entertainers in more than 40 water shows around the world and have thus become available for extensive scientific study. The best known are the common dolphin (Delphinus delphis) of worldwide distribution (Bangladesh has also this species in its sea-waters), and the bottle-nosed dolphin (Tursiops truncatus), found in the coastal waters of the North Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. The common dolphin averages 2.4 m in length and 75 kg in weight, and has a life span of about 50 years.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins produce an enormous variety of sounds, up to frequencies ten times those heard by human beings. Each dolphin has a signature whistle with which it identifies itself; a calf soon learns to recognize its mother&#039;s whistle. Clicking and rapid creaking sounds are the basis of the echolocation mechanism (sonar) with which the dolphin gathers extremely precise information about the size, location, and nature of surrounding objects. They can convey instructions among each other. The US navy has trained dolphins to act as messengers to underwater stations, to rescue wounded frogmen and protect them from sharks, and to seek and destroy submarines.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins are edible, and until recently dolphins formed the basis of a widespread fishing industry; only the Japanese continue to hunt them for food on a large scale. However, not every society has exploited cetaceans for food. In the Mediterranean, the Ancient Greeks had obviously incorporated dolphins into their culture. Nevertheless they are accidentally caught and killed in large numbers in fishing operations. Smaller ones are caught in gill nets, trawls, purse seines, set nets, and long-line fisheries throughout the world. [Md Anwarul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039; [[Aquatic Mammal|aquatic mammal]]; [[Cetacean|cetacean]]; [[Mammal|mammal]]; [[Porpoise|porpoise]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Fauna]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15552</id>
		<title>Dolphin</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15552"/>
		<updated>2025-04-06T10:27:59Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dolphin&#039;&#039;&#039; aquatic [[Mammal|mammal]], also called smaller toothed whales, of the family Delphinidae (marine true dolphin) and Platanistidae (freshwater dolphin), order Cetacea. The order also includes whales and porpoises. Dolphins are often mistakenly called porpoises. Dolphins, meaning beak, have a beak-like snout and slender body, whereas the porpoise (family Phoceonidae) is smaller with a blunt snout and stocky body. The name dolphin is also applied to a species of fish, called Dolphin Fish, which is a large and swift game fish, Coryphaena hipparus, and is distributed nearly worldwide in warm waters.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Dolphin1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Ganges River Dolpin]]&lt;br /&gt;
There are about 32 species of true marine dolphins, and 5 freshwater species found in rivers of South America and southern Asia. The river dolphins resemble their ancestor whales, they have long beaks with whiskers, and the neck vertebrae are not fused, and grow up to a length of about 2.7 metres. They live in turbid waters. Their sense of sight is limited, and the animals are reliant on echolocation. The eyes of the Ganges River Dolphin, Platanista gangetica (also found in Bangladesh) lack lenses; it swims on its side and feels for the bottom with one flipper, and picks up bottom-dwelling crabs and fish. The Indus River Dolphin hunts for catfish while swimming on its back.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Bangladesh has 10 species of marine and six species of freshwater dolphins. Of the four marine species, two are critically endangered, and two are data deficient (status could not be evaluated due to paucity of data); the only freshwater species, Platanista gangetica, is endangered.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Most species of dolphins are highly gregarious, and feed chiefly on fish. They breathe air through a single, dorsal blowhole. They are fishlike in form, and have streamlined, hairless bodies. They have 160-200 sharp teeth. The eyes are of moderate size, the ear aperture is minute, and the blowhole crescentic. Most dolphins are black above and white below. The female gives birth to a single young and is a devoted mother.  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins have long been famous for riding the bows of ships, and it is now known that they also ride the bows of large whales. Today they are valued and exploited as entertainers in more than 40 water shows around the world and have thus become available for extensive scientific study. The best known are the common dolphin (Delphinus delphis) of worldwide distribution (Bangladesh has also this species in its sea-waters), and the bottle-nosed dolphin (Tursiops truncatus), found in the coastal waters of the North Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. The common dolphin averages 2.4 m in length and 75 kg in weight, and has a life span of about 50 years.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins produce an enormous variety of sounds, up to frequencies ten times those heard by human beings. Each dolphin has a signature whistle with which it identifies itself; a calf soon learns to recognize its mother&#039;s whistle. Clicking and rapid creaking sounds are the basis of the echolocation mechanism (sonar) with which the dolphin gathers extremely precise information about the size, location, and nature of surrounding objects. They can convey instructions among each other. The US navy has trained dolphins to act as messengers to underwater stations, to rescue wounded frogmen and protect them from sharks, and to seek and destroy submarines.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dolphins are edible, and until recently dolphins formed the basis of a widespread fishing industry; only the Japanese continue to hunt them for food on a large scale. However, not every society has exploited cetaceans for food. In the Mediterranean, the Ancient Greeks had obviously incorporated dolphins into their culture. Nevertheless they are accidentally caught and killed in large numbers in fishing operations. Smaller ones are caught in gill nets, trawls, purse seines, set nets, and long-line fisheries throughout the world. [Md Anwarul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039; [[Aquatic Mammal|aquatic mammal]]; [[Cetacea|cetacea]]; [[Mammal|mammal]]; [[Porpoise|porpoise]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[Category:Fauna]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15551</id>
		<title>Dolphin</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Dolphin&amp;diff=15551"/>
		<updated>2025-04-06T10:26:39Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Dolphin&#039;&#039;&#039; aquatic [[Mammal|mammal]], also called smaller toothed whales, of the family Delphinidae (marine true dolphin) and Platanistidae (freshwater dolphin), order Cetacea. The order also includes whales and porpoises. Dolphins are often mistakenly called porpoises. Dolphins, meaning beak, have a beak-like snout and slender body, whereas the porpoise (family Phoceonidae) is smaller with a blunt snout and stocky body. The name dolphin is also applied to a species of fish, called Dolphin Fish, which is a large and swift game fish, Coryphaena hipparus, and is distributed nearly worldwide in warm waters.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Dolphin1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Ganges River Dolpin]]&lt;br /&gt;
There are about 32 species of true marine dolphins, and 5 freshwater species found in rivers of South America and southern Asia. The river dolphins resemble their ancestor whales, they have long beaks with whiskers, and the neck vertebrae are not fused, and grow up to a length of about 2.7 metres. They live in turbid waters. Their sense of sight is limited, and the animals are reliant on echolocation. The eyes of the Ganges River Dolphin, Platanista gangetica (also found in Bangladesh) lack lenses; it swims on its side and feels for the bottom with one flipper, and picks up bottom-dwelling crabs and fish. The Indus River Dolphin hunts for catfish while swimming on its back.&lt;br /&gt;
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Bangladesh has 10 species of marine and six species of freshwater dolphins. Of the four marine species, two are critically endangered, and two are data deficient (status could not be evaluated due to paucity of data); the only freshwater species, Platanista gangetica, is endangered.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most species of dolphins are highly gregarious, and feed chiefly on fish. They breathe air through a single, dorsal blowhole. They are fishlike in form, and have streamlined, hairless bodies. They have 160-200 sharp teeth. The eyes are of moderate size, the ear aperture is minute, and the blowhole crescentic. Most dolphins are black above and white below. The female gives birth to a single young and is a devoted mother.  &lt;br /&gt;
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Dolphins have long been famous for riding the bows of ships, and it is now known that they also ride the bows of large whales. Today they are valued and exploited as entertainers in more than 40 water shows around the world and have thus become available for extensive scientific study. The best known are the common dolphin (Delphinus delphis) of worldwide distribution (Bangladesh has also this species in its sea-waters), and the bottle-nosed dolphin (Tursiops truncatus), found in the coastal waters of the North Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. The common dolphin averages 2.4 m in length and 75 kg in weight, and has a life span of about 50 years.&lt;br /&gt;
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Dolphins produce an enormous variety of sounds, up to frequencies ten times those heard by human beings. Each dolphin has a signature whistle with which it identifies itself; a calf soon learns to recognize its mother&#039;s whistle. Clicking and rapid creaking sounds are the basis of the echolocation mechanism (sonar) with which the dolphin gathers extremely precise information about the size, location, and nature of surrounding objects. They can convey instructions among each other. The US navy has trained dolphins to act as messengers to underwater stations, to rescue wounded frogmen and protect them from sharks, and to seek and destroy submarines.&lt;br /&gt;
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Dolphins are edible, and until recently dolphins formed the basis of a widespread fishing industry; only the Japanese continue to hunt them for food on a large scale. However, not every society has exploited cetaceans for food. In the Mediterranean, the Ancient Greeks had obviously incorporated dolphins into their culture. Nevertheless they are accidentally caught and killed in large numbers in fishing operations. Smaller ones are caught in gill nets, trawls, purse seines, set nets, and long-line fisheries throughout the world. [Md Anwarul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;br /&gt;
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See also Aquatic Mammal; Cetacean; Mammal; Porpoise.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Category:Fauna]]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:ডলফিন]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Agriculture&amp;diff=15550</id>
		<title>Agriculture</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Agriculture&amp;diff=15550"/>
		<updated>2025-03-13T05:59:45Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;  science and practice of producing crops. The other sub-sectors of agriculture are [[Livestock|livestock]], [[Poultry|poultry]], [[Fish|fish]] and [[Fisheries|fisheries]], and [[Forest and Forestry|forest and forestry]]. The agriculture of Bangladesh largely depends on the amount and distribution of the rainfall ie the southwest [[Monsoon|monsoon]], which comes during June-October. Since agriculture is the mainstay of the majority of the people of Bangladesh, the article deals with all relevant aspects, which are given below.&lt;br /&gt;
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* History&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural land&lt;br /&gt;
* Decline of agricultural land&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural biodiversity&lt;br /&gt;
* Cropping pattern&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural labour&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural credit&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural marketing&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural policy&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural education and research&lt;br /&gt;
* Development of crop variety&lt;br /&gt;
* Crop pests and diseases&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural resources&lt;br /&gt;
* Environmental issues related to agriculture&lt;br /&gt;
* Crop hazard management&lt;br /&gt;
* Farm inputs and implements&lt;br /&gt;
* Technology used in agriculture&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural agency&lt;br /&gt;
* Agricultural extension and training&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;History&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  From very ancient times agriculture has been the main source of the livelihood of the vast majority of the population of the territories that constituted the Bengal province as in 1911, and in the two parts into which this province was subsequently divided independent Bangladesh and West Bengal under the Indian Union. The pattern has been more or less the same in other parts of the sub-continent. But the fact that almost the entire Bengal constitutes a flat, alluvial plain traversed by three mighty rivers the [[Ganges River|ganges]], [[Brahmaputra River|brahmaputra]] and [[Meghna River|meghna]] and their innumerable tributaries, with plenty of rainfall, make agricultural operations relatively easy. Consequently, population pressure on agriculture has been particularly heavy in this region.&lt;br /&gt;
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The decline in industrial activity, especially in the production of cotton textiles, during the early British rule further added to this pressure. Indeed, by 1921 about four-fifths (77.3%) of the total population became dependent on agriculture as against an all-India average of 69.8%. During British rule these people belonged to different social groups: rent-receiving landlords (zamindars), tenure-holders of different grades on the one hand, and the raiyats (tenant-cultivators), bargadars and agricultural labourers on the other. The vast majority, of course, consisted of raiyats directly involved in agricultural operations. Of the two parts of Bengal, population pressure on agriculture has been higher in the territories that constitute Bangladesh today.&lt;br /&gt;
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The most important feature of the agrarian economy during the ancient, medieval and the British periods was that crop production remained the most dominant sub-sector. Three other sub-sectors of agriculture viz livestock, fisheries and forestry were relatively unimportant. Needless to say, the pattern remains the same even today. A whole variety of crops was grown, and in the official publications issued by the British government these were mentioned under three heads bhadoi (autumn), aghni (winter) and rabi (spring) corresponding to their harvesting time. The crops included paddy, [[Jute|jute]], [[Wheat|wheat]], jowar, barley, [[Sugarcane|sugarcane]], [[Tobacco|tobacco]], oilseeds, [[Potato|potato]], [[Onion|onion]], [[Garlic|garlic]], [[Opium|opium]], [[Indigo|indigo]], [[Tea|tea]], different kinds of [[Vegetable|vegetable]], [[Pulse|pulse]]s, [[Spice|spice]]s and condiments. [[Rice|rice]] was the most important and one of the oldest crops. The earliest reference to this crop is found in the Mahasthan Brahmi Inscription belonging to the third or the second century BC. This crop is also mentioned in several other literary sources: Kalidasa Raghovngsa, Ramcharita, Casapala, and Saduktikarnamrita.&lt;br /&gt;
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Inscriptions, particularly those issued by the Sena rulers, contain description of paddy fields. Thus, the Anulia copperplate of Laksmansena mentions the harvest of sali rice in autumn. The same inscription tells us that the king gave away to Brahmans several villages containing lands producing paddy. Another reference to this crop is found in the Edilpur copperplate. In this inscription paddy is referred to in general term as sali. However, this is only one of the best of the many varieties grown in different early settlements of Bengal-Vanga, Varendri, Gauda, Purnavardhana or Pundra, Radha and Samtata. There are also references to a large number of other crops grown in ancient Bengal [[Cotton|cotton]], barley (yava), mustard, sugarcane, and pulses like kalai and mug. Cotton was the most important commercial crop. Different sources refer to its cultivation in ancient Bengal. Apart from these crops a large number of vegetables and [[Fruit|fruit]]s were also produced. The following vegetables are mentioned in the sayings of Khana [[Brinjal|brinjal]], long gourd, [[Radish|radish]], arum, [[Chilli|chilli]], turmeric, and patal. Fruit trees like [[Mango|mango]], [[Jackfruit|jackfruit]], pomegranate (dalimba), plantain, Modhuka, date (kharjura), citrom (vija), figs (parkali), tamarind, and [[Coconut|coconut]] were also widely grown. The mango and breadfruit are mentioned in a large number of Pala and Sena inscriptions.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Chinese traveller [[Hiuen-Tsang|hiuen-tsang]] who visited Bengal in seventh century AD refers to the abundant growth of panasa in Purnavardhana. This crop is also mentioned in Govindapur copperplate of Laksmansena and the Calcutta Sahitya Parisad copperplate of Visvarupasena. The plantain tree is frequently depicted in Paharpur terracotta plaques. From the inscriptions of Khadga, Chandras and Varmans and those of the Senas it is clear that from the eighth century onwards coconut was extensively grown. Betel-leaf and betel nuts were also grown. Betel leaf cultivation was in the hands of a class of people known as Barai or Barujivi. These crops were exported to other parts of India. Another product used mainly for construction of houses, baskets and sunshades was bamboo. Ramcharit describes Varendri as a land of excellent flowers of countless varieties including asoka, kesara, madhuka, kanaka, ketaka, malali, nagakesara and lotus. Trees which supplied medicines or fruits such as amlaki, triphala, haritaki were also cultivated in ancient Bengal.&lt;br /&gt;
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The basic livestock of the peasants was cattle, used for ploughing, transport and various dairy products. Wealth was sometimes measured in terms of the number of cattle in one’s possession. Certain expressions in Pala and Sena land grants suggest that pasture grounds produced various kinds of grass for livestock and these were usually located near villages. Villagers sometimes employed communal cowherds who drove the cattle branded with the owners’ marks every morning to the pasture and waste beyond the fields under cultivation and returned with them at dusk. Milk, curd and butter were important articles of diet. The flesh and bones of the cows were used for manuring, while cow dung was used both as a fuel and manure. Among various other animals represented either in sculptures or referred to in inscriptions and literary sources mention may be made of buffaloes, horses, goats, sheep, deer, monkeys, boars, jackals, lions, tigers, etc. A whole variety of fresh water and sea-fish was available in abundance and fish constituted an important item of the diet of the people.&lt;br /&gt;
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Epigraphic and literary sources are full of references to the fertility of the soil in ancient Bengal. When Hiuen-Tsang visited Bengal in the seventh century AD, he noticed intensive and regular cultivation of land. His description is corroborated by some of the poems in Saduktikarnamrita. However, all land was not fertile nor served by adequate rainfall. Such land needed artificial irrigation. The numerous tanks in many parts of north Bengal Mahipala, Ramsagara, Pransagara were most probably constructed by the rulers for this purpose. The people also knew the technique of sinking wells for reaching deep-flowing streams. In some cases, they altered the course of rivers so that they could supply canals. They also knew how to regulate the flow of water to make canals overflow and thus swamp paddy fields. William Wilcox calls this ancient system ‘overflow irrigation’. Literary sources provide names of different agricultural implements used during this period. These are ploughshares (fal), cleavers (da), sickles (kaste), frames (pasi), ladders (mai), sticks (pacanbadi) and rice-husking pedals (dhenki). Most of these implements were made by village blacksmiths and carpenters. Casapala of Ramesvar describes the different processes involved in the manufacture of those implements.&lt;br /&gt;
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In most copper-plates belonging to the Gupta period and found in Bengal there are references to the king or the state itself selling land; when the land is donated for religious purposes, the king is given one-sixth of the religious merit due from the land grant. In every case the application for the purchase of land was made to the king through local officers. The king’s permission was particularly necessary in these pious grants for it was only the king who had the power to exempt land from the payment of all royal dues. Thus in the earliest period for which records can be traced the king or the state was the owner of the soil. Some advocates of the theory that there was private ownership of land have argued that lands referred to in most of these inscriptions were khila or wastelands. But three copperplates from Faridpur and most Pala and Sena inscriptions record grants not merely of wastelands, but of whole villages as well. These villages must have included in them settled vastu and cultivated lands also. Again, the evidence of the Tippera grant of Lokanatha makes it clear that the king’s ownership extended to forestlands. For then proof which can be advanced in support of the royal ownership of land is that the king could confiscate or annul a grant and make a fresh endowment of it to another person. However, though lands were owned by the state, cultivation was carried on by peasants living in villages and was based on individual peasant farming. The king’s share of the agricultural produce was obviously the main source of state income. But though a host of tax names are mentioned in our sources these do not tell us what proportion of produce was appropriated by the state as revenue and as levies. Most of the land revenue was assessed in kind, but certain classes of crops were assessed in cash on the ground that it was difficult to divide into shares. Probably hiranya was a tax of this type. In some areas cultivators had to pay royal dues on the basis of the number of ploughs used for tilling land.&lt;br /&gt;
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For information on agricultural conditions in medieval times one has to rely on the accounts of foreign travellers and local literature. Indeed, foreign travellers praised the fertility of Bengal soil and the state of its agriculture. For example, a Chinese account of 1349/50 stated, ‘The seasons of Heaven have scattered the wealth of the Earth over this kingdom’. At about the same time [[Ibn Battuta|ibn battuta]] visited east Bengal. He mentioned that as he travelled from [[Sylhet District|sylhet]] to [[Sonargaon|sonargaon]] by rivers for 15 days he saw on his right and left orchards, water wheels, prosperous villages and gardens, ‘as if we were passing through a market’. During [[Shaista Khan|shaista khan]]’s time Bernier came to Bengal. He noticed on both sides of the Ganges ‘extremely fertile’ fields producing a whole variety of crops. Abul Fazl informed us that a particular variety of rice was ‘sown and reaped three times in the same year without little injury to the crop’. But this cannot be taken as an index of the general fertility of the land. For even as late as the middle of the twentieth century, only a small part of the land was cropped more than twice in the same agricultural season.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, the validity of early references to the flourishing conditions of agriculture cannot be in doubt. Certainly during the Sultanate and Mughal periods Bengal agriculture experienced considerable expansion. Many of the place names with abad (for example, Fatahbad and Khalifabad) meaning &amp;quot;settled&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;cultivated&amp;quot; bear testimony to their settlement and cultivation during this period. The government took some steps for the extension of cultivation through reclamation. For example, it provided loans called ‘taqavi’ to enable peasants to buy seeds and bullocks or agricultural tools and implements. More frequently, lower revenue rates were granted to encourage the cultivation of wasteland. The rates were gradually increased every year until full rates were reached. The government took such steps primarily because extension of cultivation meant enhancement of land revenue, which was the principal source of income of the government. The basic impetus to the extension of cultivation was provided by population growth. However, it is not possible to say to what extent crop acreage expanded during medieval times. But Irfan Habib has hazarded the guess that during the Mughal period (1526-1707) the cropped area in certain parts of Bengal (as also in some other regions of Mughal India) doubled.&lt;br /&gt;
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As in the ancient period, the chief agricultural produce was rice. It was produced in such abundance that after meeting local requirements there remained a considerable surplus for export. Broadly speaking, three varieties of paddy were grown. These were Aush (autumn), Aman (winter) and boro (summer). Within each of these three varieties there were great many cultivars of rice. Many of these are named in contemporary sources, including Shuny-Purana and Shivayana. Indeed, according to the former there were more than one thousand varieties. The Mughal historian Abul Fazl corroborates this information when he says that a large vase would be filled up ‘if a single grain of each kind were collected’. This description in not exaggerated. For in an exhibition held in Calcutta in the first decade of the twentieth century, more than one thousand varieties of rice were put on display. Abul Fazl speaks of a special variety of paddy which used to grow up with the gradual rise of water-level so that no harm was done to the crop from water. Here he seems to be referring to broadcast variety of Aman paddy grown in low-lying areas subject to regular flooding. The other variety of winter rice was transplanted Aman or ropa Aman.&lt;br /&gt;
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Cotton and [[Mulberry|mulberry]] plants were the two most important industrial crops of the province. Incidentally, cotton and silk were the principal industries of Bengal. Cotton was produced in different districts of western, northern, and eastern Bengal. In western Bengal a large quantity was produced in Birbhum, Burdwan and Nadia districts, while in north Bengal it was produced mainly in Rangpur, Malda and Dinajpur districts. However, the best quality of cotton suitable for the famous muslin industry was grown in [[Dhaka District|dhaka]] and [[Mymensingh District|mymensingh]] districts. John Taylor, an agent of the [[East India Company, The|east india company]] around 1800 AD, mentioned that the cotton (karpas) produced around Dhaka city and along the banks of the Meghna was the ‘finest’ that was to be found in ‘any part of the world’. Taylor further mentioned that cotton seed was sown in October-November and harvested in April-May. With the decline of the cotton textile industry during the rule of the East India Company, cotton cultivation virtually came to an end in Bengal. Mulberry plants for silkworms were grown in central and north Bengal, especially in the districts of [[Murshidabad|murshidabad]] and [[Rajshahi District|rajshahi]]. In all probability this crop was introduced from China and it was for the first time mentioned in the account of a Chinese traveller in the fifteenth century Bengal. Abul Fazl, Travernier, Bernier and English factory records also refer to the cultivation of mulberry plants in the province. Travernier, who visited [[Kasimbazar|kasimbazar]] in 1666, stated that the annual production of this crop in Kasimbazar was of the order of 2.5 millions pounds and a certain part of it was exported to other parts of India.&lt;br /&gt;
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Yet another commercial crop was sugarcane. Down to 1756 a considerable trade in Bengal sugar was carried on with Madras, Bombay, the Malabar coast, Surat, Sind, Muscat, the Persian Gulf, Mocha and Jeddah. Bengal was the chief centre of this industry with a large export trade in sugar even in the middle of the seventeenth century. This is clear from the accounts of Barbosa, Barthema, and Bernier as well as from the records of the English and the Dutch. It would then appear that sugarcane constituted an important industrial crop in medieval Bengal. A certain proportion of the land was sown with such commercial crops as rape, mustard and other oilseeds. Several new crops were introduced in the province during this period. These were tobacco, maize and probably indigo. Similarly, three new fruits, for example, cashew nut, pineapple and papaya were received from the west. Guava came later. So did sweet and ordinary potato. Thus, not only did Bengali peasants grow multiplicity of crops, but they were also prepared to accept new ones. Once again, contemporary accounts make it clear that great variety of fishes were abundantly available from rivers and their tributaries, including haors, beels, ponds and the sea.&lt;br /&gt;
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Visiting the province in the fourteenth century, Ibn Batuta noted that the villagers living by the ‘blue-river’ paid half of their produce as land tax together with other imposts. Wang-ta-yuan, writing at about the same time, said that state demand during medieval times was one-fifth of the total produce. This apparent anomaly was possibly due to variations in revenue rates in different regions in accordance with the productivity of the soil and the nature of the crops. During the Sultanate period there were several rates ranging from one-fifth to one half of the produce. The standard rate at the time of [[Akbar|akbar]] was one-third of the produce. This continued to be so during the rule of [[Murshid Quli Khan|murshid quli khan]]. However, apart from land revenue there were other rural taxes. It has been suggested that at the all-India level these levies accounted for about 25 percent of the land revenue. Thus, judged by any standard, revenue rates were very high in medieval Bengal.&lt;br /&gt;
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Revenue was levied at rates per unit of land or in lump sum covering entire villages. In some areas land revenue continued to be assessed on the basis of the number of ploughs used for tilling the land. Land revenue and other taxes were paid in cash. This means that the cultivators had to sell a considerable part of their agricultural produce. In other words, commodity production developed on a significant scale. The rural-urban exchange, which thus developed, had a special character in the sense that it was a one-way traffic. Rural areas sold cash and food crops to urban centres without buying anything substantial in return. This was so because all the non-agricultural goods, which the villagers needed, were produced in the villages. This is not to support the assumption (at one time popular) that every village in the medieval period was self-sufficient, but to emphasize the point that rural areas were by and large self-sufficient. Land revenue was collected with the help of a group of mostly hereditary intermediaries known as [[Zamindar|zamindar]]s of different size and status, and officials known as [[Amil|amil]]s. The system of giving pattas to the peasants was generally followed during the Sultani and Mughal period. In the Chandimangal of Kavikankan and Shivyana of Rameshvara Bhattacharya, the legendary raiyats are depicted as receiving pattas from Indra and Kalaketu respectively. Tenants were of two categories khudkasta and pahikasta. Early British administrators called tenants of the former category ‘resident’ cultivators. The latter category included peasants who came from other villages to cultivate land on temporary basis. They paid generally lower rate of rent than the khudkasta cultivators.&lt;br /&gt;
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Farming methods and most agricultural tools and implements remained the same as in the ancient period. With regard to farming methods the only exception was in [[Chittagong Hill Tracts|chittagong hill tracts]]. Here a method of shifting cultivation locally known as [[Jhum|jhum]] is practised even today. The method of lifting water from wells did not improve. The Persian wheel, which was introduced in north India remained unknown in Bengal. The system of manuring seems to have been the same. Consequently, it is unlikely that yield rates of important crops was higher during the Mughal period than in the late nineteenth or twentieth century. It may be argued that yield rates could have been higher because more fertile lands were under cultivation during these times. But as against this it could also be argued that as land-man ratio was more favourable, less intensive method of cultivation was followed. However, a favourable land-man ratio meant that per capita production was larger in medieval Bengal. The cheapness of the agricultural produce, which so drew the attention of foreign travellers, may well be taken as the index of the abundance of agricultural produce during the medieval period.&lt;br /&gt;
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Several important qualifications need to be made, however. Firstly, as is still the case today, agriculture was a ‘gamble in the monsoon’. This means that production was affected sometimes by excessive rainfall and sometimes by drought. Little is known about the outbreak of famines, but it is likely that sometimes famine conditions prevailed in some parts of the province. Secondly, there was a certain degree of inequality among the cultivating classes. While a section of the rural families held such large holdings that these could not be operated with the help of family labour alone, others were denied access to land or held small holdings. This meant that a certain section of rural families earned their living as agricultural labourers. This is indicated by Vipradas who gave the picture of the Muslim peasantry of west Bengal. Thus, even though on average per capita production was higher, its distribution was unequal. Although agricultural produce was in abundant supply for the vast majority of the people engaged in this field, the overall standard of living does not seem to have been enviable. This is clear from the account of foreign travellers and the evidence available from local sources. Abul Fazl says that the common people of Bengal for the most part went naked, wearing only a cloth (lungi) about the loins. It is not convincing that this was dictated by climatic factors and social traditions, since the upper classes could be distinguished by the type and quality of the clothes they wore. Moreover, in those days cotton production and weaving was widespread in Bengal. It might then be suggested that cloth was more expensive relative to paddy. By and large people did not use shoes, and Moreland thinks that this was due to the high cost of leather. The bulk of the peasants lived in single-roomed houses made of mud with thatched roofs. The peasants’ houses had hardly any furniture besides cots and bamboo mats. Utensils made of bell-metal or copper were expensive and were not generally used by the people. Thus despite the abundance of agricultural production there is little to indicate that the agriculturists enjoyed a high standard of living.&lt;br /&gt;
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The agricultural sector of the Indian sub-continent experienced a marked expansion during British colonial rule. Total volume and value of agricultural production increased, mostly through the extension of cultivated area. What is more, as India changed her role from a supplier of industrial goods to a supplier of agricultural produce, and as the domestic market also expanded with the development of certain industries and urban centres, production for the market became a more important feature than in the past. This was so despite the fact that with the decline of traditional industries and the natural growth of population there was now increased pressure (of population) on the agricultural sector. The impact of the widening of market was felt first in Bengal because it was the first province to come under British rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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Towards the end of the eighteenth century vast tracts of land in Bengal were cultivable wastes. An important factor behind this situation was the famine of 1770, which caused considerable depopulation in different parts of the province. But during the succeeding century or so crop acreage expanded fast and by the turn of the twentieth century it virtually reached its natural limits (there being little scope for further extension of cultivation). However, expansion was most concentrated in the territories that today constitute Bangladesh. Thus, the greater part of Chittagong and [[Noakhali District|noakhali]], most of the Meghna estuary including Tipperah, the whole of the [[Barind Tract|barind tract]]s, Sundarbans, and the haor area of Northeast Bengal were brought under cultivation during the nineteenth century. Peasants of three districts of 24 Parganas, Khulna and Bakerganj participated in the reclamation of the Sundarbans area. The census statistics show a striking population growth in the new agricultural settlements. However, the new cultivation in these districts at the expense of the Sundarbans was in fact far larger than the size of population growth. The great fertility of the soil there made it possible for an individual raiyat to farm a much larger area than he did elsewhere. Moreover, a considerable part of the cultivation was done by non-resident raiyats who went back home after cultivating their lands there. Another field of reclamation in these districts was the fertile alluvial lands constantly brought into existence by the active rivers.&lt;br /&gt;
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The largest scope for such reclamation was in Bakerganj. In Tipperah too vast areas of char (alluvial lands, formerly the habitation of pigs) were brought under cultivation. Apart from these new agricultural settlements in eastern Bengal as a whole, some individual districts there had their own particular regions of growth. In the Barind area the southern third of Dinajpur, the eastern half of Malda, the western half of Bogra and the northern quarter of Rajshahi reclamation was made possible by immigrant Santal labour. However, the pattern was different in certain parts of west and central Bengal. Here as a natural process a decay of the river system had been taking place over a long period of time.&lt;br /&gt;
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This was now accelerated by the construction of railways and feeder roads to connect the railways with remote villages. This produced two adverse results: land productivity declined and the outbreak of malaria fever became frequent. This latter phenomenon led to a decline in population growth. In the circumstances crop acreage in districts like Nadia, Birbhum, Midnapore, Hoogly, and Jessore declined or remained stagnant in the latter half of the nineteenth century. However, though the performance in the two parts of the province- the moribund and active delta was different, the trend in Bengal as a whole was a positive one, since agricultural production increased in volume as also in value because of improvement in prices. It is unlikely that there was any significant improvement in the yield rate of crops in east Bengal districts during the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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The story told so far about crop production in the nineteenth century is based on impressionistic assessment of concerned officials, and population statistics drawn from decennial census reports, but not on any time-series data on cropped area and yield per acre. Such data were made available by the government only from 1891/92 onwards. The relevant publications are Estimates of Area and Yields of Principal Crops in India, Agricultural Statistics of India, Agricultural Statistics of Bengal and Season and Crop Reports. Much has been said about the quality of these statistics. However, most scholars are of the opinion that though it is difficult to estimate the volume of crop output with any degree of reliability on the basis of these data, it is possible to estimate the time-trend on the assumption that the margin of error remained more or less uniform over time.&lt;br /&gt;
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To proceed on the basis of the officially published statistics, the area under cultivation in some of the west and central Bengal districts declined or continued to decline. On the other hand, crop acreage marginally increased (especially through the extension of double cropping) in East Bengal districts. But the rate of increase was now so marginal that the overall pattern was one of stagnation. Among the individual crops, jute area recorded some expansion but the stagnation in paddy, which accounted for about 80 percent of the total crop acreage, determined the overall trend. According to the officially published statistics, food crop acreage expanded fast after 1941. This was attributed to the &amp;quot;Grow More Food&amp;quot; campaign launched by the government during these years. However, it seems that the success of this campaign was not as spectacular as claimed. What about the trends in yield rates? On the basis of the available data it appears that jute yield increased and so did the yield of sugarcane. But the yield rate of Aman paddy did not improve. This meant stagnation in the all-crop yield rate.&lt;br /&gt;
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Stagnation in the all-crop yield rate and acreage, in turn, meant that all-crop output did not increase. This came about against a background of population growth of about one percent per annum. Per capita crop production was already low at the turn of the twentieth century because high population density meant that the average size of a holding was small (about four acres). Now the stagnation in crop production led to a further lowering of per capita output.&lt;br /&gt;
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A Provincial Department of Agriculture was established in 1885. This Department took a number of steps for agricultural improvement. These included: (i) experiments with improved methods of cultivation through the establishment of experimental farms in Burdwan, Dhaka, Rajshahi, Shibpur and Rangpur, (ii) demonstration to the peasants of the improved methods through the appointment of demonstrators, (iii) dissemination of the results of experiments among the cultivators through publication of agricultural literature, (iv) supply to the peasants of better seeds grown in the farms, (v) provision for imparting training to the sons of the cultivators in the improved methods, and (vi) introduction of improved agricultural implements. But the impact of these efforts at the farm level was extremely limited. Consequently, the method of farming and agricultural tools and implements remained more or less the same as in medieval and ancient times.&lt;br /&gt;
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Commercial fertiliser was unknown. Use of improved varieties of seeds made little progress. Towards the close of the 1930s, only six percent of the paddy area was sown with improved seeds. The irrigated area accounted for only a small part of the total cropped area and this was concentrated in certain districts of west Bengal. Meanwhile, the double-cropped area increased in East Bengal districts, but with a corresponding decline in fallow lands. Thus the causes for the stagnation in the yield per acre of the major crops are not far to seek.&lt;br /&gt;
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As mentioned earlier, with the establishment of British rule agricultural production not only increased in terms of volume and value, it became more commercialised or market-oriented. This was not new, but commercialisation now became an important feature of the agrarian economy. Production for sale did not remain confined to the cash crops, for according to one estimate (Report on the Marketing of Rice in India), towards the close of the 1930s, 44 percent of the total rice output was marketed in Bengal. However, cash crop cultivation also increased. Most important in this respect was the expansion of jute acreage, especially in certain districts of east and north Bengal (Dhaka, Mymensingh and Rangpur).&lt;br /&gt;
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At its height jute cultivation provided employment to more than 10 percent of the agricultural labour force, different groups of middlemen involved in jute trade, profits to the mill owners and export-firms in Calcutta, an industrial labour force of considerable size and, most important of all, contributed the bulk of the marketed surplus in the agricultural sector. According to one estimate, the proportion of total marketed surplus contributed by this crop ranged between 20 percent in 1920/21 and 64 percent in 1925/26, the average for the period 1920/21-1932/33 being 40 percent as against 34 percent in the case of rice.&lt;br /&gt;
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Jute was an export crop, both in raw and manufactured form, and jute manufactures included gunny bags and gunny cloths used for packaging purposes. The basic impetus to increased jute production was provided by foreign demand. The first jute mill was established in Calcutta in 1855. During the next 50 years, thirty-four other jute mills were established. In 1900/01 the manufacturing capacity of these mills consisted of 315,000 spindles and 15340 looms. They employed over 110 thousand workers and consumed about 40 percent of the total crop. Meanwhile demand from Dundee mills increased and by 1896/97 jute acreage expanded to 1.6 million acres from a meagre 0.553 million acres in 1876/77. During the period 1920-47, jute acreage accounted for about 10 percent of the total cropped area. The highest point was reached during 1904/05-1907/08 when more than three million acres were sown with this crop. Jute acreage did not significantly decline even during the depression years when prices were very low. As rightly pointed out by two jute enquiry committees (Finlow Committee and Fawcus Committee), this was due to the absence of a profitable alternative crop.&lt;br /&gt;
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Other cash crops grown in Bengal during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were tea, opium, indigo, sugarcane, tobacco and oilseeds. Tea, a plantation crop, was distinguishable from other cash crops in the sense that it was cultivated entirely with the help of wage labour (mostly drawn from tribal people). Tea was grown only in three districts Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and Chittagong. Opium had, one distinctive feature: the exclusive control of the government over its production and sale. But its production was mostly confined to Patna and its neighbourhood. Indigo cultivation had an impressive growth rate. Once again, the main incentive was provided by increased foreign demand as a result of the decline in its supply from traditional sources such as western India, parts of North America and the West Indies. The East India Company had a stake in the expansion of indigo average. For after the decline in the export of cotton textiles from Bengal, the colonial government was badly in need of a profitable external commerce, mainly as a medium of remittance, and found in indigo a promising substitute.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, an element of extra-economic coercion was present in planter’s instruments for promoting indigo cultivation. This was because indigo cultivation was not profitable for the raiyats. Left to them they would not have cultivated the crop. Consequently, the system of indigo cultivation proved oppressive and in 1859/60 raiyats revolted against indigo cultivation. Unlike earlier instances of anti-indigo resistance, the Indigo Revolt of this year engulfed the whole of the indigo belt. As a result indigo cultivation declined drastically in Bengal. Sugarcane, another cash crop, was one of the few crops (others being tea and linseed) which registered some improvement in yields per acre. This was due to two factors. Firstly, during the 1930s more than half of the area under sugarcane was sown with improved varieties of seedlings. Secondly, the use of iron mill for crushing sugarcane increased. But all the cash crops (excluding jute) taken together did not account for even five percent of the total cropped area of the province.&lt;br /&gt;
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The institutional framework of Bengal agriculture during British rule was provided by the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] introduced by Lord [[Cornwallis, Lord Charles|CHARLES cornwallis]] in 1793. Under this arrangement, zamindars were declared as the proprietors of land, the revenue payable by them to the government was fixed for all time to come. It was further provided that henceforth the proprietors would have no right to claim remission or suspension of revenue on account of any natural calamity and that if a proprietor failed to punctually pay the revenue within a stipulated date the whole or part of his zamiandari lands would be sold in auction. The strict execution of the Revenue Sale Law (popularly known as Sun-set Law) meant that many zamindaris were indeed sold in auction. A new set of people formerly engaged in trade and commerce and government and zamindari services became new zamindars. One objective behind the introduction of the Permanent Settlement was that as government demand on them would not be a variable one, the zamindars would invest capital for agricultural development. In other words, the expectation of Lord Cornwallis was that the magic touch of private property would inspire the zamindars to imitate their British counterparts. But this expectation was not fulfilled: neither the old zamindars nor the new ones took any initiative in investing capital in agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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Many of the zamindars were not even ready to undertake the task of collecting rent from cultivating tenants or raiyats. Instead, they began shifting their landholding responsibilities to a class of perpetual rentiers, imposing on them the same terms and conditions as they themselves had agreed to fulfill under the Permanent Settlement. Tenurially, these rights stood between the zamindars and the raiyats, they were called madhyasatvas or intermediate property. Madhyasatva was as transferable and inheritable as zamindari svatva (right) was. Madhyastvas were broadly of two categories: pattani svatva and patitabad svatva. Pattani svatva was first invented by the Maharaja of Burdwan. He divided his vast estate into thousands of blocks, each of which was settled with an intermediary called pattanidar. The pattanidar created darpattanis (second grade) and dar-pattanidars, in turn, created se-pattani (third degree) and so on. This practice was followed by other zamindars. The Patitabad intermediary interests included those who were primarily responsible for the reclamation of wastelands in east Bengal districts. The zamindars created these intermediaries of various denominations and allowed them to invest capital in the reclamation of patit (cultivable waste) land in lieu of permanent rights in lands cleared.&lt;br /&gt;
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Like pattani tenure, these patitabad tenures also developed multi-tiered structure with the local nomenclatures of talukdar, haoladar, nim-haoladar, gantidar, etc. However, it may be pointed out that only a certain part of the zamindari lands was affected by the growth of intermediaries. Secondly, the number of grades of intermediaries was never as high as the 50 grades suggested by the Indian Statutory Commission. The maximum was 12 in Bakerganj district. In other districts for which information is available, the number of grades was as follow: Dhaka (4), Jessore (6 or 7), Khulna (8), Bogra (10) and Mymensingh (3).&lt;br /&gt;
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The zamindars or the original proprietors and the tenure-holders of all grades appropriated a large part of the agricultural surplus in the form of rent and a whole range of abwabs (illegal cesses). The volume of this surplus increased in two ways since 1793, the rate of rent was being enhanced, and additional lands were being brought under cultivation. But the state demand remained fixed. Some idea about the magnitude of this increase may be had from the fact that according to one estimate, in 1918/19 these proprietors and intermediaries intercepted as much as 76.7 percent of the gross rental of Rs 12.85 crores, paying only 2.99 crores to the state as land revenue. Incidentally, the Permanent Settlement envisaged that of the total amount collected as rent 90 percent would go to the treasury while zamindars would retain only 10 percent. Thriving on the gap between rent and revenue, proprietors and intermediaries formed the core of an expanding status group (known as Bhadralok) from which came the early generation of successful professionals in law, journalism, medicine, civil and the judicial services.&lt;br /&gt;
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But the landlords did not invest a part of this surplus for improvement of agriculture. Herein lay the greatest drawback of the Permanent Settlement for, it enabled landlords to appropriate agricultural surplus without themselves playing any part in creating this surplus. The patitabad tenures played a productive role to the extent that these promoted the reclamation process. But by the early twentieth century, when reclamation activities had come to a virtual close, these intermediaries, like those in the other category as well as the original proprietors, became parasites. The Bengal Land Revenue Commission (popularly known as Floud Commission) appointed in 1938 by the provincial government, recommended the abolition of the Permanent Settlement. However, this recommendation was not implemented during the remaining years of the British rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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The rights of the raiyats were never properly defined under the rules of the Permanent Settlement. On the other hand, their position was made even more vulnerable by the regulations of 1799, 1812, 1822 and 1844. All these regulations enormously increased landlords’ powers and subjected the peasantry to an increasing rent burden and to extreme insecurity in land rights. However, beginning from 1859 a series of legislative steps ware taken to improve the status of the tenants. As a result by 1938 raiyats were endowed virtually with all the rights of ownership inheritance, free transfer of land, security against eviction and enhancement of the rate of rent. Certain legal rights were granted even to the under-raiyats who held land under the raiyats.&lt;br /&gt;
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Attempts were also made to grant certain rights to the bargadars or sharecroppers (their share of the produce being normally 50%) but predictably these attempts failed because of the opposition of the representatives of the rich peasants and landlords in the provincial legislature. Thus, by the close of British colonial rule, the tenurial system had become a very complex one. There was a group of rent-receiving zamindars and tenure-holders of different grades on the one hand, and ‘owner’ cultivators on the other. A tenure-holder of a certain grade was a landlord in relation to the tenure-holder immediately below him, but he was a tenant in relation to the zamindar or the tenure-holder above him, since as per law any one who received rent was a landlord while any one paying a rent was tenant. Similarly raiyats who received rent from the under-raiyats, strictly speaking, were also landlords. Again, though the landlords (ie, original zamindars and the intermediaries) primarily lived on their rental income, they also possessed a certain khas (demesne) land and had it cultivated with the help of sharecroppers and hired labour. The proportions of land, without any reference to the manner of their cultivation, under the possession of these different groups were as follow: landlords’ khas land (20%), raiyats (72%) and under-raiyats (8%).&lt;br /&gt;
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As in ancient and medieval times, the peasant mode of cultivation was the dominant pattern. According to an estimate by the Bengal Land Revenue Commission (1938), the proportion of land operated by the members of the cultivator’s families was as high as 66 percent of the total. However, bargadars and agricultural labourers cultivated a significant part of the land. Once again, as per the findings of the Land Revenue Commission, 21 and 13 percent were operated respectively with the help of these two groups. In other words, there was considerable disparity in the distribution of agricultural land among different sections of rural families. On the one hand, there was a class of rich peasants who had more land than they could cultivate with the help of family labour. Such peasants therefore employed bargadars and/or hired labour. On the other hand, the size of holding ‘owned’ by the vast majority of the cultivators was so small that it could not provide employment to all the available labour. The same point is established by another set of findings of the Land Revenue Commission. Thus, while holdings above five acres in size accounted for only 25 percent of the total land in the province, holdings of less than two acres took up about two fifths (46 percent) of the total. Incidentally, the [[Floud Commission|floud commission]] recommended that bargadars should get two-thirds instead of half the produce. A militant movement (known as Tebhaga) was launched in the closing years of the British rule for the implementation of this recommendation. But the movement failed to achieve its objective.&lt;br /&gt;
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As mentioned earlier, the establishment of wider commercial intercourse with the outside world during the British rule marked the advent of cash economy in the rural areas on a much larger scale than in the past. The use of money assumed greater prominence even in areas or among sections of people, which remained relatively unaffected by the spread of commercialisation. However, as the credit agencies, which grew up in the changed circumstances almost exclusively, catered for the need of the export trade and domestic industries, the rural areas remained cut off from organised sources of finance.&lt;br /&gt;
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Thus, with the functional mechanism of an economic structure remaining complete, a vacuum was created. This was filled by moneylenders who included mahajans, pathans, kabulis, merchants, landlords and rich peasants. The Co-operative Credit movement launched by the government in 1904 made limited progress, covering only a small section (10 percent in 1943) of the total agricultural borrowers. Thus moneylenders remained virtually the only source of credit. But most loans received from them were not used for directly productive purposes. Secondly, even when these were used for productive purposes, the expenditure was incurred for the purchase of traditional tools and implements and seeds, not for such inputs which would improve yield per acre over the existing level. Thirdly, the rate of interest charged by moneylenders was very high: 18 to 38 percent per annum on secured loans and much higher on unsecured loans. Indeed, from the turn of the twentieth century interest payments apparently began to exceed the total rental demand of the landlords. In any case, as a result of these three adverse factors a part of the borrowed money remained unpaid. A consequence was the problem of accumulation debt. According to the estimates of the Bengal Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee, the total volume of debts in 1929/30 was about 1000 million rupees. According to yet another estimate the volume of debts (without accumulated interest) stood at 960 million rupees in 1934.&lt;br /&gt;
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As the worldwide economic crisis started in 1929 the problem of debts became very acute. For whereas agricultural prices nearly halved, the volume of debt remained at the same level. As a result, an urgent need was felt to provide relief to indebted agriculturists. (Incidentally, franchise was extended under the Government of India Act, 1935.) Accordingly, the Agriculturists Debtors Act was passed in 1936. Under this Act, Settlement Boards were set up in different parts of the province, especially in some East Bengal districts, to scale down the volume of debt to the repaying capacity of indebted families. By 1944 Debt Settlement Board reduced 50 crores of rural debts to 18 crores or rupees. Meanwhile, a Moneylender’s Act was passed in 1940 to regulate the rates of interest changed by moneylenders and check malpractice of this group. But despite these efforts agricultural debts in the province stood at 150 million rupees in 1945.&lt;br /&gt;
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The stagnation in all-crop output during the last phase of the British rule continued for about two decades after its termination during which Bangladesh constituted part of Pakistan. This was so despite the fact that the Permanent Settlement which, in the words of the Bengal Land Revenue Commission (1938) ‘had stifled the enterprise and initiative of all classes of people’ was abolished by the State Acquisition Act of 1950. Cultivators were given proprietary rights in the land they cultivated. Then in the mid-1960s the government of erstwhile Pakistan launched a programme for accelerating agricultural, especially foodgrain, production through the adoption of ‘seed-water-fertiliser’ technology. The programme received further impetus after the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971. Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation, the successor to East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation, was given the task of the procurement and distribution of irrigation pumps, fertilisers and improved varieties of seeds.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the post-liberation period use of chemical fertilisers, the proportion of irrigation area and the rice land sown with improved varieties of seeds increased. At the same time, the volume of short, medium and long-term institutional credit provided especially by the Bangladesh Agricultural Development Bank (successor to the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan) also expanded. But despite these initiatives all-crop output during 1967/70-1985/88 improved by only 1.53 percent per year and foodgrain output by 1.89 percent as against a population growth rate of 2.48 percent. Wheat production, however, increased by 15.1 percent. But a much lower rate of growth in the production of rice (1.96%) slowed down the growth rate in total foodgrains output. Thus, the objective of achieving self-sufficiency in food production was not fulfilled. During the same period (1967-88) the production of pulses and oilseeds declined respectively by 1.72 and 0.72 percent. On the other hand, jute production marginally increased (by 0.15%).&lt;br /&gt;
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The use of commercial fertiliser and improved varieties of seeds as well as the proportion of irrigation area have further increased in the last decade, but Bangladesh is yet to achieve self-sufficiency in food production. This is clear from the fact that the production of rice has remained at about the same level (18 m tons) between 1990/91-1993/94 and 1994/95-1997/98. Incidentally, as in the ancient, medieval and British period, crop production continues to be the most important sub-sector, accounting for 72 percent of the total in 1997/98. The shares of other sub-sectors are as follow: forestry (7 percent), livestock (10 percent), and fishery (11 percent). Within the crop production sub-sector, rice is still the most important crop (it occupies three-fourths of the total acreage). Meanwhile, Bangladesh agriculture has experienced changes in several other ways. Jute cultivation has declined in the recent past, the net cropped area having declined from 20,977 thousand acres in 1973/74 to 19,401 thousand acres in 1996/97, although the area sown more than once has increased from 8,447 thousand acres in 1973/74 to 14,688 thousand acres in 1996/97. Agriculture’s contribution to GDP has declined from 60 percent in the pre-liberation days to about 30 percent in 1997/98.&lt;br /&gt;
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From historical and current perspectives it must be pointed out that a major source of weakness for the entire economy and the agricultural sector in particular has been the absence of industrialisation efforts on a significant scale. Industrialisation efforts during British rule were virtually absent in the territories that today constitute Bangladesh. It remained weak during the Pakistan days. The pattern during post-1971 period has not been much different either. In a situation where net-cropped area is on the decline this absence of industrial development has meant increase (according to the findings of the census of Agriculture and Livestock) in the proportion of landless people from 17 percent in 1951 to 56.5 percent in 1983/84. The changing pattern of the distribution of the size of landholdings is also indicative of the increasing rate of pauperisation of peasant families in Bangladesh. The percentage of small farms has increased from 51.6 percent in 1960 to 79.9 percent in 1996. But the average size of a holding has declined from 1.11 acres to 0.9 acres during the same time. Most of the small farms are practically non-viable. On the other hand, both the proportions of medium and large holdings as well as the average size of these holdings have declined over the last 36 years. The Land Reforms Ordinance of 1984 reduced the ceiling for ownership of agricultural land to 60 standard bighas per family from 100 bighas in 1972. According to 1996 Agricultural Census, holdings of 15 acres and above account for only 0.4 percent of the total land of the country. This means that even if all the land above the stipulated ceiling is acquired by the government (this will be an extremely difficult task) the land thus available for re-distribution among the non-viable farms will be too insignificant. Therein lies the crux of the problem facing Bangladesh agriculture and, indeed, the whole economy.  [M Mufakharul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Bibliography&#039;&#039;&#039;  Irfan Habib, &#039;&#039;Agrarian System of Mughal India 1526-1707&#039;&#039;, Bombay, 1963; Mufakharul Islam, &#039;&#039;Bengal Agriculture, 1920-26: A Quantitative Study&#039;&#039;, Cambridge, 1978; Kamrunnesa Islam, &#039;&#039;Aspects of Economic History of Bengal&#039;&#039;, Dhaka, 1984; Sugata Bose, &#039;&#039;Agrarian Bengal: Economy Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947&#039;&#039;, Cambridge, 1986; Mosharraf Hossain, &#039;&#039;Agriculture in Bangladesh: Performance, Problems and Prospects&#039;&#039;, Dhaka, 1991.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural land&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; The total land area of Bangladesh is about 14.3 million ha, of which about 59.8% is available for cultivation. Depending on the flooding depth, the land is categorized as highland (20%), medium highland (39%), medium lowland (15%), lowland (8%) and very lowland (2%). Based on physical environment which are relevant to land use, the land is divided into 30 agroecological zones and 88 sub-regions.&lt;br /&gt;
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All land areas are not suitable for all types of crops. Seasonally flooded land is suitable for rice cultivation but the use of HYVs is limited to areas with relatively shallow flood depth during the kharif season. Deep flooding for long periods limits land use to a single low yielding, deep-water rice crop. Most upland crops are grown in well-drained land. Boro is planted in poorly drained soils throughout the dry (rabi) season where irrigation can be provided and where no flooding will occur before the harvest of the crop.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural land use in coastal areas is limited to wet season cropping because of high dry season soil salinity and lack of suitable quality irrigation water. Cropping intensities, therefore, are low in coastal areas. Intensive cropping with HYVs is commonly practiced under high to medium highland with assured good quality irrigation water. Total cropped area is about 13.7 million ha, with more than 176% cropping intensity. Areas under single, double, and triple cropping are 3.5, 3.7 and 0.99 million ha, respectively. Rice alone covers about 77% of the total cropped area, of which HYV’s share is about 75%.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural land is fragmented into small pieces because of the large number of farm holdings. Total number of farm holdings is about 19 million; the average size of a holding is about 0.5 ha. In form, each holding consists of a few pieces of land which generally range from 0.1-0.2 ha.  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Agroecological Zone|agroecological zone]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Decline of agricultural land&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Human population in our country is increasing very first. For this reason, agricultural land is declining at an alarming rate. During the last decade of 80’s, only 15% land in rural areas were being used as devilling houses and non-agricultural /off farm activities, but now, it has been increased to 30%. During 1983-1984 the total cultivated area was 2 crore 2 lakh and 38 thousand acres. In 1996, it has been decreased to 1 crore, 74 lakh and 49 thousand acres. During the last 12 years, the agricultural land has been declining, on average, at the rate of about 1%. Per capita availability of land has normally been declining with the increase in population. Besides, with economic development the urbanization and industrialization is expanding. On top of that roads and highways, brickfields, hospitals, educational establishments, religions institutions and other infrastructure are simultaneously increasing. All these development infrastructures are snatching away the agricultural land. River erosion is also responsible for reducing the size of agricultural land. Recently, per availability of land is 0.17 acre. The normal living of a human being requires a minimum area of land, which is doubled than that of the presently available area.&lt;br /&gt;
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The decline of per capital availability of land ultimately increases the shortage of food, magnitude of malnutrition and poverty. Due to intrusion of modern technology in agriculture, the output has been increased by thee times during the last 3 decades. As a result, shortage of food and poverty has been significantly reduced. But due to rapid population growth and gradually diminishing agricultural land, a notable increase in crop yield observed could not minimize the shortage of food. Every year, 20-30 lakh tons of food is being imported from abroad. To get rid of the dependency on others, gradual decrease of agricultural land and its vulnerability must be properly addressed. For this, precautionary measures should immediately be taken.&lt;br /&gt;
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There have been several dialogues for many years on the issue of diminishing agricultural land, but no tangible and effective measures have so far been taken. The present Mohajoot  Government&#039;&#039;&#039; &#039;&#039;&#039;has taken this problem into active consideration. Recently, the topics has been discussed in the parliamentary standing committee for the Ministry of Agriculture and a decision was taken to stop the use the agricultural land for non-agricultural purpose.  Later on the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has also given a clear direction to this effect. Very recently, an ECNEC meeting that was chaired by Sheikh Hasina directed that for construction of  road and highways no soil be used cutting agricultural land or no soil  be used from agricultural land for brick fields.  For all these purposes, the Prime Minister advised to use the soil from river and canals. As a result, there will be a decrease in the use of agricultural land for non-agricultural purpose on the one had and navigation of rivers/canals will be re-stored resulting in better irrigation and relieve of drainage congestion. In this aspect, the intent ion of the present government to control spoiling of agricultural land and to preserve it is praise worthy.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are many reasons for the decline of agricultural land and precautionary measures are of manifold. The main reason for per capita diminishing of agricultural land is population boom. For this, the universal joint families have been deviding leading to an increase in the number of households and a decrease in the area of landholding per family. During1960, the number of agricultural households was 61 lakh 39 thousand and in 1996, it has increased to 1 crore 17 lakh  97 thousand. During this span of time, the average area of agricultural land  reduced from 3.54  to 1.71 acres. The present size of agricultural land is in no way helpful to modern cultivation of crops. Therefore, the decline of landholding size and per capita availability of land must be checked through population control. Now, in Bangladesh, the rate of population growth is 1.5 percent. It should be brought down to zero percent. For this, people should be motivated that requires political commitment. One extension worker may diffuse his information to 10, 20, or 30 persons at a time, while a politician leader can diffuse it to hundred thousand people at a time. The national leadership should realize this.&lt;br /&gt;
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In one estimate, it was observed that 35% land of the country is very suitable for agricultural crop production, 40% is medium type while 25% land is less fit for agricultural crop production. To feed the increasing population, the best agricultural land must be preserved. For non-agricultural activity, the less fertile agricultural land may be recommended. The small sized industries and business centers must be established surrounding rural growth canters. Besides, multistoried dwelling houses should be constructed in a planned way in the sides of roads in a particular place. For rural housing, if possible, government should come forward to patronize it. For this purpose, easy and soft loan provisions should be made. The village areas should be demarcated as residential, industrial and agricultural land. For this, land-zoning map should be prepared.  The similar pattern should be followed in city areas. The place of mosques, temple, schools and colleges and playgrounds should be demarcated. Careful attention should be given so that none can violet the land-zoning map while constructing a new establishment.&lt;br /&gt;
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Decreasing soil fertility is one of the reasons for decreasing yield of crops. Because of unbalanced use of fertilizers and pesticides, growing same crops in a field once and again and high intensity of cropping have been causing diminishing yield of crops. To revert this situation, the use of alluvium soil and manures should be used. Wherever irrigation and drainage are needed should be properly used. Besides, abandoned rural land should be brought under agricultural crop production. At the same time, forest land, small hills and water bodies should be fully preserved so that environment is not affected.&lt;br /&gt;
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In our country deforestation is going on at an alarming rate. Reserve forests are being made deserts through cutting of plants desperately. This should be taken care of properly. Aforestation should be maintained to keep the environment clean from pollution. Besides, hilly land are being destroyed through Jum – cultivation and displacement of settlers. For this, the jum cultivators may be permanently settled in a particular place. At present, new char-land is available in the coastal areas of Bangladesh. This new char-land by reclamation may be brought under crop cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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In our country, many lands are acquired for educational institutions, industrial establishments and development activities. In most of the cases, excess lands are being acquired.  As a result, many agricultural land go out of crop cultivation. But the excess land remains unutilized for years together. In our country, utilization of land acquired for industrial purpose is very disappointing. In one estimate it was observed that the land that was acquired for different development works, 25% of those remained under utilized. It is in fact a great loss of land, which should be controlled carefully. In the case of irrigated land, the process of acquiring should be totally prohibited. A piece of land where double crop is practiced should not be allowed to establish a brickfield or any personal use. The acquisition of land should be kept as minimum as possible either by government or by individual concern. The preference to acquire land should be given more on government khas land, while the un-utilized acquired land should be given back to original owner.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bangladesh, there are many roads that were not at all needed. One influential person for his own advantage might have made the road in the yard of his dwelling houses using government money. Such examples are observed very frequently many where in Bangladesh. This type of mentality should be discouraged. Besides, multi-purpose use of flood control embankments, highway sides, yards of schools and colleges, local water bodies etc. should be ensured. These lands should be used for cultivation of folder, transplantation of fruit trees, rearing of livestock and poultry, culture of fish etc. that will increase the agricultural productivity leading to alleviation of poverty and creation of employment opportunities for the rural community.&lt;br /&gt;
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From the British regime, many land laws were promulgated, a part of which is still essential or some of them may be traditional and redundant. The experts should review these laws. Depending on the review, a new land utilization policy may be adopted through which the use of agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes can be forbidden ensuring best utilization of land.  [Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural biodiversity&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Biological resources that are used in the agricultural programmes of a region. The general agroecological variations of Bangladesh range from below sea level-basins to small hills flanked by the large hills of the Indian subcontinent. The landmass of the country is mostly of delta formations. People of the area have come from various socio-ecological positions of the sub-continent as well as from other continents of the world. People over the centuries have been cultivating, preserving, and using more than 1364 plant species coming from both endemic and exotic origins, for about 85 diverse uses. There are about 175 species of medicinal herbs. Ethnic groups, distributed in different areas, have been involved, over centuries, in collecting and preserving the highly rich [[Biodiversity|biodiversity]] to meet their needs. Many varieties of rice, jute, sugarcane, cotton, linseed, mustard, cucumber, beans, gourds, banana, mango, bel, brinjal, dewa, berry, haritaki, amlaki, bahera, ginger, turmeric, etc have also been selected and raised by the people who have been living in this area for about 8-10 thousand years. Females cultivate a fairly large number of flora in their homesteads and cultivated lands to meet their needs. Many families as professions practice herbal medication.&lt;br /&gt;
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The biodiversity in rice is high. There were about 10,000 varieties in the country. By 1974, the recorded number of collection of rice plant genetic resource was about 7439. Of these, only 63 are rice, 18 were developed through hybridization, while the rest received simple pure line selection. At present, out of pure line selections only 22 are in use by farmers, and there are 37 modern varieties. In the Sundarbans and the Chittagong Hill Tracts, three wild species of rice have been identified. The low basin areas of Gopalganj and Sythet are considered to be the centre of origin of the deepwater rice varieties. Also many other rice varieties have originated from the land races selected from different areas of the country. Today, many of the indigenous rice varieties have been lost due to the introduction of HYVs mainly for economic considerations.&lt;br /&gt;
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Wheat (Triticum aestivum) is now the second staple food crop of the country. Except for one indigenous strain all the plant genetic resources (15,730) of common wheat have been introduced to the region, and locally developed a few breeding lines. This indicates how the introduction of a species in a geographical area can have a positive impact when its domestication can lead to increased production and diversity.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most minor [[Cereal|cereal]]s are of endemic nature. There are a small number of foxtail millets, proso millets, and others. In case of [[Jute|jute]] there are 958 accessions of Corchorus capsularis. The species Corchorus olitorius was imported. These foreign plant genetic resources have put pressure on the tree cotton species of Bangladeshi origins, which have almost been eroded.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most oilseed crops have been selected and developed out of the land races available in this part of the world. There are 10 annual crop species having more than 1200 plant genetic resource (PGR), many of which produce oils and fats of different nature. [[Mustard|mustard]] and rapeseed are two important groups and are covered by Brassica campestris and B. juncea of both endemic and exotic origins. About 500 PGR of the species that are available are being used for development of newer varieties. In addition to these, B. napus, B. carinata and B. nigra were introduced to Bangladesh during the early 1970s. [[Groundnut|groundnut]] (420), [[Soybean|soybean]] (145), and sesame (132) are the three other species that have high PGR under collection and utilization. Soybeans of American types were introduced to Bangladesh during the early 1970s. American soybean has large variations even from its original PGR of China. Wild indigenous soybean PGR are to be found in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There are numerous tree species that produce fats and oils, including the recently introduced oil palm.&lt;br /&gt;
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In case of pulses, including important food legumes, there has been considerable selection from amongst the natural variants available in this part of the world. Collection records indicate that out of 7099 PGR, 3463 are of local origin from 8 species. The rest were imported; many of them have been found to perform well and have been adapted to this system of production. The species where more exotic materials have been introduced are [[Lentil|lentil]], chickpea, [[Mungbean|mungbean]], and [[Black Gram|black gram]].&lt;br /&gt;
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Bangladesh is close to the centre of origin of [[Sugarcane|sugarcane]] which in its travel route to India and Pakistan has yielded many genetic resources. A total of 459 Saccharum officinarum and 26 S. spontaneum PGR have been recorded by the [[Bangladesh Sugarcane Research Institute|bangladesh sugarcane research institute]] alone. There are no other important sugar crops, although some PGR of sugar beet is available. A large quantity of date palm sugar in the form of molasses or ‘Gur’ is produced every year. There are about 24 species of PGR that provide nectars to bees for production of honey. A large volume of [[Honey|honey]] is produced every year and used as a substitute for sugar.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are 33 common fruit species with high number of PGR. The highly diverse species are mango, pomelo, guava and jackfruit. In total 463 variants of these species have been recorded in different institutes and orchards. The minor fruits usually come from 54 species that have 298 variants, of which 207 are of local origin. There are 52 species of fruit trees in the country that are wild in nature. There are three types of PGR that produce vegetables from roots and tubers (11 species), leaves (8 species), and fruits (20 species). These 39 species have more than 1000 PGR, indicating that the variation is high due to selections of materials in different niches of agroecological zones that depend on the choice of the selectors and the consumers. For example, each of the brinjal, tomato, radish, bottle gourd, water melon, sweet gourd, country bean, stem amaranth and other vegetables has at least 5-6 commercial varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are at least 17 species that produce variable types of spices and 21 more species, which produce food colours of various types. In only 9 species that produce spices and food colours, there are 303 PGR, many of which need to be preserved for future use. The species diversity of floricultural plants in this country is quite high. There are 22, 26, 81, 18, 217, 396, 15 and 24 species of ornamentals, [[Orchid|orchid]]s, conservatory plants, [[Aquatic Plant|aquatic plant]]s, [[Rose|rose]], arboratum and microflora (77 family and 253 genera), cactus and rocky, and wall plants respectively. In fact, as many as 781 species and varieties of diverse PGR belong to this group. Many of these species are indigenous; while some were imported. Most of the roses and cactus, and a good number of orchids, ornamentals, and conservatory PGR are of exotic nature.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Tea|tea]] is one of the most important cash crops of the country. The PGR records of this crop show that local collections of clones are 246, and introduced varieties amount to 28. The [[Bangladesh Tea Research Institute|bangladesh tea research institute]] has been maintaining only 28 local and 17 exotic clones for commercial exploitation. Coffee has three species but is not a commercial crop in this country. In Bangladesh, the PGR of conventional forest species have spread over to the social and [[Agroforestry|agroforestry]] systems due to high limitations of the forest land areas and low man-land ratio. Therefore, species diversity of trees usually grown in forests can be seen all over the country. In recent years there has been extra emphasis on the plantations of trees in homesteads, public places and crop fields. The recorded information on tree species is variable. Twenty-four species produce timbers that are used mostly for furniture. Tree species used for making agricultural equipment; boats, trawlers and ships; paper pulp and paper are 24, 52, and 30 respectively. It has been observed that many species are used for bridge construction, railway sleepers, carts and carriages, transports, electric poles, piling and jetty constructions. There are numerous homestead tree species that the people of Bangladesh use for different purposes and many of these can be used for more than one purpose.  [Lutfur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Cotton|cotton]];[[Fruit|fruit]];[[Jute|jute]];[[Rice|rice]];[[Tea|tea]];[[Wheat|wheat]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Production of major crops&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Bangladesh is endowed with a climate favourable for the cultivation of a wide variety of both tropical and temperate crops. Though nearly 100 different kinds of crops are presently grown in Bangladesh, rice is the principal one which grows in all the three crop growing seasons of the year and covers about 77 percent of the total cropped area of about 13.7 million ha. High yielding varieties cover about 75 percent of the total rice area. Other important crops are wheat, jute, potato, oilseeds, pulses, tobacco, cotton, sugarcane, fruits, and vegetables. Crops in Bangladesh are grown both under rainfed and irrigated conditions. However, rainfed agriculture is dominant, since nearly 60 percent of the net sown area is dependent upon rain as a source of water for crop production. Traditional practices, local varieties, and low levels of inputs and management are associated with rainfed agriculture. Productivity in general is low, and year to year fluctuation in production is large. Both moisture deficiency and excesses of rain contribute to instability in agricultural production.&lt;br /&gt;
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Irrigated agriculture is usually associated with improved technologies like HYV’s, high fertiliser doses, and improved management practices. Consequently, the productivity of irrigated agriculture is high, and more or less stable with an assured water supply.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Table 1&#039;&#039;&#039;  Area and production of the major crops (Average of 3 years: 2004/2007). &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crops || Area (000 m ton) || Production (000 ha) &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (total) || 10.495 || 26,335 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat || 479 || 816 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize || 105 || 593 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|Potato || 324 || 4728&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute || 404 || 819 (&#039;&#039;bales&#039;&#039;) &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || 153 || 5910 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses (as group) || 350 || 289&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oil seeds (as group) || 344 || 643 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Spices and condiments || 324 || 1196 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tobacco || 31 || 41 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh, 2007.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the crop statistics of 1994/95 as published in BBS, 1997, total cropped area, total production including vegetables, fruits, and other minor crops and their total values were about 13.4 million ha, 34 m tons, and Taka 250 billion respectively.  [Nurul Islam Bhiuyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Cropping pattern&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A spatial and temporal arrangement of crops within a cropping year, largely determined by physical, biological, and socio-economic factors. There are three cropping seasons (Rabi, Kharif-I or Pre-Kharif, and Kharif-II) during a year in Bangladesh. Since rice is the major crop, it dominates the cropping patterns of Bangladesh. Depending on the land type, soil characteristics, and water availability, rice cropping may be single, double, or triple. In general, double or triple rice cropping is practised in high land areas. In medium lowlands, mixed cropping of Aus and broadcast Aman is a common practice, while in deeply flooded lands, single cropping of broadcast Aman (deepwater rice) in Kharif, or Boro in Rabi, is the common practice. Non-rice crops are generally grown as a sequential or intercrop with rice. Most non-rice crops are dryland crops, although some crops like jute (Deshi type), millets (Kaon), and sugarcane can tolerate some degree of submergence at later stages of growth. Jute is grown in the Kharif-I season, competes with Boro Aus for land, and is considered a substitute crop for Boro Aus in cropping patterns. The dry (Rabi) season crops included in cropping patterns may be early, middle, or late, depending upon land types, recessions of floods, and dates of harvests of the preceding crops.&lt;br /&gt;
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In rainfed-dryland areas, growing of drought-tolerant, short-duration crop species has been an important feature. Although high crop yields have been difficult to obtain, traditional cropping patterns usually exhibit a high degree of stability. Another important feature is the extensive use of mixed cropping and intercropping of annual crops. These practices provide farmers with opportunities for harvesting diverse crops from the same land, increasing total land productivity, and maintaining and improving soil fertility through the use of legumes. Boro, Aus, jute, maize, barley, and chickpea are the most important rainfed dryland crops. When more than two crops are included in the pattern, mixed cropping, intercropping, or relay cropping are practised.&lt;br /&gt;
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A large number of cropping patterns are generally practised in Bangladesh, depending on the crop production environment which is greatly influenced by land type, soil texture, flooding regimes, rainfall (amount and distribution) and resource base of the farmers. Some dominant cropping patterns under variable crop production environments are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|  || Rabi  || Kharif-I || Kharif-II &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rainfed condition || Wheat/Potato/Pulses/Oilseeds/Sugarcane ||  Boro Aus/Jute || Fallow &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Irrigated condition || Wheat/Boro/Wheat/Potato/Tobacco/Vegetables || Fallow T Aus || T Aman Fallow&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
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Farmers for better use of soil resources, although not always executed as planned, follow crop rotations, to some extent. Generally deep-rooted crops (jute) are grown after shallow rooted crops (rice).  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural labour&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; The mainstream of rural working class rendering physical labour to carry out various agricultural activities growing crops, rearing livestock and poultry, looking after fisheries or raising trees. Before British rule in India there was no organised agricultural labour market and no provision of wage labour in agriculture. Landlords then usually distributed their land to sharecroppers (bargadars). Sometimes they themselves cultivated a part of their land with the help of slaves, perennial labourers (on annual contract), or hired labourers paid in kind and also by free board and lodging. Sharecroppers and small cultivators engaged family members and, in addition, had to adopt the practice of labour exchange (locally known as badla, gantu, etc) on the principle of strict reciprocity. Slavery was abolished through enacting a law in 1843. Exchange of labour was more prevalent till the early 1900s, when increased landlessness and introduction of cash economy replaced the system of exchange by hiring on payment. From this time, labour was paid in kind, at least partially, and the system is still in practice in rural areas.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, out of 56.0 million civilian labour force of Bangladesh, in 1995/96, 34.5 million (63.2%) were engaged in agriculture. Of the total agricultural labour force, 18% were paid day-labourers. The rest comprised the cultivators themselves and unpaid family workers. There was a remarkable increase in the number of agricultural labour force in 1990/91 (33.3 million) and 1995/96 (34.3 million), compared to 1985/86 (17.5 million). This increase was due to change in agricultural activities, which encompassed operations like animal husbandry, poultry, threshing, boiling, drying and husking crops and processing and preserving food. The rural women usually carry out these agricultural activities. Children constitute a substantial part of agricultural labour. About 1.6 million working children (63% of the employed child labour) were engaged in agriculture in Bangladesh during 1995/96. With the increase in the population of the country, the total number of agricultural labourers is increasing, but the rate of employment in the agricultural sector compared to that in the non-agricultural sector is decreasing. In 1989, 73.8% of the total manpower were employed in agriculture but the figure came down to 63.2% in 1995/96, while for non-agricultural sector it increased from 26.2% to 36.8%. Since the scope for non-agricultural employment was limited in the past and the rate of literacy in the country was poor, agriculture was burdened with a huge illiterate and unskilled manpower. With the expansion of education and urbanization at present, the scenario is being gradually changed.&lt;br /&gt;
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The land tenure system introduced during the British rule rapidly increased the number of landless people, who in most cases ultimately turned into agricultural day-labourers. Forced by repeated famines, British rulers took a number of steps for the development of agriculture, but all the efforts targeted the landed cultivators, not the landless day-labourers. About 26% of the rural households subsisted on labour as their only or principal occupation, while another 13% took it as a secondary source of income. Thus, 13 million rural Bengalis were fully or partially dependent on wage labour. In 1900, about 6,00,000 rural people (7% of the total rural population) of Bengal had labour as the primary occupation. By the early 1970s, this had increased twelve folds to about 7,200,000 people (27%). The Master Survey of Agriculture (1965/66) conducted by the government of East Pakistan disclosed that 25% of the cultivators earned wages for their labour, while three-fifths of these wage-earning cultivators were landless. The common trend was that of an increase of waged agricultural labourers. There were also regional differences in wage and mobility of the labourers.&lt;br /&gt;
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Three types of labour relations have co-existed in rural Bengal: casual day-labour, annual contract labour and seasonal labour. Casual day-labour is the shortest contract and varies from half a day (or one ‘bela’) to several days (usually one hat period that is the period between two ‘hat’ days). Casual employment provides labourers with the greatest freedom and also with the greatest insecurity. Day-labourers benefit from wage hikes in the busy season but also have to suffer starvation during the slack season. Annual contract labourers stay at the employers’ house and get cash wage and also food and clothing. Young boys begin with just food and clothing. In some cases, annual contract labourers are bonded with some kind of debtal slavery and work for the employers to repay their debt. Seasonal labourers are engaged for 2 to 4 months during the winter season, usually for harvesting crops. They migrate from one region to another. They receive wages in the form of food and paddy or cash. The paddy component is often a share of the crop harvested and varies between one-twelfth and one-fifth. In the past, working conditions for waged labourers were almost uniform throughout Bengal, although there were regional difference in wage levels and modes of wage payment. In most places the greater part of the wage was paid in cash, although a mid-day meal of rice and side dishes was provided by the employers. A morning snack of puffed rice or water soaked rice (panta bhat), betel leaf and nut, and green coconut was also provided. Women were paid less, usually in kind, and the amount was one-tenth of the production as a husker or thresher. Santals, bauris and other tribal women were the most hard working labourers.&lt;br /&gt;
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The wage of agricultural labour throughout Bengal declined during 1880 to 1980. Wages were standardised with rice in amounts varying between 2 sher (1 sher=0.9 kg) in West Bengal and 9 sher in East Bengal. The wage level has significantly increased during recent years. This is mainly due to increased job opportunities with the introduction of improved labour intensive agricultural practices and with mass-scale migration of agricultural labourers to urban areas in quest of higher income opportunities. Food for Work, Vulnerable Group Development (VGD) programmes, land reforms, creation of cluster villages in khaslands (common), distribution of easy loans, and promotion of income oriented activities by the government and NGOs are now helping agricultural labourers to improve their conditions.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural credit&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The financial support received by the farmers as loans from institutional and non-institutional sources to meet the expenses of various agricultural activities. Farmers require funding support also to recover losses due to failure of crops due to natural calamities (floods, droughts, cyclones, tidal bores or river erosion) and damage due to insect pests and diseases. This support is provided by institutions like banks, NGOs, traditional moneylenders (mahajans, beparis, rich farmers) or friends and relatives. Indebtedness of peasants in Bengal has long been a phenomenon caused by shortage of cash funds in paying the land revenue or in meeting additional tax levies. Extra expenses incurred in observance of rites of marriage and bereavement or in prosecuting disputes also cause indebtedness.&lt;br /&gt;
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The practice of farmers receiving credit from mahajans existed even in Vedic India (2000 BC to 1150 AD). The Arthasastra of Kautilya provides an elaborate account of the ancient moneylending system. References to moneylending are also found in the writing of Manu. The idea of formal banking was first spread in the subcontinent by Muslim traders from Baghdad during the Abbaside period. The growing trade of Bengal and the resultant increase in the circulation of money during the Mughal period led to the development of banking. In cooperation with the mahajans, the Mughals established the Hindustan Bank in 1700. This was the first banking institution set up in the subcontinent. The farmers who were at a remove from trade and commerce-oriented banking were left with informal sources like moneylenders, village merchants (mahajans) and shopkeepers who charged interest at exorbitant rates and had emerged as the wealthy section of the society.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the Sultanate and Mughal periods, rulers granted lower revenue rates and provided agricultural credit to farmers. Widely known as Taccavi, such loans enabled poor peasants to buy seed, bullocks, agricultural tools and implements, and enabled them to boost production by bringing new land under cultivation through reclamation. The Permanent Settlement introduced by Lord Cornwallis in 1793 was also aimed at solving credit problems in agriculture. It was hoped that zamindars who were granted proprietary rights on zamindari lands would be induced to invest capital for agricultural development. The British rulers took initiatives for the development of formal banking in the subcontinent to reduce dependence on non-institutional moneylenders.&lt;br /&gt;
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The newly developed credit agencies served the trade and commerce of urban areas exclusively. Thus such organised sources of finance did not reach villages, which came under immense cash economy at that time. The ‘Cooperative Credit Movement’ launched by the British rulers in 1904 covered a small section of agricultural borrowers. Merchants-moneylenders used to make double profit from the debtor farmers, who not only had to pay regular interest but also had to sell their produce to the creditors. This type of obligation kept the growers away from competitive markets and deprived them from getting the proper price. In some parts of Bengal, especially in Dhaka, landlords were also involved in the moneylending business, posing a serious threat to the stability of agricultural system. Landlords-cum-moneylenders could exert two fold pressure on the debtor-peasants by dictating the terms of credit and at the same time by making them pay rents and debts. Rich peasants were usually found giving paddy loans for both consumption and seeds which the borrower-cultivators had to repay after harvests. Such loans could be repaid in terms of cash or in kind on the basis of the real value of the grain borrowed.&lt;br /&gt;
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There were a good number of alien moneylenders like Kabulis and Marwaris, who had taken up this profession with great success. With the emergence of new credit agencies, these expatriate sources of credit gradually disappeared during the 1930s. In many parts of Bengal there were organised moneylenders on banias who formed a community by caste. Among the bania community, Sahas and Suvarna Vaniks were the most influential sections who even grabbed the lands of the raiyats through moneylending.&lt;br /&gt;
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Exploitation by moneylenders climaxed in the Great Depression of 1928, when drastic fall of prices of agricultural produces like rice and jute reduced the income of the farmers as well as the availability of credit. The rich moneylenders availed the opportunity and grabbed the lands of the indebted cultivators. A considerable amount of land was transferred in this way from cultivating farmers to non-cultivating groups, which ultimately affected total agricultural output. ‘The Bengal Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee Report’ revealed that the total volume of outstanding debts of the indebted farmers of Bengal in 1929/30 was about 1000 million rupees. The Bengal Board of Economic Enquiry found out that 77% families of Bengal in 1934 were indebted. The indebted peasants started launching movements in many places. Communist leaders often played leading roles in these demonstrations. As interest and usury were strictly prohibited in Islam, sometimes these movements turned into communal conflicts. There were clashes in many places between Muslims and mahajans who were mostly Hindu by religion, though some Muslims also used to practice lending under the [[Dadni System|dadni system]].&lt;br /&gt;
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Various surveys conducted following ‘The Great Depression’ advocated a number of measures to free cultivators from the vicious cycle of indebtedness. Meanwhile, the Government of India Act of 1935 extended the franchise to farmers, which added a new dimension to the prevailing political environment in Bengal. The political parties focused on the mounting problem of indebtedness and used their campaigns for winning popular votes. Under political pressure, the Legislative Council enacted the Bengal Agricultural Debtors Act in 1935 that prescribed establishment of Debt Settlement Boards in every union consisting of local leaders. But these boards were not able to work properly because most of the debts were covered by usufructuary mortgage.&lt;br /&gt;
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The government amended the Bengal Tenancy Act in 1938 for better functioning of the Debt Settlement Boards and declared all mortgages as void. According to the amended Act, the owner would get his land back after 15 years as most of the net debt (principal) as well as the interest would be cleared off. The Bengal Moneylending Act of 1933 was also amended in 1940 to regulate the rates of interest charged by moneylenders. Though operations of the Settlement Boards had temporarily eased the stifled situation, the amended act ultimately blocked agricultural production due to lack of credit since moneylenders suspicious of recovery were not ready to continue their lending business. Legislative measures were imposed without opening up any alternative channel of finance to meet the demand of the cultivators. As the creditors were not interested in mortgage, the farmers had to sell their land to manage cash money. Frequent transfer of lands resulted in the fragmentation and subdivision of lands and ultimately landlesness. The activities of the Debt Settlement Boards were finally winded up in 1945.&lt;br /&gt;
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Between 1947 and 1971, a network of institutional banking developed in East Pakistan with 36 scheduled banks, many of which provided agricultural credit facilities. A specialised bank on agricultural credit called The Pakistan Agricultural Development Bank was established in 1961. Some other local participatory rural credit mechanisms including the Comilla Cooperative Model (1959) emerged during this period and played a pioneering role in the distribution of agricultural credit on easy terms.&lt;br /&gt;
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After independence, the government attempted to reinforce the national economy by mobilising more resources as agricultural credit to meet the increasing need of farmers. More branches of nationalised banks and agencies were set up in rural areas. Thus specialised banks like the [[Bangladesh Krishi Bank|bangladesh krishi bank]] (BKB), [[Rajshahi Krishi Unnayan Bank|rajshahi krishi unnayan bank]] (RAKUB), Bangladesh Cooperative Bank, four commercial banks (the [[Sonali Bank Limited|sonali bank LIMITED]], [[Janata Bank Limited|janata bank ]][[Janata Bank Limited|LIMITED]], [[Agrani Bank Limited|agrani bank ]][[Agrani Bank Limited|LIMITED]] and [[Rupali Bank Limited|rupali bank ]][[Rupali Bank Limited|LIMITED]]), and the Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB) were used to meet the needs of farmers. These banks and the BRDB had disbursed about Tk 30.06 billion and 28.51 billion throughout the country in fiscal year 1998/1999 and 1999/2000 respectively.&lt;br /&gt;
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Branches of BKB and RAKUB that deal with more than 60% of the government allocated agricultural credit are now being set up in every union of the country. Short, mid and long-term credit are being granted to the farmers to help them in various activities such as growing seasonal crops, buying bullock or agricultural machinery, or establishing poultry or dairy farms. Some special programmes are also being undertaken for landless and marginal farmers and rural women. In the year 1999/2000, a total of Tk 1.23 billion was disbursed as collateral free microcredit to finance 17 such special programmes. All the programmes aim at alleviating poverty, and cover 25% of the total agricultural credit distributed by the government, while crop production claims 60%. The Rate of interest for loans under these programmes ranges from 10 to 15%.&lt;br /&gt;
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Though a good portion of the agricultural loan earmarked by the government remain undistributed every year (Tk 2.64 billion and 4.79 billion in 1998/99 and 1999/2000, respectively), many needy farmers are not able to avail of loans because of clumsy procedures and the collateral problem. Moreover, damage of crops due to natural calamities and irresponsible use of credit sometimes make debtor peasants bankrupt. As a result the non-repayment of agricultural credit (Tk 65.25 billion on 30 June 2000) has emerged as a great national problem.&lt;br /&gt;
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Established in 1983, [[Grameen Bank|grameen bank]] began a non-conventional microcredit programme to provide collateral-free loans to the impoverished. The borrowers are required to join the bank in self-formed groups of five. If a member fails to repay a loan, all members risk having their line of credit suspended or reduced. Group members provide one another with mutual assistance and advice to ensure individual repayment. Although, Grameen Bank charges a rate of interest higher than other banks, it has emerged as a successful model of rural development, incorporating agriculture and other income generating activities and subsiding the usual problem of loan defaults. Under the micro-credit programmes of the Grameen Bank its clients, mostly women, are getting involved in small businesses like rearing poultry or dairy cattle, pisciculture, horticulture or cottage industries, and are becoming self-reliant. Many other NGOs have also undertaken similar microcredit programme. Grameen Bank and three prominent NGOs, [[BRAC|brac]], [[Asa|asa]] and [[Proshika|proshika]] had distributed Tk 39.15 billion in 1999/2000 and recovered an outstanding loan of Tk 39.43 billion during the same year. Loans outstanding on the balance of these organisations totaled Tk 2.5 billion in June 2000.&lt;br /&gt;
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Private banks, both local and foreign, are also now granting agricultural credit. Total loans disbursed by local private banks during 1994/95 was Tk 518.70 million. The amount rose to 2.5 billion in 1999/2000. The figures on agricultural loan provided by foreign banks were Tk 441.20 million in 1998/99 and Tk 3.71 billion in 1999/2000. In addition, professional cooperative associations granted loan to members out of their own savings. These cooperatives are Co-operative Land Mortgage Bank, Union Multipurpose Co-operative Societies, Fishermen Co-operative Societies, Sugarcane Growers Co-operative Societies, Agricultural Co-operative Societies (Dept.), Agricultural Co-operative Societies (BRDB), Milk Co-operative Societies, Landless Farmer Co-operative Societies, Khamar (Farm) Co-operative Societies, Oil Producer Co-operative Societies, Pan (Betel leaf) Cultivator Co-operative Societies, and Groundnut Co-operative Societies. The loans disbursed by these cooperatives to their 5.22 million members amounted to about Tk 9.8 billion in 1996/97.&lt;br /&gt;
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Formulated in 1999, the National Agricultural Policy has attached due emphasis to the availability of institutional agricultural credit in time, to activating national, district, upazila and union level committees, and to simplifying the credit disbursement system. Banks and financial institutions have been asked to maintain a balance between simplification strategy and credit recovery and to ensure recovery of the disbursed credit.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural marketing&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The mechanism to reach agricultural products, inputs and services to target groups, including producers, consumers and intermediaries. A huge number of people are engaged in the marketing of agricultural products like rice, jute, vegetables, fruits, cattle, milk, poultry, eggs and fish. The history of agricultural marketing is as old as agriculture. Exchange of commodities had been prevalent in Bengal’s agrarian society but the reinforcement of cash economy during British rule made agricultural marketing easier and eliminated many of the problems of conversion. As peasants are very responsive to the fluctuations of market prices of crops, the cropping patterns of an area depend to a great extent on the marketing of crops. From time immemorial, farmers were found shifting their priorities regarding selection of crops and in assessing their comparative profitability. Cotton was a promising crop of Bengal during the seventeenth and eighteenth century because Bengal at that time was one of the world’s major exporters of [[Textiles|textiles]]. But cotton started losing its market with a decline in textile exports since the early nineteenth century and cotton production came down to a very low level towards the mid-nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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Indigo was another produce to emerge with a significant potential at one point but failed to hold the market for long. Cultivation of indigo declined since the 1850s, when, the native crop jute began capturing market to become a major cash crop of Bengal. Jute is still a major crop of Bangladesh involving large number of people in its marketing and manufacturing, but it is not as profitable produce now as it was in the past. The British rulers, in view of its strained relation with China, encouraged the cultivation of two import substitution crops, tea and opium during the first half of nineteenth century. Though tea has continued to be profitable since then, opium was replaced by profitable alternatives like oilseeds, cereals and potato just after the [[Sepoy Revolt, 1857|sepoy revolt]] (1857). Sugarcane was a profitable crop for a long time but was threatened by the rapid growth of the sugar industry in Europe during the second half of the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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As most farm families in Bangladesh own very limited land, they grow just enough crops to meet their own needs. About 53% households of the country having 0.05-2.49 acres of land produce at the subsistence level. Major contributors in the supply of agricultural produce in the market are the medium (2.5-7.49 acres) and large (7.50 acres and above) farmers, who are only 11.7% and 1.7% of the farming community respectively. The institutional network to deal with marketing of even major commodities such as rice, jute, cotton, sugarcane and tea is not adequate in the country. The Department of Food, Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation, sugar mills and the Cotton Board maintain their own purchase centres. But most agricultural produces reach consumers through various types of middlemen. The Department of Agricultural Marketing, a government agency, has the responsibility of ensuring fair prices of agricultural commodities for both buyers and consumers. The department has a total manpower of 375 and advises the government in this regard. The agricultural produces exported from Bangladesh include [[Prawn|prawn]]s and shrimps, tea, raw jute, vegetables, and spices. The country received $133 million from exports of these items during 1998/99. Agriculture based manufactured commodities like jute goods, raw hides and skins, leather and leather manufacture, and frozen foods also constitute a good portion of the country’s export trade.&lt;br /&gt;
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In its agricultural policy announced in 1999, the government of Bangladesh came up with various strategies for the development of agricultural marketing. Emphasis was laid on establishing a proper marketing network to facilitate timely marketing of farm produce. The policy also identified certain steps to reduce the control of middlemen and to ensure fair prices of crops for both growers and consumers. The agricultural policy, first of its kind in the country, had pleaded for the development of agricultural industries that was neglected during the periods under British and Pakistan rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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To the British, Bengal was just a supplier of raw materials as well as a readymade market for their manufactured goods. The commercial value of an agricultural commodity at one time, therefore, varied depending on its usefulness to the British manufacturers. The Pakistani rulers took initiative for the agriculture based industrialization but those industries were set up to serve the interest of urban groups, and not farmers. At that time, compulsory procurement of rice at below market prices and imposition of excessive taxes on the export of jute was bitterly criticized. The East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation (now [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]]/BADC), established during the 1960s, played a pioneering role in the distribution of agricultural inputs. Seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, and agricultural machinery procured under government control were distributed to district and thana level licensed dealers who delivered these items to the farmers at a government-determined price while their income was established as a pre-fixed commission. These policies of marketing of agricultural produces as well as inputs were changed drastically after the independence. During the last three decades, the government winded up control and shifted to an open market economy and encouraged private initiatives in the procurement and distribution of agricultural inputs and food grains. Export led industries are now being favoured to compete in the international market. To support local entrepreneurs, the government is encouraging imports of various inputs and equipment relating to poultry and dairy industries, but not milk and other dairy products.  [M Saifullah]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural policy&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A set of pre-decided principles to be followed through planned and systematic manipulation of natural resources like soil and water for the sustained development of agriculture. Agriculture was the main source of government income in Bengal from the ancient period but the rulers of ancient, medieval, and the British periods paid very little attention to the development of agriculture. Agriculture in Bengal got an institutional framework with the introduction of the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] during British rule. Under the permanent settlement [[Zamindar|zamindar]]s became proprietors of the land against payment of a fixed annual amount of land tax on a regular basis. The law barred zamindars from appealing for remission or suspension of taxes on the ground of any natural calamity and stipulated that in the case of a zamindar’s failure to pay the tax in due time, his estate would be sold in auctions. The Permanent Settlement was designed to enhance agricultural output with the help and supervision of zamindars. This objective, however, was rarely fulfilled.&lt;br /&gt;
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Repeated famines and an acute shortfall of income from land revenue ultimately forced the British government to form a number of commissions and committees, which forwarded various recommendations for the development of Bengal’s agriculture. These included abolition of the permanent settlement, scaling down the volume of debts to the repaying capacities of the indebted families, allowing sharecroppers to retain two-thirds of their produce, building up necessary infrastructure for agricultural education, research, training and extension, launching co-operative movement, etc. A number of important organisations and institutions were established as a result of the implementation of some of these recommendations. Among these are the Cooperative Credit Movement (1904), Department of Agriculture (1906), Agricultural Research Laboratory (1908), Debt Settlement Board (1936) and Bengal Agricultural Institute (1938).&lt;br /&gt;
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The Permanent Settlement was abolished by the State Acquisition Act of 1950 during the Pakistan Period when cultivators were given proprietary rights on the land they cultivated. The Pakistan government, however, paid little attention to agriculture largely, because an urban groups dominated in the policy formulating bodies and the economic policy formulation was dominated by the import-substituting industrialisation paradigm. The East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation (now BADC) and the East Pakistan Agricultural Bank (Now Bangladesh Krishi Bank, BKB) were established during the early 1960’s with the mandate of subsiding distribution of inputs (seed, fertiliser, pesticide, agricultural machinery, etc) and providing credit to farmers at concessional rates. The Comilla approach also emerged as an acclaimed model of integrated rural development. These newly established institutions played a vital role in boosting agricultural production through the adoption of the seed-water-fertiliser technology launched by the government during the mid-1960s. But, compulsory procurement of rice at below market prices and imposition of excessive taxes on the export of raw jute frustrated growers considerably.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Agricultural inputs policy&#039;&#039;  The policy of supplying agricultural inputs to farmers at highly subsidised rates continued in Bangladesh during the first few years after independence. The government however, soon adopted a policy of gradually shifting to laissez-faire economy and curtailed the monopoly of BADC. Between 1971 and 1981 the use of fertiliser (kg/ha) in the country increased from 11.0 to 30.9; land under the mechanized method of irrigation rose from 3.8% to 11%; and cultivated area covered the high yielding varieties of rice and wheat grew from 2.5% to 22.7%. The price subsidy provided by the government for all fertilisers was 68% in 1973/74 but decreased to 47% in 1979/80 and was fully withdrawn after 1980. But following an acute crisis of urea in 1994/95, the government intervened in open market operations and allowed BADC to distribute fertiliser through select dealers. The government also provided a fixed price support for fertilisers. At the same time, the government policy of lifting restrictions and taxes (fully and partially) from import of irrigation machinery proved very conducive to the expansion of irrigation.&lt;br /&gt;
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Policy changes also included allowing private sector participation in minor irrigation, withdrawal of restrictions on imports of wheat and rice by private traders, and innovations in open tendering for government procurement of rice. Disbursement of micro-credit, rescheduling of agricultural loans of indebted farmers, remission of land taxes for holdings up to 25 bighas, crop diversification programmes and special programmes for disaster-stricken farmers were other major steps adopted to boost agricultural production. These policy measures appear to have had a positive contribution in improving the food situation in Bangladesh. As a result foodgrain production in the country increased to 24.3 million m tons in 1999/2000, matching the annual consumption requirement of its 130 million population.&lt;br /&gt;
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The government of Bangladesh announced a National Agriculture Policy in April 1999. The overall objective of the policy was to attain self-reliance in crop production. It outlined the strategy for development of crop agriculture, the dominant sub-sector that gives three-fourths of the contribution of agriculture to the country’s GDP and about one-fourth of its aggregate GDP. At present, paddy covers about 75% of the cultivated area in Bangladesh. Such a single-crop dominated production system is not acceptable from the economic, environmental, or nutritional point of view. The new agriculture policy has, therefore, stressed crop diversification programmes for improving the nutritional status in the country. The National Agriculture Policy also aimed at improving seed distribution programme of BADC and ensuring fulfilment of at least 10% of the total demand by BADC supplies. In the light of the prevailing seed rules, the private sector will continue to retain opportunities for production, import and marketing of seeds side by side with the public sector. The already introduced seed buffer stock system will continue to ensure normal supply of seeds of major crops at the time of natural calamities.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the National Agricultural Policy, distribution of fertilisers in the private sector will continue, but the public sector will import fertilisers, if necessary, to ensure its supply and availability in time. Use of balanced fertilisers in order to maintain proper soil quality has also been highlighted. Moreover, efforts will be made to increase irrigated area and reduce irrigation cost by promoting appropriate technology. The policy also expressed its commitment to the mechanization of agriculture as well as to providing credit facilities for the purpose. To ensure environment-friendly and sustainable agriculture, [[Integrated Pest Management|integrated pest management]] (IPM) will be the main policy for controlling pests and diseases. Farmers will be motivated to use mechanical, cultural and biological methods in controlling pests. Use of any chemical pesticide harmful to the environment will be discouraged and eventually banned. To ensure fair prices for both growers and consumers, the marketing system will be improved. Agro-processing and agro-based industries will be encouraged. Efforts will be made to increase the export of agricultural commodities. The Agricultural policy also focussed on a two-dimensional agricultural research management programme: one with low cost appropriate technologies for small, marginal, and medium farmers, including women, with a view to resolving their identified problems and the other, utilizing applied research resulting form adoption of advanced research methodology. As envisaged by the policy, the government will take necessary steps to update the agricultural system in the light of the agreement on agriculture under WTO, [[Agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area|SAFTA]] and other international treaties, while, at the same time protecting the national interest.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Livestock development policy&#039;&#039;  Formulated in 1992, the livestock development policy, the first of its kind, is being followed by the government for the development of the livestock sub-sector which contributes 6.5% of GDP. It has proposed various steps for the extension of poultry and animal husbandry as a means of self-employment as well as income-generation in rural areas. With a view to ensuring sufficient supply of protein diet, the livestock policy has laid emphasis on attaining self-reliance in the production of milk, meat and egg within the shortest possible time. The strategies that have been underscored in the policy to achieve the objectives are importing high yielding breeds, improving local breeds through cross breeding, encouraging small-scale diary and poultry farms, imparting training and providing all necessary inputs, including credit. In line with the policy, exporting milk and other dairy products are being discouraged while imports of various inputs and equipment relating to poultry and dairy industries are being encouraged to support local entrepreneurs. As indicated in the policy, the Department of Livestock Services, through its field level offices, is implementing various programmes like artificial insemination, vaccination, treatment, feed and fodder production and training. Other governmental agencies, NGOs, people’s representatives, and religious leaders have also been engaged in these programmes. The policy has also given priority to the expansion of education and research in related fields. The policy was revised later and the government has approved &amp;quot;National Livestock Development Policy-2007&amp;quot;.&lt;br /&gt;
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The national fisheries policy  Announced in 1998, this policy stressed scientific management of water bodies that include 1.4 million ponds and a large number of other seasonal submerged areas covering nearly 4.86 million ha and the 225 km long coastal area of the Bay of Bengal. Pointing out the potentiality of fisheries as a source of animal protein as well as in rural employment and poverty alleviation, the comprehensive policy has laid emphasis on the availability of inputs like fish fries, feed and credit. Any private initiative in this regard, working in tandem with government efforts, has been encouraged in the policy. The Department of Fisheries, in cooperation with local governmental organisations and NGOs, will train people in pisciculture. Pisciculture demonstration farms will also be set up throughout the country to motivate them. Open water bodies and paddy fields will be brought under pisciculture during the monsoons. Various acts have been enacted for the development of fish resources including imposing restrictions on fishing with current nets, catching fish fries, and egg bearing fishes, and acquisition of fallow ponds. The National Fisheries Policy has also assured support for the development of an export- oriented shrimp industry and semi-intensive shrimp culture without disturbing the mangrove environment.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;National forest policy&#039;&#039;  This was formulated in Bangladesh for the first time in 1979 and amended in 1994 to keep pace with the changed situation. A major objective of the National Forest Policy 1994 is to combat environmental degradation following rapid destruction of forest areas which is, at present, actually 5-6% of the total area of the country only, although official statistics claim it as 12-14% by including denuded and degraded forests. The amended forest policy has stressed an all-out effort to increase forest areas to 20% of the land area of the country by 2015. As the minimum forest areas required for the sound ecology of the country cannot be met by the rehabilitation of denuded and degraded forest lands, the forest policy has attempted to spread plantation programmes throughout the country by launching a massive social movement. In addition to regular afforestation programmes, waves approaches like social forestry and agroforesty will also be undertaken. Emphasis has also been given to planting various fast-growing species. Moreover, a green belt is being developed in coastal areas of the country to save people from natural disasters like tidal bores and floods. Plantation is also going on in the fallow lands around public, private and social institutions, roadsides and sides of railway and embankments. According to the policy, social and public organisations and NGOs as well as the participation of the people has to be ensured in these programmes. The involvement of the people will be on a profit-sharing basis and these programmes will not only grow and protect trees but also help employment and income generation. Priority has also been given on developing state-owned reserved and protected forests for maintaining biodiversity.  [Abu Abdullah and M Saifullah]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Education Agricultural&#039;&#039;  education constitutes an important element of the agricultural research and development process. Bangladesh has benefited from early and strong educational resources, beginning with the founding of the Bengal Agricultural Institute at Dhaka in 1938. At that time it was the only college for higher education in agriculture in the province of Bengal and was established on the recommendation of the Royal Agriculture Commission. It had a concurrent status as the Faculty of Agriculture of the Dhaka University. However, the Bangladesh Agricultural Institute (BAI) is at present affiliated with the [[Bangladesh Agricultural University|bangladesh agricultural university]] (BAU) and gives degrees in Agriculture covering only crops.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural education, particularly higher agricultural education, has gone through on evolutionary process. BAI used to give degrees in two parts: BSc (Agriculture) degree of two years, covering only the basic sciences, and BAg degree of two years, covering the applied sciences. Later, a 3-year BAg degree was introduced in 1945. Finally, a 4-year BSc (Ag) course was introduced after BAI was affiliated with BAU. Higher education in agricultural services made a significant advance in 1961 with the establishment of Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) as an autonomous institution. In addition to institutions like BAI and BAU, several new institutions/colleges have been established during the last 20 years.&lt;br /&gt;
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Bangladesh College of Agricultural Sciences (BCAS) was established in 1980 at Salna (Gazipur) to offer BSc (Ag) degree. It went through several reorganisations. In 1983, it was renamed as ‘Institute of Post-graduate Studies in Agriculture (IPSA)’ to offer MSc (Ag) and PhD degrees in various disciplines in agriculture. In 1998, it was made a university and renamed as Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University to offer BSc (Ag), MSc (Ag) and PhD degrees in various disciplines in agriculture. It has now been brought under the umbrella of the Ministry of Education. Dumki (Patuakhali) Agriculture College was established in 1978, and Hazi Danesh Agriculture College, Dinajpur, was established in 1988 under the Ministry of Agriculture to offer the BSc Ag degree covering only crops. The colleges at Patuakhali and Dinajpur have now been reorganised as the University of Science and Technology with a faculty of agriculture in each location and placed under the Ministry of Education. The old BAI at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar remains under the Ministry of Agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are also two private Agricultural Colleges, one at Rajshahi and the other at Bogra. The college of Forestry at Chittagong, under the Ministry of Forest and Environment, offers the BSc degree in Forestry. The Institute of Forestry at the University of Chittagong offers graduate and post-graduate degrees. In addition there were two veterinary colleges, one at Sylhet and the other at Chittagong, offering degrees in Veterinary Sciences. Currently, these two colleges have been upgraded to universities. Diploma level education is given by the Agriculture Extension Training Institute (AETI) and other training institutions of the sub-sectors of agriculture such as, forestry, fisheries, animal husbandry etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Intake of students&#039;&#039;  About 1200 students are admitted every year at the undergraduate level covering all the sub-sectors of agriculture and 200-250 students at the post-graduate level. The Bangladesh Agricultural University, The Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University, and the Institute of Forestry, Chittagong University offer courses leading to PhD degrees. Several hundred students are admitted into various diploma courses every year.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Faculties&#039;&#039;  The BAU is the only multi-faculty Agricultural University of Bangladesh. It has six faculties, viz, Agriculture, Veterinary Science, Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, Agricultural Engineering and Technology, and Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology. The Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University has, at present, only the Agriculture Faculty, but new faculties will be introduced here in the near future. The Agriculture/ Forestry/Veterinary Colleges have only one faculty but several departments. In addition to faculties, the BAU has a research unit, Bangladesh Agricultural University Research System (BAURES) which funds, coordinates and monitors research programmes/projects of the university, and the Graduate Training Institute (GTI) which trains new graduates and others involved in agricultural development activities.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Research&#039;&#039;  The evaluation of the agricultural research system in Bangladesh has a long tradition. At the recommendation of the Famine Commission of 1880, the government created the Department of Agriculture in 1906. This was followed by the establishment of the Agricultural Research Laboratory in 1908 at Tejgaon, Dhaka. About this time, a-403 acre experimental station was set up adjoining the Agricultural Research laboratory. This experimental station became known as the Dhaka-Monipur Farm (now Sher-e-Bangla Nagar). Subsequently, District Agricultural Farms were established in each of the districts of Bengal to carry out agricultural R&amp;amp;amp;D activities at the local level.&lt;br /&gt;
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Until 1962, research efforts on crops, soils, fertilisers, and plant protection were highly compartmentalized. With the initiation of the Second 5-year Plan (1960-65) of East Pakistan, this was integrated for the first time within a single institute, the East Pakistan Agricultural Research Institute (EPARI). After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute|bangladesh agricultural research institute]] (BARI) was established as an autonomous institute at Joydebpur, some 32 km north of Dhaka, and the newly created institute started functioning in 1973. By this time, separate institutes/research stations for rice, jute, sugarcane, tea, forestry, soils, fisheries and livestock were already in existence in the country or in the process of being established. Since then, most of these institutes/stations have also been reorganised and strengthened.&lt;br /&gt;
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Currently, there are ten research institutes dealing with crops, livestock, fisheries and forestry. In addition, a number of educational institutions, particularly the Institute of Postgraduate Studies in Agriculture (upgraded as [[Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University|bangabandhu sheikh mujibur rahman agricultural university]] in 1998) and several colleges of agriculture were established.&lt;br /&gt;
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Although all the agricultural research institutes were developed independently, but realizing the lack of coordination among these institutes, the [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]] (BARC) was established in 1973. The Council was created to function as the umbrella organisation of the agricultural research system to facilitate coordination, monitoring, and evaluation of agricultural research throughout the country. The council’s role now extends to cover all ten-research institutes dealing with crops, livestock, fisheries and forestry. Together they constitute the National Agricultural Research System (NARS) of Bangladesh. There are some 1500 scientists working within the NARS.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation&#039;&#039;  The BARC initiated some key programmes. These included the preparation of the National Agricultural Research Plan (NARP), the development of contract research projects on high priority farm problems, surveys on human resources in the research system, establishment of linkages among national research institutes as well as international organisations, and the development of a central library and documentation centre.&lt;br /&gt;
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A division called ‘Technical Support Services Division’ was created in BARC in 1981/82 to take up the responsibility to plan, monitor, evaluate, and coordinate research programmes funded by donors through BARC. By 1982/83, the monitoring and evaluation of contract research programmes began. The outcome of the evaluation enhanced the credibility and reputation of BARC. This was, in fact, the first attempt to monitor and evaluate of agricultural research in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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In 1983/84, the Technical Support Service Division was redesignated as the ‘Planning and Evaluation Division’. The activities of the division were extended to cover the evaluation of performances of different research institutes and their disciplinary divisions/departments.&lt;br /&gt;
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BARC prepared the first National Agricultural Research Plan for 1979-83. During 1983/84, another committee was formed to draw up the second NARP for 1984-88.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Research planning&#039;&#039;  The BARC has the responsibility for agricultural research planning at the national level. Comprehensive planning of agricultural research, based on national needs and priorities, planning for improvement of research capabilities of the National Agricultural Research System (NARS), and planning for developing appropriate research infrastructures and technology transfer mechanisms are all within the purview of  BARC’s responsibilities.&lt;br /&gt;
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One of the important functions of BARC has been the preparation of the National Agricultural Research Plan (NARP). Although such a plan generally identifies areas of research for the coming 5 years, there is scope for periodic updating of priorities. NARP contains guidelines for agricultural research, and defines goals, priorities, and scope of research, assuring support to the national development plan.&lt;br /&gt;
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Currently, BARC makes periodic studies of the manpower position in agricultural research and, based on them, initiates appropriate manpower development plans (both long and short term training programmes) for agricultural research workers. Such programmes allow for training abroad as well as within the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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At the institute level, research projects are prepared, based on priorities set by BARC. A number of criteria are considered for agricultural research projects which expect BARC funding. The BARC evaluates research activities of institutes at different levels (eg, at the institute level, division level, programme/project level).  [Kazi M Badruddoza]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]];[[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute| bangladesh agricultural research institute]];[[Bangladesh Agricultural University| bangladesh agricultural university]];[[Bangladesh Rice Research Institute| bangladesh rice research institute]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Development of crop variety&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh has a large number of Plant Genetic Resources (PGR), of which about 5000 are angiosperms. People have domesticated a number of plant genetic resources of different species during the centuries of their inhabitancy. The agroecological conditions and the sociocultural background of the groups led to selection of different types of PGR in different areas. Of these, 160 species are in the cultivation under different cropping systems. The process of variety development or selection using some scientific approach started initially with the collection and cultivation of land races originated from wild plant resources in this part of the world. As is the case in all other areas, the previously selected PGR were put into the process for release and registration of the varieties of species by the National Seed Board, which is a statutory organisation of the government of Bangladesh. This is how the varieties are registered and released under the law. The present day rice species Oryza sativa has been evolved in this region and has the highest diversity of types and varieties. In 1905, in line with the Bengal Famine Commission’s report of early 1860s, Bengal Agricultural Farm and Laboratory was established in this part of Indian subcontinent. At that time emphasis was given to select and register the varieties of rice, jute and other important crops under cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Table 2&#039;&#039; Crop varieties registered and released for cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|- &lt;br /&gt;
|Crop species || No. of variety || Development process&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (&#039;&#039;Oryza sativa&#039;&#039;) (Modern varieties) BRRI (37), BINA (6), BAU (2) || 45 || Out of 45, BRRI developed 30 through hybridization and seven through introduction and selection. BINA developed all six varieties through selection after mutation. BAU developed two varieties from introductions and hybridization. All are after 1968.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (&#039;&#039;Oryza sativa&#039;&#039;) Traditional varieties || 24  || All these varieties have been selected from amongst land races. Introduction from Nigeria (Nigersail), deepwater rice genetic resources and local boro land races. Almost all these are before 1968. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat (&#039;&#039;Triticum aestivum&amp;quot;&#039;) || 26 || These varieties have been selected from introduced genetic materials of CIMMYT. Other sources include some selection from hybridization in recent years, after 1970s.&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Barley (&#039;&#039;Hordeum vulgare&#039;&#039;) || 2 || Selection from available genetic resources of traditional nature, registered after 1980. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize (&#039;&#039;Zea mays&#039;&#039;)  || 4 || These are composite varieties, one of white grain type, and others have normal maize grain colour. Selected as varieties after mid-1970s. During early 1990s, imported hybrid varieties of maize have been imported.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Proso millet (&#039;&#039;Panicum miliaceum&#039;&#039;)   || 1 || Selections from local genetic resources which were possibly introduced long before and registered after 1980. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Foxtail millet (&#039;&#039;Setaria italica&#039;&#039;)   || 1 || Collection and subsequent selection from the locally available genetic resources. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchorus capsularis&#039;&#039;) || 7 || &#039;&#039;Atompat&#039;&#039; is a mutant selected by BINA from D-154, traditional variety. Other two varieties of very recent releases (early 1990s) are the products of hybridization (BJRI-5, BJRI-6). D-154 is a selection from land race during early 1950s.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchorus olitorius&#039;&#039;)  || 3 ||  One is the traditional variety of the region, selected from land races after introduction (during mid 1940s) from its origin. The two others have been selected after introduction from Brazil and Uganda. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Mesta (&#039;&#039;Hibiscus sabdariffa&#039;&#039;) || 1 || Selection from locally available genetic resources.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Kenaf (&#039;&#039;Hibiscus canabinus&#039;&#039;)  || 2 || One was introduced from USA; the other one was introduced from Iran. Both have been put under cultivation by BJRI.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cotton (&#039;&#039;Gossypium&#039;&#039; spp.)  || 6 || These varieties have been selected in Bangladesh after introduction from India (2), Pakistan (1) and USA (3). The Chittagong cotton varieties are perennial and are not registered as varieties. At present these are only found in homestead area.  &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Potato (&#039;&#039;Solanum tuberosum&#039;&#039;) (Modern varieties) || 15 ||  Introduced from Holland (11), UK (1), India (1) and CIP, Peru (2) during different periods starting from early 1950s. Recently, the hybrids are being introduced and tested as TPS (True Potato Seeds). &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Potato (&#039;&#039;Indigenous variety&#039;&#039;)  || 7 ||  Introduced long time back from Indian sides of the country. They are being replaced in many areas by HYVs. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sweet Potato (&#039;&#039;Ipomea batatas&#039;&#039;)  || 7 ||  Three of these varieties are from Bangladesh and one each from the Philippines and Taiwan. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane (&#039;&#039;Saccharum officinarum&#039;&#039;)  || 12 || Eleven varieties are used for industrial crushing to produce sugars. One is chewing type. The selections of the varieties were from Bangladeshi genetic resources as introduced in this region long back from the tropical Asia.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Chick pea (&#039;&#039;Cicer arietinum&#039;&#039;)  || 5  || Four of these varieties have been developed by selection after introduction, while one was selected as mutant. The materials are of low genetic variability.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Lentil (&#039;&#039;Lens culinaris&#039;&#039;)  || 2 ||  One is a selection from available resources of Bangladesh in early 1930s. The other is a selection from materials imported from Syria during the late 1970s. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Mung bean (&#039;&#039;Vigna mungo&#039;&#039;)  || 4 ||  Two of the varieties were selected from introduced materials of India. The other two are mutants selected after mutagenic treatment at BINA. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Black gram (&#039;&#039;Vigna radiata&#039;&#039;)  || 2 || These are cultivable varieties selected from introduced materials because this species is not endemic to this region. One of the selections was done in early 1940s as fodder crop. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Kheshari (&#039;&#039;Lathyrus sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 1   || Selection from land races. The variety contains chemicals that cause lathyrism when taken in high quantities. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cowpea (&#039;&#039;Vigna unguiculata&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Selection from land races under cultivation for many years in the southern part of the country. Appeared to have been originally introduced by Dutch inhabitants of the southern part of the country and also carried by Burmese or Rohyngas. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Indian mustard (&#039;&#039;Brassica juncea&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Two of these varieties were developed from land races; one is of Indian origin. The other variety was developed as a mutant selected after treatment with chemical mutagens at BAU. &lt;br /&gt;
Brown Mustard (&#039;&#039;Brassica campestris&#039;&#039;)  &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Yellow sarson (&#039;&#039;Brassica campestris&#039;&#039;)   || 24  ||  One is the original select of this region and is registered as Tori-7. This variety is still predominant. The other one is TS-72, a selection from the Tori source in 1972. One of these was introduced from Czechoslovakia in 1972 and was registered in 1982 as &#039;&#039;Sampad&#039;&#039;. The SS-75 was introduced from Pakistan and was registered in 1981. The other two have been developed after mutagenic treatment. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rapeseed (&#039;&#039;Brassica napus&#039;&#039;)     || 2   || Introduced during mid 1970s; products of introgressive hybridization between &#039;&#039;B. campestris and B. napus&#039;&#039; with selection for early maturity in Bangladesh. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sunflower (&#039;&#039;Helianthus annuus&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Open pollinated composite variety. Seeds of better adopted hybird varieties are imported from outside every year. The coverage is small. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sesame (&#039;&#039;Sesamum indicum&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  One variety selected from naturally available genetic materials of Bangladesh. The other one was selected after introduction from Syria. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Soybean (&#039;&#039;Glycine max&#039;&#039;)   || 4  ||  Two of the varieties are from USA. One is from India through Sri Lanka. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Groundnut (&#039;&#039;Arachis hypogea&#039;&#039;)   || 5  ||  One each from Australia, the Philippines and India and two although exotic, were introduced in Bangladesh during 1940s. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Turmeric (&#039;&#039;Curcuma domestica&#039;&#039;)   || 2  || These are selections from local land races under cultivation for many years. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Black pepper (&#039;&#039;Piper nigrum&#039;&#039;)   || 1   || Mainly introduced from Malaysia and selected from amongst clones for release as variety.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Guava &#039;&#039;(Psidium guajava&#039;&#039;)   || 2   || One of these varieties was introduced from Thailand. The other one from local resources. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Papaya (&#039;&#039;Carica papaya&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  The variety was released as a selection from local genetic resources. Some hybrids are also available. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Banana (&#039;&#039;Musa&#039;&#039; spp.) Endemic and exotic   || 7   || One of the introduced variety of banana has been released as Basrai. The amrito sagar and sabri are the two commercially important varieties of the country. There are some varieties of vegetable banana. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cabbage (&#039;&#039;Brassica oleracea&#039;&#039; var. &#039;&#039;capitata&#039;&#039;)   || 16  ||  Seeds of these varieties are imported and the varieties are registered with the NSB for import by seed importers every year. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cauliflower (&#039;&#039;Brassica oleracea&#039;&#039; var. &#039;&#039;botrytis&#039;&#039;)   || 11  ||  Out of these 11 varieties only one is from Bangladesh which is being cultivated in Tangail through farmers selection process. Seeds of other varieties are imported from different countries and are mostly hybrids of different nature. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Radish (&#039;&#039;Raphanus sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 5  ||  All are imported varieties for cultivation. One variety Tasakisan was introduced from Japan. The other important one is the Red Bombay. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Onion (&#039;&#039;Allium cepa&#039;&#039;)   || 7  ||  Thaherpuri and Faridpur Bhati are two selected varieties of Bangladesh while all others are from Indian sources. Seeds are imported. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tomato (&#039;&#039;Lycopersicon lycopersicum&#039;&#039;)   || 10  ||  All ten are imported. Most varieties have been cultivated for long time. BARI and BINA released three varieties.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pea (&#039;&#039;Pisum sativum&#039;&#039;)   || 4  ||  All varieties are imported. One field pea (motor) of Bangladeshi origin is cultivated in most low-lying areas, either with Indian mustard or with Khesari. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sweet corn (&#039;&#039;Zea mays&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both varieties are imported hybirds. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cucumber (&#039;&#039;Cucumis sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both are materials introduced from outside of Bangladesh. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Brinjal (&#039;&#039;Solanum melongena&#039;&#039;)   || 9  ||  BARI has developed three varieties through breeding process. Other six are land races of the past selected by local people.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Bottle gourd (&#039;&#039;Lagenaria vulgaris&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both are imported and introduced materials. There are three local types/varieties available.&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
[Lutfur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Pest&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Any organism that attacks growing crops and causes economic injury. Annual crop loss in Bangladesh due to insect pests alone is about 16% for rice, 15% for jute, 11% for wheat, 20% for sugarcane, 25% for vegetables, and 25% for pulse crops. Besides several species of bird and rodent pests, a total of over 700 insect and mite pest species of different crops and stored products have so far been recorded from this country, of which more than 200 species are considered as major.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 3&#039;&#039; Major insect pest. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop || Principal insect orders/families || No. of species &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cereals || (rice, wheat, maize, etc) Lepidoptera: Pyralidae, Noctuidae  Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae Homoptera: Cicadellidae || 34 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses || (chickpea, blackgram, mungbean, etc) Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Pterophoridae, Arctiidae, Lycaenidae  Diptera: Agromyzidae Homoptera: Aphididae || 13 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oilseeds  || (rapeseed, mustard, sesame, soybean, groundnut, sunflower, etc) Homoptera: Aphididae, Cicadellidae Lepidoptera: Sphingidae, Arctiidae, Gelechiidae, Noctuidae, Lymantridae Hymenoptera: Tenthredinidae Diptera: Agromyzidae || 19 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || Lepidoptera: Pyralidae, Noctuidae Isoptera: Termitidae Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae Homoptera: Lophopidae, Aleyrodidae, Aphididae || 16 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute ||  Lepidoptera: Arctiidae, Noctuidae Coleoptera: Apionidae Orthoptera: Gryllidae  Acarina (mite): Tetranichidae, Tarsonemidae || 6 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cotton || Homoptera: Cicadellidae, aphididae, Aleyrodidae Hemiptera: Pyrrhocoridae Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae  || 8 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tuber crops || (potato, sweet potato, aroids) Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Arctiidae Sphingidae Coleoptera: Coccinellidae, Curculionidae, Chrysomelidae  Homoptera: Cicadellidae, Aphididae || 17 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Vegetables || (cucurbits, beans, okra, brinjal, tomato, cabbage, cauliflower, etc) Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae, Coccinellidae Diptera: Tephritidae Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Yponomeutidae, Lycaenidae, Pieridae Homoptera: Aphididae, Cicadellidae Hemiptera: Pyrrhocoridae || 37&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Pest management&#039;&#039;  Rice and jute being most important field crops, control of pests of these crops till 1956 mainly comprised of a few traditional methods such as rotation of crops, manual collection of various stages of pests, destruction of affected plant parts, and some sanitation and cultural practices. In 1956 synthetic [[Insecticide|insecticide]]s were first introduced in Bangladesh by the Department of Plant Protection, Ministry of Agriculture, and were distributed to farmers free of cost. The use of insecticides soon became very popular among the farmers for pest control of rice and other crops. From 1974, the government started selling pesticides at subsidized prices, but from 1979 the subsidy was withdrawn. The farmers, however, are continuing the use of chemicals as a primary measure for pest management. A total of 94 pesticides (including one botanical), with 299 trade names, of different groups and formulations, have been registered for use in agriculture. In 1999, the total consumption of formulated pesticides was about 14,340 m tons, containing 2,462 m tons of active ingredient. It is estimated that about 90% of insecticides are applied for rice pest control throughout the country.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Chemical pesticides alone do not always give satisfactory management results. Recently, the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) initiated Integrated Pest Management (IPM) Programme in 72 upazilas of 63 districts jointly with FAO. The DAE has also taken up another five-year project (1997-2002) called Strengthening Plant Protection Services (SPPS) in 137 upazilas with DANIDA to train 836 extension staff of DAE in IPM for vegetables and rice. About 25,000 vegetable farmers and 80,000 rice farmers are expected to receive in-depth IPM training. In addition to IPM, this project has three other components: pest surveillance and forecasting, pesticide administration and quality control, and developing pest management practices that are compatible with IPM.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Disease&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A wide variety of plant diseases are found to occur on crops, causing huge economic losses. Till now, about 536 diseases have been recorded from 43 crop plants. Although accurate statistics regarding the economic loss is not available, it is estimated that it will be about Taka 6 billion annually. Not only the production, but the quality of the produce may also be severely affected. Rice and cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, fibers, sugar and spices are known to suffer from 100, 109, 80, 94, 55, 33, 24 and 31 detectable diseases, respectively. Of these 37, 26, 24, 32, 28, 18, 9 and 8 diseases, respectively, are of major importance. Plant diseases are usually grouped according to their causal agents. These include pathogenic fungus, bacteria, virus and micoplasma, and plant parasitic nematodes. The diseases may be soil-borne or seed-borne when they are perpetuated through contaminated soil or seeds. Some diseases are air-borne and are transmitted by wind, while insect pests transmit many others, particularly viral diseases.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 4&#039;&#039; Crop diseases. &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop group || Total no. of diseases || No. of major diseases || No. of minor diseases &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cereals || 110 || 37 || 73 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses || 109 || 26 || 83 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oilseeds || 80 || 24 || 56 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Vegetables || 94 || 32 || 62 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Fruits || 55 || 28 || 27 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Fibers || 33 || 18 || 15 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || 24 || 9 || 15 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Spices || 31 || 8 || 23 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Total || 536 || 182 || 354&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; HU Ahmed 1994, PAB-GIFAP Asia Working Group Meeting Proceedings.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of cereal crops&#039;&#039;  Of the total 110 diseases so far reported from cereal crops in Bangladesh, fungus alone causes about 75 diseases. The important diseases of rice and other cereals are bacterial leaf blight, sheath blight, tungro, ufra, sheath rot, leaf scald, blast, brown spot, bacterial leaf streak, stem rot, bakanae, root-knot of rice; leaf rust, loose smut, seedling blight, leaf blight and root rot of wheat; leaf blight of maize; leaf stripe, root rot of barley; root rot, leaf blast and downy mildew of millet; grain smut, leaf spot, anthracnose, rust and downy mildew of sorghum, and loose smut and leaf blotch of oat.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of pulse crops&#039;&#039;  Pulses are attacked by about 109 different diseases of which 26 are of major importance. These have been recorded on chickpea (11), lentil (16), grasspea (14), mungbean (16), blackgram (21), pigeonpea (11), fieldpea (11), and cowpea (9). Notable among pulse diseases are root rot of chickpea, lentil, grasspea, cowpea, mungbean and blackgram; blights of chickpea, lentil, blackgram and grasspea; cercospora leaf spot and yellow mosaic of blackgram, mungbean, cowpea and fieldpea; wilts of chickpea, lentil and pigeonpea; stemphyllium blight of lentil; powdery mildew of blackgram, mungbean and fieldpea; downy mildew of grasspea; and rusts of lentil.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 5&#039;&#039; Diseases of cereal crops caused by different pathogens. &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop || Fungus || Bacteria || Virus and Mycoplasma ||  Nematode || Total &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice || 20 || 3 || 2 ||6 || 31 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat ||12 || 0 || 2 || 6 || 20 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize || 19 || 1 || 3 || 5 || 28 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Millet || 7 || 0 ||  0 || 3 || 10 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Barley || 11 || 0 || 2 || 0 || 13 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sorghum  || 4 || 0 || 1 || 0 || 5 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|Oat || 2 || 0 || 1 || 0  ||3 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Total ||75 || 4 || 11 || 20 || 110 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; HU Ahmed 1994, PAB-GIFAP Asia Working Group Meeting Proceedings.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of oilseed crops&#039;&#039;  Nearly 80 diseases including 24 of major importance have been recorded on nine oilseed crops, including mustard, groundnut, sesame, soybean, sunflower, linseed and niger in Bangladesh. The most serious diseases are Alternaria blight of mustard; tikka and rust of groundnut; stem rot of sesame, groundnut and linseed; anthracnose, seed rot/decay, and yellow mosaic of soybean.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of vegetables&#039;&#039;  Till now about 94 diseases have been recorded from nine common vegetables in Bangladesh, of which about 32 are considered as major. Late blight, early blight, stem rot, black scarf, dry rot, wilt, soft rot/black leg, common scab, potato leaf rot and potato mosaic; late blight, early blight, damping off, bacterial wilt, and mosaic of tomato; foot rot, bacterial wilt, fruit rot and little leaf of brinjal; leaf spot of radish, cabbage, cauliflower; anthracnose of bean; yellow mosaic of okra, and powdery mildew of gourd are important diseases.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Fruit diseases&#039;&#039;  Among the recorded 55 diseases of fruit crops, the most damaging ones are fusarium wilt, bacterial wilt, and sigatoka of banana; mosaic (virus) and stem rot of papaya; anthracnose of mango; dieback of citrus; and wilt of guava. Many diseases are internally or externally seed borne. If they are allowed to survive, the diseases will be manifested in the following season.  [SM Humayun Kabir]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural resources&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh is predominantly an agricultural country and the major agricultural resources are the land and soil, water, agroclimate, different varieties and breeds of crops, livestock and fishes, and forests.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Land and soil resources&#039;&#039; These have broadly been divided into three main physiographic areas: floodplain, terrace and hill. Floodplain areas occupy about 80 percent of Bangladesh. These areas are generally alluvial plains criss-crossed by the rivers Meghna, Jamuna and Padma, and their innumerable tributaries and distributaries. Rivers bring an enormous quantity of clay, silt and sand, and deposit them in the agricultural land. Clays and silts so deposited contain potash-bearing minerals that enrich the soils with potassium nutrient. Four main types of floodplain landscapes have been identified. These are: (a) the piedmont at the foot of the eastern hills; (b) the Ganges tidal floodplain; (c) the meander floodplains of the Ganges, Tista, Brahmaputra, Jamuna and Surma-Kusiara; and (d) the old and young Meghna estuaries. Terrace areas consist of the Madhupur as well as the Barind tracts. These are uplifted and occupy about 8 percent of Bangladesh. The Madhupur tract comprises parts of Gazipur, Mymensingh and Tangail districts; while the Barind tract comprises parts of Rajshahi, Naogaon, Bogra, Joypurhat, Gaibandha and Dinajpur. The hill areas comprise of Chittagong Hill districts and parts of Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar, Comilla, Maulvi Bazar, Sylhet and northern Mymensingh districts. They occupy about 12 percent of the country. These areas have high and low hill ranges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Of the total land surface of about 13.5 million ha (m ha), 9.15 m ha are used for agriculture, while an estimated 2.45 m ha consist of forest or potential forests. The use of agricultural land has intensified during the last three decades. There is continuous transformation from single crops (30% of net cropped area) to double (55%), and triple crop (15%). The cropping intensity of the country is now about 182%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Based on physicochemical properties, colour, depth, and presence of lime, the soils of Bangladesh have broadly been classified into 20 general soil types.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Water resources&#039;&#039;  Water is one of the important natural resources of Bangladesh. The rainfall during the monsoon (June-October) varies between 125 cm in the northwest region and 400 cm in the northeast. This immense quantity of surface water flows through the major rivers and overflows their banks. Moreover, the huge quantity of water coming from neighbouring country during the same time often aggravates the situation, giving rise to floods in the country.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Irrigation coverage has increased considerably from about 2.65 million ha in 1990/91 to about 4.0 million ha in 1996/97. Ground water irrigation covered 64.5% of the total irrigated area while surface water accounted for only about 31.5% in 1996/97. Irrigation expansion is projected to reach 5.41 million ha in 2005-2006 which is about 72% of the total potential irrigable area of 7.56 million ha.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is abundance of surface water in the south but the quality of water is a problem. Salinity exists in the shallow aquifers near the coast and locally inland in the southeast. The hydrological situation and irrigation coverage has a significant bearing on the overall performances of the crop diversification programme during the dry season.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Agroclimate&#039;&#039;  Four agroclimatic zones have been recognised throughout the country by analysing the daily rainfall as well as other climatic parameters such as, potential evapotranspiration, wind speed, and sunshine. The four agroclimatic zones include average length of pre-kharif period when rainfed moisture supply is intermittent and uncertain; average length of rainfed kharif and rabi growing period; average number of days in a year with minimum temperature (below 15BAC); and average number of days in a year with maximum summer temperatures (higher than 40BAC).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Performances of different agricultural sectors  Agriculture is the lifeline of the Bangladesh economy, despite the marked decline in its contribution to GDP, from about 50.4% in 1984/85 to about 21% in 2006/2007 at current market prices. The crop sub-sector alone provides about 56% of the value added by agricultural sources while an additional 14% comes from livestock, 21% from fisheries, and 8% from forestry. The agriculture sector also employs 52% of the civilian labour force.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Crops sub-sector&#039;&#039;  During the past three decades cereal production has increased about three times from 10.26 million m tons in 1972/73 to 28.39 million m tons in 2006-07. The principal sources of growth came from boro and Aman rice as well as wheat. Among non-cereal food crops, potatoes have had an impressive growth record from 1.09 million m tons in 1981/82 to 8.2 million m tons in 2007/08. Yields of other crops such as pulse and oilseeds have also improved despite a fall in total production because of a reallocation of land to irrigated boro rice. To attain self-sufficiency within the shortest possible time, intensification of crop production by multiple cropping, increased cropping intensity, and use of high yielding varieties is a must. This involves adoption of complete management practice of seed-fertilizer-water technology through intensive use of land and soil resources with maximum efficiency.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Livestock sub-sector&#039;&#039;  Livestock represents an important component of Bangladesh’s traditional farming system. The share of livestock sub-sector to GDP at constant prices was 2.92% and growth rate was 6.15% in 2005-06. This sub-sector has immense contribution towards meeting the daily protein requirements, crop cultivation and export of leather and leather goods. According to an estimate made by the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock, the number cattle was 22.8 million, buffalo 1.16 million, goat 19.96 million, sheep 2.57 million, chicken 192.82 million and duck 38.17 million in 2005-06. The density of cattle population is high but there productivity is low in Bangladesh. Thus, the gap between production and demand for livestock products is enormous. Most livestock breeds are of poor genetic stock and are, therefore, poor yielders. However, high performing exotic breeds have been successfully introduced under intensive and semi-intensive systems. Further research and development activities are in progress in this regard. Moreover, appropriate measures have been taken to solve problems of feed, diseases and management. [[Bangladesh Livestock Research Institute|bangladesh livestock research institute]] has so far developed 59 new technologies for development of the livestock sub-sector and some of them have been transferred to the farmers successfully. Among those technologies, cattle fattening, preservation of green fodder, development of PPR and goat pox vaccine, broiler and layer rearing models for small farmers, quail and pigeon rearing etc. are important.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Fisheries sub-sector&#039;&#039;  This sub-sector accounts for the major share in the country’s animal production system, providing about 58% of the animal protein intake. The share of the fisheries sub-sector to GDP at constant prices was 4.73% in 2005-06. About 12.5 million people of the country are directly or indirectly dependent on this sub-sector for their livelihood. This sub-sector contributes about 22% to agricultural GDP at constant prices. There are 1.3 million ponds and lakes covering an area of 0.3 million hectares and 24,000 km rivers covering 1.03 million hectares. Moreover, there are 1.1 million beels covering 0.11 million hectares, 5,488 hectares lakes, 68,800 hectares Kaptai Lake, 0.2 million hectares Sundarban water areas and 2.83 million hectares open water. The gross production of fish in 2006-07 was 2.44 million m tons, of which 1.007 million m tons came from inland open water, 0.816 million m tons from closed water and 0.487 million m tons from marine water. There are 260 species of fish and 24 species of shrimp in sweet water, and 475 species of fish and 36 species of shrimp in marine water of Bangladesh. In recent years, the production of fish has increased in the country but it is not sufficient in relation to total demand. Meanwhile, some technologies developed by the [[Bangladesh Fisheries Research Institute|bangladesh fisheries research institute]] (BFRI) after 1990 have been successfully transferred to the rural farmers country-wide by various government and non-government organisations through training, demonstrations and distribution of fish culture leaflets/manual. The technologies include: raising of fry and fingerlings of carps; polyculture of carps; culture of nilotica; integrated rice-fish farming; and integrated poultry/duck-fish farming.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Forestry sub-sector&#039;&#039;  The total forest area in Bangladesh is about 12.9%. About 89% of total forest areas of the country is owned by the government and the remainder 11% is privately controlled homestead forest land scattered all over the country. Currently, only about 7.7% of the total land area is covered by tress. This is quite insufficient for ecological balance and sustainable environmental security. Forests supply a variety of products, such as timber, firewood, bamboo, golpata, honey and fish. Total production of these products has been declining over the last three decades. However, efforts have been made by government and private sectors for conservation and expansion of forests. Among different programmes, coastal aforestation, large scale plantation in the denuded and degraded forest areas and social forestry are important. [[Bangladesh Forest Research Institute|bangladesh forest research institute]] has been working on development of new technologies for this sub-sector.  [Md. Shahidul Islam and Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Environmental issues related to agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh is affected by almost all the environmental events that occur in a tropical region. A single environmental event such as hail, tornado, massive rainfall or tropical cyclone can destroy the labour of the whole year. It is apprehended that due to global warming the rise in sea level in future may inundate vast areas of southern Bangladesh by sea water. Moreover, in recent years, changes in the ecosystems are of concern about sustainable agricultural production. The major environmental issues which need to be addressed are floods, droughts, cyclones (and tidal surges), river bank erosion, soil erosion, land degradation, declining soil fertility/organic matter depletion, tornadoes, earthquakes, nor’westers and hailstorms, salinity, siltation, pests and diseases of crops, poultry and livestock, and extreme temperatures for crop production. Major ‘man-made’ environmental problems are landslides, ground water table depletion, declining of forest, fish and livestock resources, and air and water pollution (including contamination of ground water with arsenic). Some of these problems are recurrent, such as floods, droughts, and cyclones, while others are accumulative, such as deforestation, decrease in water availability, and increasing salinity.&lt;br /&gt;
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The monsoon or rainy season between June and October brings floods, normally inundating some 2.6 million ha of land surface. Estimates over the last 45 years show that there were devastating floods in 1954, 1955, 1956, 1962, 1964, 1968, 1970, 1971, 1974, 1978, 1984, 1987, 1988, and 1998 engulfing areas ranging from 3.5 to 12.2 million ha. Recent estimates show that 50 percent of the total land of Bangladesh (about 14.4 million ha) is vulnerable to floods of one kind or the other. In Bangladesh, about 1.32 million ha of cropland are highly flood prone and 5.05 million ha are moderately flood prone. The unprecedented flood of 1988 devastated close to 60% of the land area of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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The flood depth to which the land is normally inundated ranges from 30 to 250 cm, but in some areas, particularly in depressions and haors, it may reach to 500 cm. Extensive river floods cause great disruption and damage to infrastructure, and loss of standing crops. Flash floods also often cause considerable, localized damage to crops, fish ponds, property, and infrastructure, particularly in the north, northeast and eastern part of the country. In Bangladesh spread, depth, and duration of floods vary from year to year.&lt;br /&gt;
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Historically, drought-induced famines were also devastating, but the effects of drought have been reduced by increased access to irrigation and by the provision of food aid. Nevertheless, drought remains a threat to the livelihoods of subsistence farmers and agricultural labourers, particularly in the northwest area of the country. In Bangladesh drought is an important limiting factor for crop production where crops are grown mostly under rainfed condition. Droughts affect about 2.32 million ha in Kharif and 1.2 million ha in Rabi seasons in almost every year. The Kharif drought severely affects the transplanted Aman, reducing its production by about 1.5 million m tons annually. The Rabi season drought affects mainly wheat, potato, mustard and aus paddy crops. Obviously, rainfall is the primary single factor influencing the incidence of droughts in the macro-climatic sense. From long term rainfall data, it appears that droughts affect the country, on an average, almost once in every five years. It affects the Aus and deep water rice (March to May) and transplant Aman (October to November) crops, depending on the period of drought. Severity, intensity, yield reduction, and supplementary irrigation needs vary according to rice cultivars. Yield losses often exceed 45% in very severe drought areas. The maximum yield reductions are found in the vulnerable zones of northwest and southwest parts of the country which are considered as very severe drought-prone areas. Since the agro-climatic conditions during Rabi season are usually unfavorable, the crop yield reduction varies from less than 10% to more than 70% depending on the crop, the time of planting and severity of the drought. The northern and eastern parts of the country are included in the slightly drought-prone class.&lt;br /&gt;
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Major cyclones in the last fifty years indicate that they were responsible for large number of disaster-related deaths as well as considerable losses to agriculture and damage to infrastructure in coastal areas. Occurrence of cyclones and tidal surges is a regular phenomenon in Bangladesh. The worst ever cyclone and tidal surge of 29 April 1991 destroyed standing crops of about 1.8 million ha and caused colossal losses to human lives, livestock, and aquatic resources. Likewise, crop losses worth about Taka 30 million are caused annually due to damages by pre-monsoon hailstorms and excessive rains. During 1795-1900, the country experienced major cyclonic storms and tidal surges almost once in every ten years. But after this period during (1901-1985) such natural hazards occurred almost once in every two years. During 1960’s and 1970’s, the country received higher number of these hazards compared to other decades. The 85 year accumulated data on monthly occurrence of major cyclonic storms and tidal surges show that about 33% of these pass over Bangladesh during May, 31% in October, 14% in November, and 8% in December. This indicates that about 78% of the cyclonic events inflict Bangladesh during May, October, and November. Coastal areas, particularly Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar, and the offshore islands are the most affected areas. The frequency distribution of cyclones forming over the Bay of Bengal from 1948 to 1970 shows that out of 19 severe storms, the highest 6 occurred in May, followed by 5 in October, 4 in December, and 3 in November.&lt;br /&gt;
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River bank erosion along many rivers, both major and minor, carries away agricultural land and destroys houses and other structures. It is estimated that about a million people are displaced every year as a direct result of erosion.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bangladesh, out of the 2.85 million ha of coastal and offshore areas, about a million ha are affected by various degrees of soil salinity. Agricultural land use in these areas is very poor, much lower than the country’s average cropping intensity (170%, ranging from 62% in Chittagong coastal region to 114% in Patuakhali coastal region). Soil erosion and soil fertility problems are the two principal causes of low productivity in Bangladesh. Organic matter content of most soils are below the critical level. Moreover, more than 4 million ha of cropland are Sulfur-deficient, and another 2 million ha are deficient in zinc. Crop loss due to damage by different pests and diseases is also high; 10-15% production losses are attributed to pest damage alone. A recent report shows that more than hundred types of pesticides are used indiscriminately over the country which may lead to water and soil pollution.&lt;br /&gt;
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Tornadoes cause localized devastation of cropland in widely scattered areas. A seismic zone extends across the country and there is a risk of earthquakes that could cause serious damage to infrastructure, including embankments and other flood control structures. Landslides often occur in hilly areas due to heavy rainfalls, causing damage to agriculture and other resources.&lt;br /&gt;
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Very high population density, unplanned urbanization, industrialization, and other form of human activities add substantially to environmental degradation. These lead to the growth of unplanned squatter settlements, reduction of agricultural land, as well as increasing landlessness, unemployment, and poverty.&lt;br /&gt;
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A study based on historical climatic data over the country showed a decline of sunshine hours since 1970, annually or seasonally, but rainfall and temperature did not show any perceptible variations except minor fluctuations. Declining sunshine hours may be related to low productivity over the last decade.&lt;br /&gt;
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The increasing threats of environmental vulnerability and high rate of population growth are the principal contributors to the long-run stagnation of the economy. These facts clearly indicate that agricultural resources in Bangladesh are already under severe environmental stress and where possible, are to be urgently augmented to raise the productive capability of the scarce and essential agricultural resource base.  [Md. Serajul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Cyclone|cyclone]]; [[Drought|drought]]; [[Flood|flood]]; [[Nor’wester|nor’wester]]; [[Tornado|tornado]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Crop hazard management&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The application of measures to avoid or to minimize the impact of disasters on various agricultural development activities. Essentially it means regulating cropping and other land use in order to reduce the vulnerability of crops, livestock, fisheries, forestry, people and properties. It also implies structural or non-structural interventions or combination of both, as applicable and dissemination of scientific information. Motivation and ensuring peoples’ participation are essential as a part of the cropping strategy of managing disasters in agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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Disasters are a common phenomenon in Bangladesh agriculture and is experienced in one form or another almost every year. The peasant communities are accustomed to disasters that normally occur, and they apply coping mechanisms learnt from their ancestors. In case of a high devastating situation, however, loss to agriculture is enormous as improved technical information is not yet available. Further, it is of great concern that the magnitude and the frequency of disasters are increasing and will be more severe under the predicted global warming and climate change situations. Research on disaster management for sustainable agricultural development is thus an imperative. Introduction of appropriate technology and its wider use will be essential in the future years. Comprehensive policy decisions and strong research and extension interventions will be necessary to combat disasters in the future. Through dissemination of modern research information and the ability of farmers to utilise new technologies, the impact of disasters could be significantly minimized. Since there is scant evidence of structural (polders, embankments, etc) measures having helped to reduce flooding (drainage congestion rather more) and boost production, appropriate blending of structural and non-structural measures to overcome flooding, salinity and drought situation is required.  [M Anwar Iqbal]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Machinery for land preparation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  It includes all sorts of hand tools, equipment and accessories that are used in agricultural farms for land preparation, at the initial stages of crop production. Use of machinery depends on the type of soil and soil conditions, sources of power, socio-economic conditions of farmers etc. A single crop often needs different kinds of machinery at different stages of its growth. Land preparation is the first and most important stage in the crop production process. In Bangladesh several kinds of traditional, improved, and imported machineries are used for this purpose. Following are the different kinds of land preparation machinery generally used for cultivating major crops by Bangladeshi farmers:&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Spade&#039;&#039; (kodal)  This is the most ancient agricultural implement abundantly available in Bangladesh. It has two parts a steel blade for cutting soil, and a wooden handle for operation. There are different sizes and shapes of spades available in different regions of Bangladesh. Spades are generally made by village blacksmiths and in small workshops in towns. Farmers use spade for seedbed preparation, weeding, cutting and removing soil, making dikes, and other household activities. The length, width and thickness of the blade generally ranges from 25-30, 20-25 and 1-3 cm respectively. The weight varies from 2 kg to 3.25 kg. It is used in small plots where cultivation with country plough is difficult.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculture1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Tillage using Indigenous country plough]]   &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Indigenous country plough&#039;&#039; (langal)  A very old implement used by the farmers for many centuries for land preparation. There are several local names, such as Nankol, Nahal, Akkoing, Bangla langal, Shiami langal etc. It is perhaps the most widely used implement in Bangladesh. There are more than 100 kinds of country ploughs. It has three different parts: (i) bottom and handle, (ii) beam, and (iii) share. The plough bottom and the handle is made from a single piece of wood. However, in some regions the bottom and handle are made separately and then fixed together. The plough bottom may be wider or narrower depending upon the soil condition and size of bullock.&lt;br /&gt;
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The plough is generally 1.9-2.0 metre in length, 5.0-7.5 cm in width, and 3.75-5.0 cm in thickness. The ploughshare is made of steel of about 21-345 cm in length, 2.5-11.5 cm in width and 0.32-3.0 cm in thickness. The country plough can cut soil but cannot invert it. The capacity of a country plough is about 0.16-0.2 ha/day. Some improved types of country ploughs are being used in many parts of the country nowadays.&lt;br /&gt;
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Single animal drawn plough (mohisher langal)  Similar to the country plough in construction, but it is operated by a single bullock or buffalo. The tying arrangement of the plough to the neckharness is also different. The neckharness, commonly known as joal, is a beam, generally made from 1.25-1.6 metre long bamboo or wood, and is used in both types of ploughs. There are several sizes and shapes of neckharnesses. It is used mostly in the Sylhet region.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculture2.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Land leveling by Ladder or Moi]]    &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Ladder&#039;&#039; (moi)  The ladder, also locally named as chongha, chongham, hapta, septa, dolon, dolna, hatta, keyai, basoi etc, is used to level the ploughed land and also to break soil clods after cultivation. Often it is used to cover crop seeds after broadcasting. The construction of ladder is very simple; a village carpenter makes it from bamboo, but in some places it is made from hard wood. It is drawn by a pair of bullocks or buffaloes. The ladder is connected to the ends of the neckharness with ropes during operation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mallet&#039;&#039; (mugur)  The main purpose of mugur is to break the large soil clods when breaking of clods by laddering is not satisfactory. It is also known as uja, kurish, shappaya etc. It is generally made of bamboo or wood.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculturepowertiler.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Tillage by Power tiller]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Power tiller&#039;&#039;  An engine-operated soil tilling unit. During the sixties power tillers were first imported from Japan on a limited scale. Since the late eighties, however power tillers have been gaining popularity in Bangladesh due to the acute shortage of animal power in cultivation. There are about 100,000 power tillers now in use in Bangladesh. A single axle, two wheeled, 7-12 hp power tiller can cultivate about 1 ha of land per day. At present, power tillers are imported mainly from China. Some local manufacturers have started to make power tillers recently.      &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Hydrotiller&#039;&#039;  It consists of a rotary tilling unit, a pontoon and an engine. The machine is suitable for cultivating marshy land where a power tiller cannot be operated. It can cultivate about 1 ha of land/day.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Tractor&#039;&#039;  A self propelled machine which is used for cultivation, carrying loads, hulling, etc. It is powered by a diesel engine of 40-60 hp. It can work both in running and stationery conditions. At stationery condition it delivers power to the machine with a shaft called power take off (PTO) shaft. Pulleys, hydraulic system and drawbar are empowered through PTO shaft. Tractors are categorized according to their structure and the type of job they perform, such as 2-wheeled, 3-wheeled, 4-wheeled etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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Machinery for seeding, planting and intercultural operation  Although seeding, planting and intercultural operations are mostly done manually by Bangladeshi farmers, certain devices are used for reducing cost of production and improving yields.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RicePlant.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Paddy seedlings are transplanted by traditional methods]]&lt;br /&gt;
Since ancient times seed sowing and planting operations have been accomplished mainly by traditional manual methods. In dry field conditions paddy seed is randomly broadcast by hand. Under wet field conditions paddy seedlings are transplanted randomly in puddled land. However, for line transplanting, labourers use a graduated wooden stick called Kyme as a guide.&lt;br /&gt;
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In transplanting, farmers firstly sow rice seeds in a small plot and grow seedlings for 3-4 weeks. Then they uproot the seedlings and transplant them in a puddled field. Other grain crops such as wheat, maize, pulses etc are cultivated in dry field conditions. However, herbs, shrubs, bushes, and trees are always cultivated through the manual planting method. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Jhum.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Jhum cultivation]] &lt;br /&gt;
Jhum cultivation is usually practiced in the hilly areas of Bangladesh. Land preparation by conventional tillage implements are difficult, and at times, impossible. In hill slopes instead of cultivating the entire area, people of hilly areas make holes in the ground with the help of special tools such as knives, dao, small spades, axes, kurals, khuntis, sickles etc and put seeds or seedlings of different crops in those holes and fill them up with earth.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern seeding and planting machinery&#039;&#039;  (i) Seed drill: consists of a wheel, a hopper, two furrow openers, a press wheel and a handle. The furrow openers open the furrows and seeds are dropped into the furrow from the hopper and subsequently covered with the soil by the press wheel attached behind the furrow openers. This seed drill is used to sow seeds in lines at equal distances facilitating the use of hand hoe or rotary weeder to save labour as well as quantity of seeds. The capacity is about 0.4 ha/man-day. (ii) BRRI drum seeder: made of light weight tubing and sheet metal. It has 8 rows, 18 to 25 cm apart. This machine successfully sows sprouted paddy seeds in lines on a puddled land. It is a new concept over traditional transplanting. This machine seeds paddy in neat rows which can be conveniently weeded with push type mechanical weeders. It permits uniform seeding of fairly low seed rates of 50-100 kg/ha. The capacity is about 0.1 ha/man-day. (iii) BRRI manual rice transplanter: consists of a seedling tray, a handle with seedling pickers and wooden skid. It can transplant paddy seedling raised by special (dapog) method on trays or polyethylene sheets. It can also be used for weeding. There are provisions of 6 rows at 20 cm apart. The capacity is about 0.14 ha/man-day.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Weeder&#039;&#039;  Four categories of weeders are generally used in Bangladesh (i) Nirani, (ii) Achra (Rake), (iii) Hand hoe, and (iv) Rotary weeder. (i) Since ancient times nirani has been in use to control weeds. It has several local names, such as Seni kachi, niri kachi, senipachoon, pashri, kurmi, khurpi, pachoon, dahuki, pushri, punja, tengi, tengari, douti, tanakodal, etc. A man can operate a nirani with his hand in dry land. It consists mainly of a steel blade and a wooden handle. The size and shape of nirani depend on soil conditions and technique of the local blacksmiths of specific region. (ii) Rake or Achra is used in controlling, thinning and loosening of soil crust of land having seedlings of about 1-2 weeks. It is also known as bidha, bindha, nangala, nangula, hatnangula etc. The main part of achra is made of wood or bamboo. Iron or bamboo nails are fixed to the main wooden part. It is generally 1.5-2.0 metres in length. (iii) A hand hoe consists of a front wheel of about 25 cm in diameter, 2-3 hoes, and a wooden handle. The wheel and the hoes are made of steel. It is suitable for weeding in dry field conditions. (iv) A rotary weeder is also known as the Japanese Rice Weeder. It consists of a tray and one or two rows of spikes attached to a wooden or iron rotor. The weight of a Japanese weeder varies from 3-5 kg. This type of weeder is used in wet field conditions. It can be used in row crop cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Pest control devices&#039;&#039;  (i) Pichkary-  An indigenous implement generally used for applying insecticides manually. It is made of bamboo. The piston is a bamboo stick and at one end of the stick a piece of rag is wound around. This acts as the piston head. Farmers can easily make a pichkary. (ii) Sprayer- Several types of sprayers are used in Bangladesh, the Knapsack type being the most common. A sprayer consists of a liquid tank, a pressure chamber, and a nozzle. The liquid tank may contain about 10 litre of spray material. (iii) Rat trap (Idurer fand)  There are several types and categories of rat traps in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:IrrigationSwingBasket.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional irrigation method]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Irrigation Machinery&#039;&#039;  Both traditional and modern irrigation equipment coexist in Bangladesh. These devices supply irrigation water from various sources, such as dug wells, rivers, beels, hoars, canals, ponds, shallow tubewells and deep tubewells. Irrigation devices/pumps may be grouped in the following categories:   &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional water lift&#039;&#039;   (i) Counter poise-bucket lift (Duf)-  This device consists of a long bamboo pole pivoted as a lever on two posts. It is locally known as Tara, duf, kerka, etc. A weight, usually a large stone, is fixed to the shorter end of the pole. This weight serves as a counterpoise to a bucket suspended by a rope or a rod attached to the long arm of the lever. A man pulls down the rope or rod until the bucket is immersed in the water of a dug well. The bucket is then drawn up by the counter weight. Dug wells are usually made by hand tools such as spades, shovels etc by manual labourers following a traditional method. Centrifugal pumps are also employed to lift water from these types of wells.&lt;br /&gt;
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(ii) Swing basket (Seuti)-  The swing basket is one of the ancient water lifts. It has several local names, such as Seuti, heot, sechni, ucha, hocho, uchi, shayot, uri, dobki, heith, hichuni, Ichuni, lui, duri, jhajra, dobka etc. It consists of a basket or shovel-like scoop to which ropes are attached. Two persons stand facing each other and swing the basket to fill water. The basket is raised and water thus lifted is discharged into the field. It is generally used for lifting water from surface water sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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(iii) Doon-  A manually operated boat shaped trough closed at one end and open at the other. Other local names are Donga, Kunda, Kon, Junt, etc. The closed end of the trough is lifted with a rope to a long pole, which is pivoted as a lever on a post. A weight is fixed to the shorter end of the lever. The open end is hinged to discharge point. Water is lifted by the counter weight on the lever. It is mainly used for lifting water from surface water sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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Improved pumps-  (i) Diaphragm pump- This pump was developed by the Agricultural Engineering Division of [[Bangladesh Rice Research Institute|bangladesh rice research institute]] (BRRI) in 1977. The pump is made primarily of two suction chambers each of 35 cm sq in size made from steel sheets. It is locally known as Baqui Pump. (ii) Reciprocating pump or Tara pump- The device is a shallow well suction pump and constructed almost entirely of cast iron. (iii) Treadle pump (Dheki Pump)- A shallow tubewell suction pump. The pump head is a twin cylinder made of steel sheet; the plungers are molded PVC cup seals; the check valves are simple flap valves made of rubber. The pumps superstructure is made of bamboo and is normally installed with PVC tubewell (3.75 cm dia). (iv) Rower pump- This pump was introduced in 1979 by the Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) and the Mirpur Agricultural Workshop and Training School (MAWTS). The Rower pump is mainly a manually operated reciprocating pump.&lt;br /&gt;
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Modern pumps- (i) Power pump- Mostly of the centrifugal type and consists mainly of one stationery part called casing and one rotary part called impeller. During operation the impeller sucks water into the casing along the centre of the impeller and delivers water along the periphery of the impeller by the centrifugal force of rotation. In Bangladesh various kinds of power operated pumps are currently being used. Among them the one used for pumping water from surface water sources (pond, river, beel etc) is known as the low lift pump (LLP).&lt;br /&gt;
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The other form of power pump in use is the shallow tubewell; it consists of a pipe made of steel or PVC and a well point forced into the ground by driving the pipe with some suitable means.&lt;br /&gt;
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Deep tubewells are constructed like shallow tubewells but their depth is greater than that of shallow tubewells. The depth of deep tubewells depends on the hydro-geological characteristics of a particular formation. They are generally 45-100 metres in depth.&lt;br /&gt;
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Harvesting, threshing, drying and cleaning machinery  Harvesting, threshing, drying and winnowing of crops in Bangladesh are still done with traditional devices. However, modern threshing implements are becoming increasingly popular for certain crop varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional harvesting&#039;&#039;  Sickle is the only implement used to harvest both rice and wheat crops. It has been used throughout the ages in Bangladesh. It is variously known as Kachi, Kanchi, Chari, Chakrey, Kaicha etc. It has two parts: (i) a slightly curved serrated blade made of mild steel, and (ii) a handle made of wood.   [[Image:RiceHarvesting.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional harvesting]]     &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Dao&#039;&#039;  is another tool made of steel used for various jobs such as cutting of jute, bamboo, sugarcane, etc, and for cleaning bushes. It is also locally known as haisa, shole, bagi, seni-dao, jat.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern harvesting&#039;&#039;  A reaper or mower is a power-operated harvesting machine. These are generally used to cut grass in large government farms. However, a mower only cut and lays down the crop in rows in the field. Afterwards, the mowed crop is collected manually and carried to the threshing floor.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional threshing&#039;&#039;  (i) Molon- It is not a machine, but a widely used method of separating grains from the stalk of a plant in rural Bangladesh. Here, two to four cows/bullocks are tied together and made to walk over the harvested crop in a circular path.&lt;br /&gt;
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Hand beating is another method of traditional threshing in Bangladesh. Farmers use a metal drum or wooden plank or a bamboo platform to beat bundles of crop. Grains are separated by the beating action.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceThreshing1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|1.Using domestic animals]] [[Image:RiceThreshing2.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|2. Beating on the bamboo platform]] &lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:RiceThreshing4.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|3. With the help of Pedal Thresher]] [[Image:RiceThreshing3.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|4. With the help of Power Thresher]] &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Different methods of Threshing&#039;&#039;: &#039;&#039;Modern threshing&#039;&#039;  (i) Pedal threshers- The pedal thresher consists of a triangular metal frame, where a threshing drum, a crank, and two gears are assembled. The threshing drum is mainly made of wood where spikes of mild steel wires are engraved in rows. Threshing is accomplished with these spikes. The threshing drum is attached to a shaft with a bush and a bearing. The operator stands behind the thresher and holds the bundle of paddy over the threshing drum so that panicles remain on the threshing drum. While rotating the operator make the threshing drum to rotate clockwise using the pedal. The spikes separate the grain from the rice plants. (ii) BRRI open drum power thresher- An improvised version of the pedal thresher powered by a small diesel engine. This machine is especially suitable for female workers. The length of the drum is about 1.5 metre. Three to four persons can work together and can thresh about 400-500 kg paddy/hr.  (iii) Power thresher- Both threshing and winnowing action is accomplished through a power operated thresher consisting a metal frame, a threshing drum, a blower assembly and a cleaning assembly.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional drying&#039;&#039; In Bangladesh crop drying is generally accomplished through the traditional sun drying method in home yards or open fields.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mechanical drying&#039;&#039;  (i) The BRRI batch dryer is made of brick, woven jute, and bamboo, with an electrical gear built and assembled locally. Pot furnaces burning rice husks are used as heating element. The capacity is about 1000 kg in 8 hours. An electric fan is used to control air flow and temperature (about 45°C) by adjusting the tiles above the furnace. Hot air of relatively low humidity passes through the grain bed evaporating moisture and warming the grain. The unit is quite effective for seed drying.   [[Image:AgricultureDrying.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Drying through Traditional Method]]   &lt;br /&gt;
(ii) BRRI SRR-1 dryer consists of two bamboo-made hollow cylinders (Dole), a 1000-watt electric heater, a blower, and a 0.5 hp motor. It can dry about 1000 kg of wet paddy in 60 hours. (iii) The commercial dryer is a fully mechanical drying unit where hot air is passed through wet grain kept in a bed or bin.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceSorting1.jpg|thumb|left|400px|Traditional winnowing by Kula]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Traditional winnowing&#039;&#039;  (i) Kula is the most common winnowing implement traditionally used in rural Bangladesh. It is generally made from woven bamboo splits. (ii) Chalon is generally made from woven bamboo splits like a kula but it is circular in structure and its platform is perforated. (iii) Hand operated winnower is becoming popular among farmers. A man can clean 300-400 kg of paddy per hour. It can be operated even in bad weather conditions. A hand-operated winnowing machine consists of a hopper, a blower, a frame, and an outlet. (iv) A power winnower consists of a power source, an oscillating screen, and a blower. The power source may be an engine, or a motor. It is mainly used in farms, rice mills, and seed industries. &lt;br /&gt;
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Postharvest processing machine and storage structure  Postharvest processing machinery include those tools and machines which are used for shaping up agricultural products into consumable forms.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Parboiling&#039;&#039;  The process of parboiling of paddy consists of two activities- soaking and steaming. In rural Bangladesh women usually do the job. After being soaked in clay or aluminium pots or drums, the soaked paddy is partially filled with water and placed over a traditional furnace in earthen pots or drums. The pot is then heated and the paddy is parboiled with boiling water for 30-45 minutes.&lt;br /&gt;
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In commercial rice mills, rice parboiling includes both soaking and steaming. The following structures/ machineries are used: (i) A brick-built soaking tank, 5-10 ton capacity. In the soaking process, the paddy is kept in a submerged condition in it for 24-48 hours. During steaming, the soaked paddy is exposed to steam heat treatment for 15-20 minutes in steaming chambers.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Milling&#039;&#039;  It includes the operations of hulling, polishing and whitening of rice grain. Hulling involves removing the husk from the paddy without removing the bran from the endosperm. Polishing and whitening, however involves the separation of bran from rice endosperm and providing a shining appearance. About 67% of clean rice is obtained after completion of the milling process. Different traditional and modern milling machineries are now being used in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional milling&#039;&#039;  Of the traditional rice milling devices Dheki is widely used in rural Bangladesh. It is made of wood. Usually women operate this device. Its capacity is only about 30 to 40 kg of clean rice/day. Another device, morter and pastle, locally known variously as gail, siagail, chung, urungain, sum-gahin etc, is made of a solid cylindrical wooden beam of about 1.5 metre long and 5 cm in diameter, with a iron ring fixed at one end and a wooden morter. It is also widely used in rural areas for making pressed rice (Chira) and rice powder for cakes.   [[Image:Dheki.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Rice milling through traditional method]]     &lt;br /&gt;
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Doloin, another manually operated centrifugal husking device, has two segments. The upper part is a hopper made of woven bamboo, the bottom of which is fitted with a cone-shaped disc. The lower part is almost similar in shape, while the top is fitted with a disc similar to that of the upper part. These discs are provided with small pieces of wooden bars radially arranged in order to provide friction. Grains are poured in the hopper and become dehusked by the frictional discs. Doloin is generally found in Chittagong Hilly areas.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern milling&#039;&#039;  (i) Small Engleberg hullers- About 85% hullers are of this type and 70-75% of the total paddy in Bangladesh are processed by this milling system. The Engleberg huller consists of a cylindrical rotor fitted in a housing. The bottom half of the housing is fitted with a slotted sheet called sieve. The rotor is driven by a motor or an engine with a suitable drive arrangement. (ii) Large Engleberg rice mills employ a slightly improved system for rice processing. These rice mills have neither a paddy cleaner nor a rice grader. (iii) Mini automatic rice mill has the salient features of a modern rice mill and consists of a pair of rubber rollers for shelling (dehusking), a husk aspirator for separating the husk, a paddy separator to separate paddy during shelling operation, and a polisher to polish the brown rice. (iv) Large automatic rice mills- use modern techniques for rice processing. The paddy is pre-cleaned before soaking at high temperature and parboiled under pressure by steaming. Then paddy is dried in a dryer and husked by rubber roll sheller, or disc hullers. The unhusked paddy is separated from the brown rice by a paddy separator and is recycled back to the huller.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Ghani.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Processing of oil seeds traditional method]]    &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Processing of oil seeds&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh produces about 0.47 million tons of oil seeds. The oil seeds are processed by existing bullock ghanis and mechanical oil expellers. These units are dispersed all over Bangladesh. (i) Bullock ghani- is found in remote villages. It is made of wood and operated by a bullock or cow moving around a circular path. It is locally known as Kalur ghani, teler gach, etc. A bullock ghani crushes about 5 kg of mustard seeds in 4-5 hours. (ii) Power ghani- looks like a traditional bullock ghani, but its components are made of steel and powered by an engine or a mortor.  &lt;br /&gt;
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(iii) Mechanical oil expellers- these are generally found in towns, bazars and urban areas. Traditional bullock ghanis are gradually disappearing with the introduction of power mechanical oil expellers. They are made of an iron screw press powered by a motor or engine connected by a belt.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Processing of pulses&#039;&#039;  is done with a stone disc (Jata) which consists of two stone discs. The bottom disc is fixed but the upper disc is rotated manually over the bottom disc with a wooden handle. The upper disc has an opening through which unhusked pulse seeds are poured. The husked pulse seeds come out through the periphery of the disc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Sugarcane crusher&#039;&#039;  consists of a wooden frame and three rollers made of solid cylindrical iron. Among the rollers, one is the driver while other two are the driven rollers. The driver roller is operated by a pair of buffaloes or two pair of bullocks or a diesel engine installed in a suitable power transmission arrangement.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Storage structure&#039;&#039;  In rural households, crop grains are stored mainly in traditional structures such as Dole, Matka, Berr, Kuthi, Gola, gunny bags etc. However, godowns and silos are used for short and long-term storage by government and private institutions. Of the traditional storage structures, the most commonly used one at the household level is bamboo containers or Dole. It is made from bamboo splits that are cylindrical, about 0.5-1.0 m in diameter. Farmers can store 240-250 kg of paddy in a Dole which is usually kept on a bamboo platform. It has several regional names such as dooli, lai, kalloom, berang, berr, auri, ugar etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceGrainStorage.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional methods of crop grains storage]] &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Gola&#039;&#039;  is a large rectangular or cylindrical container constructed over a bamboo platform. Generally, rich farmers construct golas to store their paddy. It is also locally known as Varar, Zabar, Mora, Motka, Auri etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Matka&#039;&#039;  or a large earthen pot looks like a large pitcher made of clay. In one such container farmers can store 40-50 kg of paddy.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Gunny bag or Chhala&#039;&#039;  made from woven jute is widely used for transportation, marketing and storage of grains everywhere in Bangladesh. Even in government godowns, grains are stored in gunny bags for short and long term storage.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mud bin or Kuthi&#039;&#039;  is also made of mud and is generally larger than matka. It may be rectangular or cylindrical in shape. Farmers can store about 100-500 kg of paddy in it.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Godown&#039;&#039;  It is mainly a brick built-house containing enough ventilation and moisture reducing devices. The capacity of a godown varies from 500-1000 m tons of grains. There are about 750 godowns to preserve nearly 0.6 million m tons of food grain in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Silo&#039;&#039;  is a modern storage structure used generally government procurement institutions. Silos are used mainly for bulk storage of imported grains. These are equipped with modern emptying and filling devices.&lt;br /&gt;
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Rice by-product processing machinery/technology  By-product processing machinery/technology includes all sorts of handtools, implements, containers and indigenous method which are used to make different food items from the crop grains.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Chida making technology/machinery&#039;&#039;  The process of chida making is done according to an age old method in Bangladesh. Freshly harvested paddy (without husking) is heated in a pan for 5-10 minutes. Then the hot paddy grains are allowed to undergo high compressive stress. Indigenous dhekis and Sia-gails are generally used to impart such vigorous compression through pounding or hammering action. As a result, hot paddy grains become deformed into thin-flat shaped chips. The modern chida mill consists of a rotating bowl and a rotating roller. Both the bowl and the roller are made of cast iron.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mudi&#039;&#039;  or puffed rice is another valuable rice by-product for human consumption. Paddy is heated for 15-20 minutes, and then soaked in water for about 24 hours. The soaked paddy is then parboiled, dried, and milled in a conventional rice mill. Mudi makers mix about 1/2 kg of common salt solution per 100 kg of milled rice. The milled rice thus obtained is heated again in an iron pan for 10-15 minutes through continuous stirring with a cluster of bamboo sticks. Sand is also heated on a separate clay pot. At the time when the sand as well as the milled rice attains the expected temperature, the heated milled rice is quickly put into the container with heated sand. Women take the container of heated sand out of the furnace and hold it with her hands and starts swinging. Because of the swinging action, the heated milled rice gets swollen and bursts into larger shapes which is known as mudi.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rice powder for cake making&#039;&#039;  The milled rice is soaked into water for 2-3 hours. After being soaked, it is put in a perforated container. The rice is then pounded with Dheki until it becomes rice powder. The rice powder thus obtained is mixed with water in different proportions for different kinds of rice cakes. There are about 100 different kinds of rice cakes that are prepared from rice powder in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rural transportation machinery&#039;&#039;  Different devices are used to carry or transport goods or materials in rural areas. Since modern transportation is virtually absent in remote villages, the rural people still use old-age methods or devices. Traditionally, farm workers carry harvested crops to the threshing floor on their heads. A man can carry about 50-60 kg with this manual method. Other devices or vehicles that are used for carriage are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bahuk&#039;&#039;  It is mainly made of bamboo split and is specially made to carry goods on the shoulder in rural areas where road communication is poor. The device is usually 1.5-2.0 metre in length and 3-6 cm in breadth. A man can carry a 50-70 kg load up to a distance of 3-5 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal cart&#039;&#039; (Garur gadi) Animal cart or ox-cart is generally used for carrying crops from fields, and transporting, carrying fertiliser, seeds, and agricultural products for marketing. It consists of two wheels made of wood, a bamboo platform, and a yoke. It is locally known as garur-gadi or mohiser-gadi, depending on the type of draught animal. The platform is usually 100-130 cm wide and 5-6 metre long, and can carry 500-1500 kg goods to a distance of 15-20 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:LivestockTransportation.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Cattle/Buffalo cart used for crop grains transportation]] &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Push cart&#039;&#039; (Thela gadi)  It looks like an ox-cart, but is operated by the pull and push action of labourers. Usually, 3-4 persons are engaged in operating the cart. A pushcart can carry a 500-1500 kg load to a distance of 5-10 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Horse cart&#039;&#039; (Ghodar gadi)  In some rural areas horse carts are still in use. It consists of a wooden platform and two wooden wheels fitted to an axle. The length of the horse cart is about 4.5 metres. It is pulled by a horse and can carry a 400-500 kg load to a distance of about 5-6 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rickshaw van&#039;&#039; (Van gadi)  With the development of road communication, animal-carts started disappearing gradually from rural Bangladesh and are being replaced by the mechanical carrier locally known as van gadi. Rickshaw vans are now the main transport medium in many rural areas due to their speed. A man can pull 500-1500 kg of goods to a distance of up to 30 km/day using a rickshaw van.  [Mohammad A Baqui]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Farm inputs and implements&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Irrigation water, as well as inputs like seeds, fertilisers, labour, and pesticides are the physical determinants of crop production. Balanced application of these inputs can only ensure higher output from a crop at the farm level. Because seeds are the basic inputs, research and extension services are involved in developing and supplying good quality seeds of high yielding varieties of crops. A good number of high yielding varieties of rice, wheat, maize, jute, sugarcane, pulses, oilseeds, tuber crops, and vegetables have so far been developed and released for farm level use. Generally, farmers are used to keeping their own seeds. Although [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]] (BADC), a public sector organisation, was once solely responsible for the supply of certified seeds, it could hardly supply more than 5 percent of the total requirement. Consequently the private sector is now involved in the seed business.&lt;br /&gt;
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Along with high yielding crop varieties, use of irrigation water input started to show an increase from the mid-60s. Area under irrigation has been increasing progressively. More than 30 percent of the net-cropped area has been brought under irrigation so far.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fertiliser is another important input for crop production closely associated with the expansion of irrigation and high yielding crop varieties. There has been a rapid increase in fertiliser use in Bangladesh since the early sixty’s. In 1962/63, the total quantity of N, P, K nutrients from urea, ammonium sulphate, TSP and MP was only about 20 thousand metric tons. Since 1980, the use of S and Zn nutrients started, along with N, P, and K. In 1995/96, the total quantity of nutrients used increased to 1.2 million m tons. The fertilisers used were urea, ammonium sulphate, TSP, SSP, MP, gypsum, and zinc-sulphate. At present fertiliser nutrient use per ha cropped area per year is about 100 kg. Besides, some quantity of organic and biofertilisers are also used.&lt;br /&gt;
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Sometimes pests damage crops to a great extent. To fight pests and to protect crops from harm, pesticides are often used, along with other methods of pest management. On an average, about 3.5 million kg of pesticides are used in Bangladesh annually, including insecticides, fungicides, and herbicides.&lt;br /&gt;
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Along with modernization of agriculture, different farm implements have come into use for different operations. Both traditional and improved types of farm implements are now being used. The most common farm implements that are presently used for different operations are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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| Farm operations || Farm implements &lt;br /&gt;
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| Land preparation || Wooden ploughs: iron mould board ploughs; power tillers; tractors &lt;br /&gt;
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| Seeding || Manual and power seeder &lt;br /&gt;
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| Weeding || Wetland weeder; dry land weeder; handhoe &lt;br /&gt;
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| Irrigation || &#039;&#039;Done&#039;&#039;; hand pump; treadle pump and power pump; shallow tubewell and deep tubewell &lt;br /&gt;
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| Spraying || Knapsack sprayer; power sprayer, foot pump sprayer for orchards &lt;br /&gt;
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| Harvesting || Traditional hand sickle; power drawn reaper &lt;br /&gt;
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| Threshing and crushing || Pedal thresher for rice and wheat; power thresher for rice and wheat; manual and power maize sheller; animal and power- drawn sugarcane crusher &lt;br /&gt;
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| Drying || Solar dryer; batch dryer; large automatic dryer for rice mill &lt;br /&gt;
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| Milling || Large automatic rice mill; traditional &#039;&#039;dekhi&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
[Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]];[[Irrigation| irrigation]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Technology used in agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Application of skills, tools and machines for agricultural purposes is a universal phenomenon. Agricultural technologies affect and are affected by the society that uses them, and the importance of technological development can only be evaluated after consideration of a variety of social and technical factors. Agricultural operations in Bangladesh are more of the traditional rural type and are profoundly affected by local conditions of weather, soils, water, pests and diseases, and by land tenure systems. Most agricultural lands are fragmented and the farmers do not generally use as such modern implements. The indigenous technology practised by the farmers of this subcontinent for centuries, in some form, are still in use in rural agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal and Mechanical Power&#039;&#039;  In agriculture, power is required to perform different operations like ploughing, sowing, irrigation, intercultural operations, harvesting, threshing, cleaning, sorting, processing etc. This power is obtained from human, animal and mechanical sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal power&#039;&#039;  During the ancient period, agricultural operations were carried out with human labour. Later, men were able to domesticate animals such as cattle, buffaloes, horses, camels, donkeys, and elephants, to supplement human power. Of them, cattle and buffaloes are mainly used for agricultural operations in Bangladesh now. Cattle of Bangladesh are smaller in size compared to that of other countries. On an average, they can exert a force equal to one-tenth of its body weight, though for a short period, they can apply forces many more times than the average force.&lt;br /&gt;
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To calculate power available for crop production, it is assumed that each bullock and male buffalo can produce 0.373 kW power and each cow and female buffalo can produce 0.25 kW. Based on the 1996 census of agriculture, there are about 5,372,000 bullocks, 1,678,000 cows, 430,854 male buffaloes, and 76,483 female buffaloes used for work. The total output from all the animals is about 2603 mW. The share of animal power in total direct power input in agricultural production is about 24 percent. Utilization of animals as a draft power source depends mainly on their harnessing, training, and taming.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mechanical power&#039;&#039;  With the introduction of animal for agricultural operations, the burden and drudgery of human being has been reduced considerably. Humans still have to apply their own energy to get the work done by animals and also for doing many agricultural operations. The use of mechanical power in agriculture further reduced human drudgery and released many agricultural labourers to other attractive jobs requiring less muscle power. In fact, the use of mechanical power has revolutionized agricultural operations and output per worker has increased tremendously. Today’s world population could not be fed without the application of mechanical power in agriculture. From the middle of the nineteen eighties, the use of power tillers (two-wheel tractors), usually with a capacity of 8 kw, has increased considerably in Bangladesh. It is now possible to prepare land required for multiple cropping in time because of these implements.&lt;br /&gt;
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Land preparation is one of the most intensive power-consuming operations and on an average, about 40 percent of the total energy input in agriculture is used for this purpose. At present, apart from about 2603 mW power available from animals for land preparation, about 150,000 power tillers and 5200 tractors consume about 1356 mW power. The next most intensive power consuming operation is irrigation. About 54,000 low-lift pumps, 24,000 deep tubewells, and 483,000 shallow tubewells consume about 4293 mW power.&lt;br /&gt;
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As in other developing and developed countries, human and animal power is costlier than mechanical power in present day Bangladesh. For example, the cost of land preparation per ha by country ploughs, power tillers, and tractors is about Tk 1300, Tk 1080 and Tk 810, respectively. The cost of threshing paddy by human, pedal thresher and power thresher is Tk 0.25/kg, Tk 0.18/kg and Tk 0.18/kg, respectively.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural production is directly related to energy input to agriculture. In Bangladesh, the direct energy input for crop production is only 0.74 kw/ha, and is one of the lowest in the world. Unless the power input is increased, agricultural production cannot be increased significantly. The only option to increase the energy input is to increase mechanical power through the introduction of more machinery in different agricultural operations.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional and modern irrigation&#039;&#039;  The artificial application of water to the soil for the purpose of supplying the moisture required for plant growth. It also cools down the plant environment. Doons and swing baskets are the most widely used traditional devices for irrigation in Bangladesh. Doon is a small boat-shaped device, usually 3 to 4.5 m long, acting on a fulcrum. It is made of plain tin sheets or woods. One man can operate it. Its discharge capacity ranges from 117 to 378 litres per min. When the surface water level is within 2.25 m, it is the best manual method of irrigation. A swing basket is a triangular shaped basket made of a plain tin sheet or stripped bamboo or wood. The basket is swung by two persons standing at two ends of two ropes fitted to the basket. At 90 cm head, the discharge may be up to 227 l/min. Like doon it can lift water from a maximum of 2.25 m head. It is also a widely used traditional water-lifting device.&lt;br /&gt;
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Modern irrigation methods were introduced in Bangladesh in the 1960s with a view to growing extra rice during the dry season. Low lift pumps (LLP), deep tubewells (DTW), shallow tubewells (STW) and canals are examples of modern irrigation methods. Though canal irrigation system was introduced for irrigation in Egypt as early as 5000 BC, it is a relatively new method utilized in Bangladesh. Low lift Pumps (LLP)&#039;&#039;&#039; &#039;&#039;&#039;are used for lifting water from a relatively low head. This is essentially a 28 to 112 litres per second (lps) (1 to 4 cusec) centrifugal pump directly coupled with an oil engine or an electric motor. Since a centrifugal pump is used for lifting water, its maximum head is 7 m. LLPs are set on solid grounds by the bank of the water sources from which water is lifted. Its use is limited to areas having good sources of surface water. At present, there are about 54,000 LLPs in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Deep Tubewells (DTW), a turbine is installed under water. The turbine pump is operated by an oil engine or electric motor coupled with the shaft of the pump on the ground surface. In a submersible pump, the pump is coupled with an electric motor and is installed under water. In Bangladesh, most DTWs used for irrigation is of 56 lps capacity and are of the vertical turbine type. Depending on the aquifer, the depth of DTW varies from 30 m to more than 100 m.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Shallow Tubewell (SWT) is constructed to lift water from a relatively shallow depth, usually up to 30 metres. A centrifugal pump usually having a capacity of 14 lps, is coupled with an oil engine or electric motor and is set on the surface to lift water from the tubewell. STW was introduced in 1970s and became very popular quickly because of its low initial cost and because it is easy to construct and operate.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the last three decades, different types of manual pumps like No. 6 hand pumps, rower pumps, treadle pumps, BARI pumps, etc were used for irrigation. But their coverage is not very significant compared to traditional methods, LLP, DTW or STW.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Canal irrigation&#039;&#039;  Due to its flat topography, Bangladesh does not have a good potential for canal irrigation. Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) has 376 small- and large-scale surface water projects, of which G-K Project ([[Ganges-Kobadak Irrigation Project|ganges-kobadak irrigation project]]), Narayanganj-Narsingdi Irrigation Project, Barisal Irrigation Project (BIP), Bhola Irrigation Project, Chandpur Irrigation Project (CIP), Pabna Irrigation Project, Meghna-Dhonagada Project, Karnafuli Irrigation Project, Tista Irrigation Project, and Mohuri Irrigation Project are the main canal irrigation projects. Subsurface and drip irrigation techniques are not used in Bangladesh and only a few tea gardens use the sprinkler irrigation system.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The use of modern methods is increasing rapidly since their inception. Ground water irrigation covers more than twice the area of surface water irrigation. Groundwater irrigation has witnessed a significant expansion in the last two decades.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 6&#039;&#039;  Trends in the change of area irrigated. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| rowspan=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; | Year || colspan=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; | Area irrigated&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|  (thousand ha)  ||  (%) ||  (thousand ha) || (%)&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1971-72 || 589.62 || 56.31 || 457.45 || 43.69&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1976-77 || 514.67 || 42.35 || 700.59 || 57.65&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1981-82 || 587.28 || 30.45 || 1138.48 || 69.54&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1986-87 || 402.22 || 18.29 || 1796.77 || 81.71&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1991-92 || 392.10 || 12.14 || 2837.20 || 87.86&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1996-97 || 362.95 || 9.83 || 3329.61 || 90.17&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Introduction of irrigation generates employment in rural areas since the irrigation process requires additional labour. Moreover, growing extra crop in the dry season employs extra labour as increased production necessitates additional labour for marketing and processing.  [Kshirode Chandra Roy]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fertilisers and manures&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Fertilisers and manures are sources of basic plant nutrients. Among factors that affect crop production, fertiliser is the single most important component that plays a crucial role in yield increase, provided other factors are not too limiting. Chemical fertilisers today hold the key to the success of the crop production system of Bangladesh agriculture, and contribute about 50-60% of the total production. This important input first came into use in the Bangladesh agriculture is in 1951 with the introduction of 2,698 m tons of ammonium sulphate. But its use started increasing steadily only from the mid-sixties and paralleled the introduction and expansion of modern crop varieties accompanied by the development of irrigation facilities. The increasing trend in fertiliser use, particularly urea-N, still continues. Until 1980, three primary major plant nutrients (N, P, K) were supplied from fertilisers like Urea, TSP and MP to the soils. In the past, fertilisers were handled by the public sector and heavy subsidy was given, in particular to TSP and MP fertilisers. In 1992/93, privatization in this area was introduced and subsidies to fertilisers have now been drastically reduced. However, The possibility of marketing poor quality and adulterated fertilisers has increased. In order to protect the interest of honest traders and farmers, ‘The Fertiliser Control Order 1995’ was promulgated by the Government.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Manures are materials of plant and animal origin that are applied to the soil for increasing crop yields. These are alternatively called organic fertilisers and are generally voluminous substances, used either in raw or processed condition. The use of manures in Bangladesh agriculture is a very old and traditional practice. Different types of manures are being used in the soil even today, of which animal manure, poultry manure, farmyard manure, and green manure are notable. Cowdung is the most important animal manure, although this is largely used in the country as fuel. An annual application of 5 m tons/ha manures (dry matter basis) can reduce the need of 33 percent of chemical fertilisers.  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Pesticide&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Any chemical used in farming, gardening, or indoors to kill plants or animals that are considered to be pests. Pesticides are of several types: insecticides (to kill insects), nematocides (to kill nematodes or roundworms), acaricides (to kill ticks and mites), rodenticides (to kill rats), fungicides (to control fungal diseases), and herbicides (to kill plants, mainly those considered weeds). Chemical pesticides are usually contact, stomach, or fumigant poisons. A contact poison may have immediate or delayed effect after physical contact with a pest. Stomach poisons must be ingested by pests along with their food for lethal effects. As a rule, contact poisons are also good stomach poisons. Fumigants which may initially have the form of a solid, liquid or gas, kill pests while in a gaseous state. Some insecticides and fungicides are systemic, ie, they are translocated by plants from the area of application to other plant parts, where they affect only pests that feed on the treated crop. Pesticides made from plants are comparatively safer for warm-blooded animals such as the pyrethrum, rotenone, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 7&#039;&#039;  Use of pesticides during 2002-2005. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Year || colspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Insecticide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Fungicide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Herbicide  || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Rodenticide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Total (m tons)&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Granular || Liquid ||  Powder&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2002 || 12335 || 1497 || 142 || 2419 || 964 || 39 || 17393&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2003 || 11781 || 1830 || 155 || 2941 || 1354 || 19 || 18080&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2004 || 12113 || 2008 || 229 || 4279 || 3463 || 23 || 22115&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2005 || 14061 || 2511 || 323  || 5772 || 2775 || 24 || 25466 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh Pesticide Association.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Most potent pesticides are synthetic products. To date, thousands of chemicals have been discovered having pesticidal properties of every description. The largest group of pesticides are insecticides, which are classified according to their chemical composition as chlorinated hydrocarbons (such as the DDT and its analogues), cyclodiene compounds (such as dieldrin, aldrin, heptachlor), carbamates (such as sevin, sevidol), and organophosphates (such as malathion, diazinon, carbicron, etc). Pesticides are available for use under various formulations or physical forms, namely, granular, liquid or emulsifiable concentrate, dust, wettable powder, aerosol, etc. Based on formulations these are applied through various methods: sprays, dusts, atomizable fluids, low pressure aerosols, smokes, and seed dressings.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pesticide chemicals have been used in Bangladesh since 1956. In the past the Department of Plant Protection of the Government imported pesticides and distributed them free to the farmers. From 1975, the Government started selling pesticides at subsidized prices and continued to do so until 1979. The subsidy was fully withdrawn in 1979 and the trade was handed over to the Pesticide Association of Bangladesh (PAB), a private organisation. A technical committee, however, determines which pesticides are to be imported or to be used. Nearly two dozens business enterprises procure or produce pesticides and sell the products through their agents. Because of their quick and visible effect, and low cost, the use of pesticides became very popular among the farmers. As a result, the total consumption of insecticides in the country rose from a few m tons in 1956 to 5,560 m tons in 1973. Although the subsidy was fully withdrawn in 1979, pesticide consumption, after a brief fall in 1980s, is now showing an upward trend. Presents the distribution pattern of different pesticides during 1996 through 1999.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pesticides have not only greatly improved crop production, providing a much needed increase in supplies of food for an ever-growing human population, but have also reduced insect-borne diseases. Thus DDT played a significant role in eradicating malaria from many countries, including Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The continued use of pesticides is now being challenged. These include growing public concern about the effects of the chemicals on human health, wildlife and environment; the increasing genetic resistance of insects to chemicals; and the disruption of naturally occurring biological control agents. A survey conducted a few years back by WHO reported that at least half a million people are affected annually due to insecticide poison in the developing countries, about 10,000 deaths occur as a result. Undoubtedly a sizeable portion of this figure falls to the share of Bangladesh. Efforts are being made by the Department of Agricultural Extension (Plant Protection Wing) to reduce chemical pesticide use in favour of integrated pest management (IPM), biological controls, and plant breeding for inherent pest resistance.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Pesticide regulation&#039;&#039;  The rules, ordinance, legislation, etc regarding the uses of pesticides in relation to crop protection and human welfare. It has now been decided that all pesticides when recommended for general use must be registered with the appropriate authority of the Government of Bangladesh. Pesticides are controlled through implementation of the Pesticide Ordinance 1971 and the Pesticide Rules 1985. Agricultural Pesticide Ordinance 1971 was promulgated in 1971 to regulate the import, manufacture, formulation, sale, distribution, and use of pesticides. The ordinance was amended in 1980 to accommodate legislative requirements, including the provision of licensing and repacking of pesticides. The law was further amended in 1983. At present, 94 pesticides with 299 trade names have been registered for use in agriculture and 75 brands for use in public health.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Pesticide Ordinance 1971&#039;&#039;  Under the Ordinance, a Pesticide Technical Advisory Committee (PTAC) has been formed. In addition, a Pesticide Technical Advisory Sub-Committee has been established. The Ordinance has the following provisions: (i) registration and licensing of the import, formulation, repacking, sale, distribution, and use of pesticides; (ii) establishment of a Pesticide Technical Advisory Committee; (iii) establishment of a pesticide laboratory and appointment of government analysts and inspectors; (iv) renewal and cancellation of registration; (v) procedure of obtaining pesticide samples and reporting of analytical results; (vi) power of inspectors, offences and penalties; and (vii) power to make rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Pesticide Rules 1985&#039;&#039;  The rules provide for the following: (i) registration of pesticides, renewal, fees, cancellation of registration, and of the conditions to be fulfilled after registration; (ii) import of pesticides; (iii) issuance of licenses and corresponding fees for imports, formulation, stocking for wholesale, retail sales, repacking, commercial pest control operations, and advertisements; (iv) functions of the advisory committee, laboratory and analytical methods; (v) manner of packing and labelling; (vi) toxicity classification of pesticides; (vii) facilities required for manufacture, formulation, repacking and handling of pesticides; (viii) safety precautions; and (ix) relevant schedules and forms for various activities.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The Director, Plant Protection Wing, Department of Agriculture Extension, is the registration and lincensing authority, and is also the Director, Pesticide Laboratory. After registration is granted, before marketing, a draft label is to be submitted for approval.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Procedures for the import of pesticides&#039;&#039;  The import of pesticide is controlled by the Department of Customs. However, the Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture, GOB, on the recommendation of the Director, Plant Protection Wing, DAE has to give permission. The importer also has to give a legal undertaking that the product is for agriculture use only. With formulated pesticides, no permission is required from the Ministry of Agriculture, but customs officials will check registration certificates to ensure that pesticides are registered.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Strengthening pesticide regulation&#039;&#039;  The Plant Protection Wing of the Department of Agriculture Extension (DAE) conducts regular training courses to upgrade the technical capabilities of its staff so that they can properly implement the provisions of the Pesticide Ordinance and Rules. Pesticide Association of Bangladesh, (PAB) in collaboration with Plant Protection Wing of DAE, has recently started organising courses for select pesticide dealers and farmers on safe and judicial use of pesticides.  [SM Humayun Kabir]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Appropriate technology and technology transfer&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Technology refers to the combination of knowledge, inputs and management practices that are used together with productive resources to gain a desired output. It may be thought as the way knowledge, inputs and services are composed and combined to enable a certain system to function and survive. However, ‘appropriate technology’ means ‘a technical change or technology which meets a specific need in a specific situation’. The key features of the technologies are (i) newness; (ii) technical appropriateness; (iii) experimental proved; (iv) adaptability; (v) economic profitability; (vi) environmentally friendliness; (vii) sustainability; (viii) relative advantage; (ix) compatibility; (x) access and availability; and (xi) social and cultural acceptability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As climate, soil, water availability and topography vary widely throughout the world as well as within a country, one technology considered to be appropriate in one location may not be appropriate in other locations. Again, some technologies may be appropriate in more than one agroecological zones. These technologies may be crop varieties, farm machinery, pest management, etc. But certain crops, fertiliser doses, water requirement, etc may be zone specific as different agroecological zones have different soils and climates. Certain areas tend toward a specialized agriculture, whereas other areas engage in a more diversified agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1970s, the Government of Bangladesh gave top priority to appropriate agricultural technology and established a cell named ‘Appropriate Agricultural Technology Cell’ in [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]]. At that time technology was thought to be more related to engineering technology. Later this concept was widened to all the disciplines of agriculture including livestock and fisheries.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In Bangladesh different R and D institutions have developed numerous technologies in the fields of agriculture, forest, fisheries and livestock. Many of these technologies have already been adopted, some are in the process of being transferred to users. In the crop sector, Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI), Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute (BARI), [[Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture|bangladesh institute of nuclear agriculture]] (BINA), [[Bangladesh Jute Research Institute|bangladesh jute research institute]] (BJRI), and Bangladesh Sugarcane Research Institute (BSRI) have released technology packages of many high yielding varieties of rice, wheat, maize, jute, cotton, and sugarcane. The salient features of the technologies, relevant instructions for cultivation, input applications, and management procedures are detailed out along with the packages.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the livestock sector the important innovated technologies include: Urea-Molasses-Straw (UMS) as feed for fattening cattle; integrated chicken-fish farming; goat rearing model for landless and small farmers, and leaf protein concentrate mixture in laying hen feeding.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Culture of genetically improved catfish (hybrid) in mini cement cisterns, integrated rice-fish culture, fish culture in pen, and culture of pungus fish in ponds are some of the technologies that were successfully transferred to the growers. The Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) under the Ministry of Agriculture, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, plays a vital role in transferring agricultural technologies among farmers through its extensive network up to the union level. In addition, Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB), Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation (BADC), and different NGOs, both national and international, are involved in disseminating agricultural technologies through their own mechanisms and strategies. The Directorate of Livestock Services (DLS), and the Department of Fisheries (DOF) are responsible for transferring technologies for the livestock and fisheries sectors respectively. Different teaching media, such as result demonstration, group discussion meeting, method demonstration, bulletins, leaflets, posters, and radio and television programmes play a significant role in transferring appropriate technologies among a potential adopters.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To increase the rate of adoption of technologies, Bangladesh government has formulated the New Agricultural Extension Policy (NAEP) in 1996 in which an attempt was made to understand the farm, farmers, and farm environment in a holistic manner. In this policy, guidelines for extending technology to women farmers are given. In the NAEP, extension-research linkage has been emphasized in order to augment technology transfer. To popularize and familiarize appropriate technology in agriculture to common people, every year DAE organises agricultural fairs at different upazilas and district headquarters.  [M Abul Kashem and Kshirode Chandra Roy]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]].&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Nuclear techniques in agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Use of isotope and radiation techniques in agricultural research to increase crop production. In Bangladesh the major areas of agricultural research in which the applications of nuclear techniques have proved to be successful are mutation breeding, soil-plant studies, insect pest management and fungicide research, and food irradiation. Institute of Food and Radiation Biology (IFRB) and Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture (BINA) are using radiation and isotope techniques to boost up agricultural production and preservation in the country. BINA released six high yielding varieties of rice (Iratom 24, Iratom 38, Binasail, Binadhan 4, 5, and 6); 2 jute (Atomphat 38 and Binadeshipat 2); 4 mustard (Agrani, Safal, Binasarisha 3 and 4); 2 chickpea (Hyprosola and Binasola 2); 5 mungbean (Binamoong 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5); 1 blackgram (Binamash 1); and 3 tomato (Bahar, Binatomato 2 and 3). The developed varieties are not only high-yielding but also possess other good characters like early maturing, high protein, insect-pest resistance and high biomass producing. The institute has developed low cost, environment friendly biofertiliser for six legume crops like lentil, chickpea, groundnut, mungbean, cowpea, and soybean. Farmers are using this biofertiliser as a substitute of urea. BINA delineated plant nutrient status of Bangladesh soils, identified nutrient deficiency, developed management packages of fertilisers, integrated nutrient management, integrated pest and disease management and other agronomic practices for sustained crop production. BINA is also engaged in screening of breeding materials of various crops against disease and insect pests. IFRB is using the nuclear techniques in the process of preserving different post-harvest agricultural products and disinfesting stored food and food products including cereals, pulses, flour, spices, dried fishes, etc.  [M Idris Ali]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural agency&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The following agencies provide services to the country’s agricultural sector:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Ministry of Agriculture&#039;&#039; (MOA)  At the apex, the Ministry of Agriculture is responsible for achieving agricultural production goals and targets adopted by the government, sponsoring projects and programmes towards that end, providing necessary funding support through [[Annual Development Programme|annual development programme]]s (ADP) and the Foreign Exchange Budget, and implementation of the same through different agencies under its umbrella. The Ministry provides support to all its agencies in their dealings with the Planning Commission and the Ministry of Finance, and coordinates their efforts to achieve common goals adopted by the government. It monitors the implementation of physical programmes under various projects and the expenditure thereof. The ministry appoints key personnel to manage various institutions and agencies working under it and looks after their human resource development (HRD). The Ministry of Agriculture is responsible mainly for crop production. The other sub-sectors of agriculture, such as fisheries, livestock and forestry are taken care of by the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock and the Ministry of Environment and Forest.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Department of Agricultural Extension&#039;&#039; (DAE)  Motivates farmers to adopt measures to achieve higher production, trains them up in modern techniques at the field level, adopts production programmes for various crops, and implements through its fieldforce spread out at the Union/Block levels. The Department works through the following directorates: (i) Directorate of Agriculture Extension and Management (DAEM) which is responsible for general extension of all agricultural motivational efforts and management of the same throughout the country; (ii) Agriculture Directorate (Jute Production); which is responsible for extension and related activities in jute growing areas; (iii) Agriculture Directorate (Plant Protection) which initiates activities for motivations and training of farmers in the use of appropriate plant protection measures, choice of chemicals, and their use, utilizing methods such as Integrated Pest Management (IPM); and (iv) Central Extension Resource Development Institute (CERDI) which is responsible for development of resources to be used in extension messages for farmers. It achieves this goal, by using recommendations and advice of researchers/breeders and preparing messages suited to skills of the farmers in general. Major functions of the Department of Agricultural Extension include popularization of and motivation to use improved seeds, irrigation water, and chemical fertilisers among farmers, and propagating their uses, methods and doses of application. It sets up demonstration plots, conducts farmers’ rallies, and trains them up. It helps implementation of initiatives like the crop diversification programme (CDP) to promote nutritional balance in the diet of the people, and the horticulture development programme to encourage production of fruits, vegetables, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Agriculture Information Service&#039;&#039; (AIS)  An informative and educative agency dedicated to dissemination of information to farmers in general. It uses the materials developed by the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) and the Central Extension Resource Development Institute (CERDI). It publishes pictorial magazines, newsletters, books, leaflets, etc and distributes educative and training materials. Moreover, it produces documentaries and screens them in rural areas and also conducts radio and television programmes on agricultural matters.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Department of Agricultural Marketing&#039;&#039; (DAM)  It helps regulation of marketing of agricultural produces through dissemination of information on price, and quantity of various agricultural produces in important market centres, improvement of market conditions, and guaranteeing of fair prices to producers. It has its headquarters at Khamarbari (Farmgate), Dhaka. It publishes and broadcasts weekly bulletins on market prices in selected centres.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Cotton Development Board&#039;&#039; (CDB)  Set up to reduce the dependence of local spinning factories on imported raw cotton. The Board has already identified areas suitable for cotton cultivation. It distributes seed cotton and other inputs to growers in such areas and buys back the seed cotton at pre-declared prices. Its headquarters is located at Dhaka but it has zonal offices at cotton growing centres of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Seed Certification Agency&#039;&#039; (SCA)  Responsible for quality control and certification of seeds produced in the agriculture sector for crops such as paddy, wheat, jute, seed, potato and sugarcane. To this end, it carries out tests on purity of the line, germination of the stock, and their moisture contents. For the same purpose, the SCA conducts field visits to the seed plots of the breeders and to multiplication agencies, including the contract growers, on a regular basis. It serves as the secretariat of the Natural Seed Board (NSB). The SCA is located at Joydebpur, Gazipur. It has set up a central testing laboratory at Gazipur and smaller ones in outlying field stations as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Central Extension Resources Development Institute&#039;&#039; (CERDI)  Founded at Joydebpur, Gazipur to develop agricultural extension service messages through training and coordination of extension activities.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BADC)  It was set up in 1961 to make agricultural inputs like fertilisers, seeds, irrigation water, etc available to farmers on commercial basis. For doing so, it procures chemical fertilisers, irrigation equipment, plant protection chemicals and equipment, and arranges for production and distribution of seeds. However, distribution of chemical fertilisers and irrigation equipment has since been privatized. At present, the Corporation runs seed multiplication farms, organises production of seeds by contract growers, and organises agro-service centres (ASCs) for boosting production of fruits and vegetables. It also runs some irrigation-based area development projects.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council&#039;&#039; (BARC)  It coordinates planning prioritization of fieldwork and approval of agricultural research programmes and their funding. It was set up in 1973 and has its headquarters at Dhaka. It helps integration of the activities of researchers in different fields and institutions of the Ministry of Agriculture and other agencies. It helps formulate national agricultural research plans and oversees their implementation, either by salaried scientists, or by those under contract research. It helps human resource development (HRD) through arranging higher studies of agricultural graduates. It maintains a computer centre, and the National Agricultural Library and Documentation Centre.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BARI)  Standing on the relics of a similar institution functioning in undivided India, Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute is based in at Joydebpur, Gazipur. Headed by a Director General, the institute conducts research and imparts training on all food crops excepting rice. It has outreach stations at several agroecological zones of the country. It carries out research on wheat, potato, pulses, oilseeds, maize, cotton, fruit, root crops and vegetables. The institute experiments with various agricultural machines and implements to determine their appropriateness for field use.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Rice Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BRRI)  Established in 1970, BRRI carries out researches on all aspects of rice, including breeding of new varieties, improvement of yields, plant protection measures, fertiliser doses and cultivation practices. From its headquarters in Joydebpur, Bangladesh Rice Research Institute has set up outreach stations at different agroecological zones of the country. The institute has made a significant contribution towards the development and adoption of new high yielding varieties in of rice the country. It coordinates its efforts with the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) at Los Banos in the Philippines.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Jute Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BJRI)  Established in 1951, the BJRI conducts research on variety improvement and cultural practices for increased yields of jute. It has been entrusted with the breeding of new varieties and effective yield increases. In doing so, it conducts experiments with cultural practices and application of fertilisers. The Jute seed programme is implemented by the BADC. Bangladesh Jute Research Institute carries out research on multifarious use of jute through its technical division.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Sugarcane Research Institute&#039;&#039; (SRI)  Founded at Ishurdi in the district of Pabna in 1973. It conducts researches on improvement of sugarcane varieties, the cultural practices involved in sugarcane production, and application of inputs and extension methodology to reach growers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture&#039;&#039; (BINA)  Located at the premises of the Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) at Mymensingh and established in 1973, BINA breeds crop varieties through application of atomic radiation. It conducts research on rice, jute, mustard, groundnut, pulses, tomato, etc. The institute carries experiments on the use of appropriate doses of fertilisers on various crops and evaluates the outcome thereof. The Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture has already made a significant contribution to the development of new crop varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Soil Resources Development Institute&#039;&#039; (SRDI)  Responsible for identification of soil characteristics, their classification, and property elements for suitability of crop production. It carries out soil surveys and tests throughout the country, publishes posters for agricultural scientists and farmers. It trains personnel engaged in the development of agriculture, including farmers. In addition to having soil testing laboratories in different places, it has mobile units to carry out soil to testing at the field level.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Agro-economic Research Unit&#039;&#039; (AERU)  Established in 1972, responsible for conducting macro and micro-economic research for national agricultural development planning and policies. In addition to carrying out regular mandated responsibilities, it is also utilized for quick surveys and monitoring of the outcome of a given agricultural policy of the government. Currently, this unit is inactive, which need to be reactivated for greater interest of agricultural development in the country.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural University&#039;&#039; (BAU)  Founded in 1961, BAU offers graduate, post graduate, and PhD level courses under faculties of Veterinary Science, Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Agricultural Economies and Rural Sociology, Agricultural Engineering and Technology, Fisheries, etc. It conducts fundamental and development research as well as offers refresher and short courses for agricultural scientists. Currently, there are several agricultural universities, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University (BSMRAU), Sher-e-Bangla Agricultural University (SBAU), Sylhet Agricultural University (SAU), Chittagong Veterinary and Animal Sciences University (CVASU) and some universities of sciences and technology to conduct research and training on agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Fisheries Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BFDC)  Established in 1964 to help the development of the fish industry (harvesting, processing and marketing) in the public and private sectors, covering with marine and fresh water species. Its headquarters is in Dhaka.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Sugar and Food Industries Corporation&#039;&#039; (BSFIC)  Established in 1976, it controls sugar mills, and develops sugar and food processing industries in the public sector.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BFIDC)  Engaged in extraction of forest products from the forests of the country, establishment of timber based industries, rubber plantation, production, processing and marketing, best utilization of forest resources and processing of the extracted timber. The activities of the corporation are divided into two sectors, namely industrial sector, and agricultural sector. There are three rubber zones and sixteen gardens comprising 32635 acres of forest land. The corporation meets up to about 70 percent of total demand for raw rubber of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Krishi Bank&#039;&#039; (BKB)  Founded in 1973 on the relics of the Agriculture Bank and Agricultural Development Finance Corporation, the BKB extends long and short-term credit for agriculture and allied operations. It also works as a commercial bank. In recent years, another specialized bank known as Rajshahi Krishi Unnayan Bank has been providing agricultural credit to farmers.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Directorate of Livestock Services&#039;&#039; (DLS)  Founded in 1947 to help augment the production of cattle and poultry resources of the country through extension activities as well as through improvement of breed, health and nutritional care. Its head office is located at Khamarbari, Dhaka. Its field offices extends up to upazila level. Central cattle breeding station at Savar, Livestock Research Institute at Mahakhali, National Zoo at Mirpur and Central Disease Investigation Laboratory at Kazi Alauddin Road, Dhaka are important components of the Directorate.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Livestock Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BLRI)  A national institute for conducting research on livestock, which was crated in 1984 by an Ordinance promulgated by Hon’ble President of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. Since its establishment, the institute has been carrying out adoptive research on filed problems relating to livestock and poultry development. Meanwhile, the institute has developed 40 technologies and 19 packages on livestock and poultry production. These technologies have been approved by the Board of Management of the institute and are being extended to the farmers by various government and non-government ogranizations. The institute has seven research divisions; five of then are engaged in technology development, one is engaged in socio-economic research and evaluation of generated technologies and the other is engaged in testing of technologies in the field. This institute has two regional stations; one is located at Nikhongchari, Bandarban and the other at Baghabari, Sirajganj. The headquarters of the institute is located at Savar, Dhaka.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Fisheries&#039;&#039; (DoF)  Providing extension services for boosting fish and shrimp production, conservation of fisheries resources, quality control of fish and fish products, formulation of policy framework and socio-economic development of fisher-folk. Te main objective of this department is to support sustainable growth in fish and shrimp production for domestic consumption and export. To achieve- this objective, the department has been and imparting training to the farmers. Initially this was established as a directorate in 1908 and was upgradraded to department in 1983. The headquarters of the department of is located at Kakrail, Dhaka. Its local offices are extended up to district and upazila level. This department has developed a national Fisheries Strategy-2006 to implement the National Fisheries Policy-1998.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Fisheries Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BFRI)  Established in 1984 through promulgation of an Ordinance by President of Bangladesh. The headquarters of the institute is located at the Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) campus, Mymensingh. The institute has five research stations and five sub-stations in different regions of the country. The main objective of the institute is to generate various aquaculture and management technologies for better management of resources and increase fish production. So far, the institute has evolved 47 new technologies of which, 7 are widely disseminated. Remarkable research achievement has been obtained in case of breeding and culture of local endangered fish species, riverine cat fish, prawn and shrimp culture and hilsa fisheries management.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Forest&#039;&#039; (DoF)  Engaged in conservation, management and extension activities in the forestry sub-sector. The headquarters of the department is located at Agargaon, Dhaka. The entire forest areas of the country are divided into few circles, which function under the control of the Chief Conservator of forest. The circles are divided into ranges and the ranges are divided into beats. This department plays an important role in the development of physical, socio-economic development, maintenances of environmental balance and sustainable land based production system. In order to meet the shortfall of forest products in the country, to ensure supply of raw materials to wood based industries, to conserve and develop environment and wildlife and to increase the recreational facilities for the people; the department has undertaken different development programmes. Besides, training programmes have been revamped at all levels to develop technological aspects of forestry. Moreover, different activities of the department in forest management, aforestation, conservation of wild animals, management of production areas, development of Safari Park etc. has directly contributed to biodiversity and environment development. The government has approved a twenty year (1995-2015) Forest Sector Master Plan for overall development of forestry sector of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Forest Research Institute&#039;&#039; (FRI)  Founded in 1955, the FRI is located at Shola Shahar, Chittagong. It conducts researches on the development of forests and the forest wealth of the country. The main objectives of the institute is to generate new technologies to augment and preserve forest resources, improve environment, create employment opportunities and reduce poverty. Meanwhile, the institute has developed various seedlings nursery and established new garden system in coastal region, which has positive impact in creation of mangrove forest of coastal region.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh National Herbarium&#039;&#039; (BNH)  A research organisation of botanical species. It is a national organisation to survey, collect and conservation of plant species. The main objectives of the national herbarium are to identify, collect and preserve all plant species including those associated with national tradition and culture. This organisation deals with taxonomic studies of plants, investigates medicinal and other economically important plants, threatened plant species and plays an important role in the conservation of biodiversity and environment. The headquarters of the organisation is located at Mirpur, Dhaka.  [Muhammad Abul Hashem and Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural extension&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  An applied science, consisting of contents derived from research, accumulated field experiences and relevant principles drawn from the behavioural sciences synthesized with useful technology. Extension involves the conscious use of communication of information to help people form sound opinions and make good decisions.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural extension activities in Bangladesh in crop, livestock, and fisheries sectors are organised, managed, and operated by the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE), Directorate of Livestock Services (DLS), and Department of Fisheries (DOF) respectively. Among them, the DAE is the largest organisation, and has extensive networks.&lt;br /&gt;
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The institutional foci for the organisation and management of extension services at the DAE are Headquarters (national level), Zone (district level), Unit (upazila level), and Block (union level). At the national level, the DAE is headed by a Director General (DG) who is assisted by a Director, responsible for each of the 7 wings, viz, Food Crops Wing, Cash Crops Wing, Plant Protection Wing, Training Wing, Planning and Evaluation Wing, Administration and Personnel Wing, and Field Services Wing. The Field Services Wing of the DAE exercises the functions over field extension services. The Food Crops, Cash Crops, Training, and Plant Protection Wings provide essential support and expertise, largely through technical supervision of Subject Matter Specialists, and Subject Matter Officers at district and upazila levels. At present there are 9 operational regions in the country at the DAE, each managed by an Additional Director (ADAE). The function of the ADAE is to maintain liaison between education and research with extension, and ensure close contact between field level extension officers and workers and national level extension personnel. However, the Zone (district) is the most important focal point for managing DAE operations. A Zone is headed by a Deputy Director of Agricultural Extension supported by one Crop Production Specialist, one Plant Protection Specialist, one Horticulture Specialist, and one District Training Officer. Moreover, in the bigger districts there is one Senior Irrigation Engineer. The Unit is under an Upazila Agricultural Officer who is assisted by one Additional Agricultural Officer, one Agricultural Extension Officer, one Assistant Agricultural Extension officer, and one Junior Agricultural Extension Officer. At the Block (union) level a Block Supervisor provides extension services to farmers or groups of farmers. A Deputy Assistant Agricultural Officer (Block Supervisor) covers 600 to 1200 farm families (an average of about 900).&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Training&#039;&#039;  It implies the purposeful arrangement of teaching for developing skills. It involves the process of improving knowledge for doing a specific job. It also involves informing, and educating people about the latest and appropriate technologies in their chosen field of profession. Agricultural training is usually of two kinds: (i) Pre-service, and (ii) In-service training.&lt;br /&gt;
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The DAE of the Ministry of Agriculture has 12 Agricultural Training Institutes for providing pre-service training in agriculture with a view to preparing and producing field level extension agents (commonly known as Block Supervisors). In-service training is offered by the following training institutes: (i) Central Extension Resources Development Institute (CERDI), Joydebpur, Gazipur; (ii) Graduate Training Institute (GTI), Bangladesh Agricultural University, Mymensingh; (iii) [[Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development|bangladesh academy for rural development]] (BARD), Kotbari, Comilla; and (iv) Rural Development Academy (RDA), Bogra.&lt;br /&gt;
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Some NGOs working in Bangladesh have their own training institutes, and provide short training to their own staff for increasing skills and efficiencies in the field of agriculture, rural sociology, fisheries, and related disciplines.  [M Abul Kashem]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Category:Agriculture]]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:কৃষি]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
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		<id>https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Agriculture&amp;diff=15549</id>
		<title>Agriculture</title>
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		<updated>2025-03-13T05:59:22Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Mukbil: &lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;  science and practice of producing crops. The other sub-sectors of agriculture are [[Livestock|livestock]], [[Poultry|poultry]], [[Fish|fish]] and [[Fisheries|fisheries]], and [[Forest and Forestry|forest and forestry]]. The agriculture of Bangladesh largely depends on the amount and distribution of the rainfall ie the southwest [[Monsoon|monsoon]], which comes during June-October. Since agriculture is the mainstay of the majority of the people of Bangladesh, the article deals with all relevant aspects, which are given below.&lt;br /&gt;
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History&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural land&lt;br /&gt;
Decline of agricultural land&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural biodiversity&lt;br /&gt;
Cropping pattern&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural labour&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural credit&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural marketing&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural policy&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural education and research&lt;br /&gt;
Development of crop variety&lt;br /&gt;
Crop pests and diseases&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural resources&lt;br /&gt;
Environmental issues related to agriculture&lt;br /&gt;
Crop hazard management&lt;br /&gt;
Farm inputs and implements&lt;br /&gt;
Technology used in agriculture&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural agency&lt;br /&gt;
Agricultural extension and training&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;History&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  From very ancient times agriculture has been the main source of the livelihood of the vast majority of the population of the territories that constituted the Bengal province as in 1911, and in the two parts into which this province was subsequently divided independent Bangladesh and West Bengal under the Indian Union. The pattern has been more or less the same in other parts of the sub-continent. But the fact that almost the entire Bengal constitutes a flat, alluvial plain traversed by three mighty rivers the [[Ganges River|ganges]], [[Brahmaputra River|brahmaputra]] and [[Meghna River|meghna]] and their innumerable tributaries, with plenty of rainfall, make agricultural operations relatively easy. Consequently, population pressure on agriculture has been particularly heavy in this region.&lt;br /&gt;
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The decline in industrial activity, especially in the production of cotton textiles, during the early British rule further added to this pressure. Indeed, by 1921 about four-fifths (77.3%) of the total population became dependent on agriculture as against an all-India average of 69.8%. During British rule these people belonged to different social groups: rent-receiving landlords (zamindars), tenure-holders of different grades on the one hand, and the raiyats (tenant-cultivators), bargadars and agricultural labourers on the other. The vast majority, of course, consisted of raiyats directly involved in agricultural operations. Of the two parts of Bengal, population pressure on agriculture has been higher in the territories that constitute Bangladesh today.&lt;br /&gt;
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The most important feature of the agrarian economy during the ancient, medieval and the British periods was that crop production remained the most dominant sub-sector. Three other sub-sectors of agriculture viz livestock, fisheries and forestry were relatively unimportant. Needless to say, the pattern remains the same even today. A whole variety of crops was grown, and in the official publications issued by the British government these were mentioned under three heads bhadoi (autumn), aghni (winter) and rabi (spring) corresponding to their harvesting time. The crops included paddy, [[Jute|jute]], [[Wheat|wheat]], jowar, barley, [[Sugarcane|sugarcane]], [[Tobacco|tobacco]], oilseeds, [[Potato|potato]], [[Onion|onion]], [[Garlic|garlic]], [[Opium|opium]], [[Indigo|indigo]], [[Tea|tea]], different kinds of [[Vegetable|vegetable]], [[Pulse|pulse]]s, [[Spice|spice]]s and condiments. [[Rice|rice]] was the most important and one of the oldest crops. The earliest reference to this crop is found in the Mahasthan Brahmi Inscription belonging to the third or the second century BC. This crop is also mentioned in several other literary sources: Kalidasa Raghovngsa, Ramcharita, Casapala, and Saduktikarnamrita.&lt;br /&gt;
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Inscriptions, particularly those issued by the Sena rulers, contain description of paddy fields. Thus, the Anulia copperplate of Laksmansena mentions the harvest of sali rice in autumn. The same inscription tells us that the king gave away to Brahmans several villages containing lands producing paddy. Another reference to this crop is found in the Edilpur copperplate. In this inscription paddy is referred to in general term as sali. However, this is only one of the best of the many varieties grown in different early settlements of Bengal-Vanga, Varendri, Gauda, Purnavardhana or Pundra, Radha and Samtata. There are also references to a large number of other crops grown in ancient Bengal [[Cotton|cotton]], barley (yava), mustard, sugarcane, and pulses like kalai and mug. Cotton was the most important commercial crop. Different sources refer to its cultivation in ancient Bengal. Apart from these crops a large number of vegetables and [[Fruit|fruit]]s were also produced. The following vegetables are mentioned in the sayings of Khana [[Brinjal|brinjal]], long gourd, [[Radish|radish]], arum, [[Chilli|chilli]], turmeric, and patal. Fruit trees like [[Mango|mango]], [[Jackfruit|jackfruit]], pomegranate (dalimba), plantain, Modhuka, date (kharjura), citrom (vija), figs (parkali), tamarind, and [[Coconut|coconut]] were also widely grown. The mango and breadfruit are mentioned in a large number of Pala and Sena inscriptions.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Chinese traveller [[Hiuen-Tsang|hiuen-tsang]] who visited Bengal in seventh century AD refers to the abundant growth of panasa in Purnavardhana. This crop is also mentioned in Govindapur copperplate of Laksmansena and the Calcutta Sahitya Parisad copperplate of Visvarupasena. The plantain tree is frequently depicted in Paharpur terracotta plaques. From the inscriptions of Khadga, Chandras and Varmans and those of the Senas it is clear that from the eighth century onwards coconut was extensively grown. Betel-leaf and betel nuts were also grown. Betel leaf cultivation was in the hands of a class of people known as Barai or Barujivi. These crops were exported to other parts of India. Another product used mainly for construction of houses, baskets and sunshades was bamboo. Ramcharit describes Varendri as a land of excellent flowers of countless varieties including asoka, kesara, madhuka, kanaka, ketaka, malali, nagakesara and lotus. Trees which supplied medicines or fruits such as amlaki, triphala, haritaki were also cultivated in ancient Bengal.&lt;br /&gt;
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The basic livestock of the peasants was cattle, used for ploughing, transport and various dairy products. Wealth was sometimes measured in terms of the number of cattle in one’s possession. Certain expressions in Pala and Sena land grants suggest that pasture grounds produced various kinds of grass for livestock and these were usually located near villages. Villagers sometimes employed communal cowherds who drove the cattle branded with the owners’ marks every morning to the pasture and waste beyond the fields under cultivation and returned with them at dusk. Milk, curd and butter were important articles of diet. The flesh and bones of the cows were used for manuring, while cow dung was used both as a fuel and manure. Among various other animals represented either in sculptures or referred to in inscriptions and literary sources mention may be made of buffaloes, horses, goats, sheep, deer, monkeys, boars, jackals, lions, tigers, etc. A whole variety of fresh water and sea-fish was available in abundance and fish constituted an important item of the diet of the people.&lt;br /&gt;
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Epigraphic and literary sources are full of references to the fertility of the soil in ancient Bengal. When Hiuen-Tsang visited Bengal in the seventh century AD, he noticed intensive and regular cultivation of land. His description is corroborated by some of the poems in Saduktikarnamrita. However, all land was not fertile nor served by adequate rainfall. Such land needed artificial irrigation. The numerous tanks in many parts of north Bengal Mahipala, Ramsagara, Pransagara were most probably constructed by the rulers for this purpose. The people also knew the technique of sinking wells for reaching deep-flowing streams. In some cases, they altered the course of rivers so that they could supply canals. They also knew how to regulate the flow of water to make canals overflow and thus swamp paddy fields. William Wilcox calls this ancient system ‘overflow irrigation’. Literary sources provide names of different agricultural implements used during this period. These are ploughshares (fal), cleavers (da), sickles (kaste), frames (pasi), ladders (mai), sticks (pacanbadi) and rice-husking pedals (dhenki). Most of these implements were made by village blacksmiths and carpenters. Casapala of Ramesvar describes the different processes involved in the manufacture of those implements.&lt;br /&gt;
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In most copper-plates belonging to the Gupta period and found in Bengal there are references to the king or the state itself selling land; when the land is donated for religious purposes, the king is given one-sixth of the religious merit due from the land grant. In every case the application for the purchase of land was made to the king through local officers. The king’s permission was particularly necessary in these pious grants for it was only the king who had the power to exempt land from the payment of all royal dues. Thus in the earliest period for which records can be traced the king or the state was the owner of the soil. Some advocates of the theory that there was private ownership of land have argued that lands referred to in most of these inscriptions were khila or wastelands. But three copperplates from Faridpur and most Pala and Sena inscriptions record grants not merely of wastelands, but of whole villages as well. These villages must have included in them settled vastu and cultivated lands also. Again, the evidence of the Tippera grant of Lokanatha makes it clear that the king’s ownership extended to forestlands. For then proof which can be advanced in support of the royal ownership of land is that the king could confiscate or annul a grant and make a fresh endowment of it to another person. However, though lands were owned by the state, cultivation was carried on by peasants living in villages and was based on individual peasant farming. The king’s share of the agricultural produce was obviously the main source of state income. But though a host of tax names are mentioned in our sources these do not tell us what proportion of produce was appropriated by the state as revenue and as levies. Most of the land revenue was assessed in kind, but certain classes of crops were assessed in cash on the ground that it was difficult to divide into shares. Probably hiranya was a tax of this type. In some areas cultivators had to pay royal dues on the basis of the number of ploughs used for tilling land.&lt;br /&gt;
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For information on agricultural conditions in medieval times one has to rely on the accounts of foreign travellers and local literature. Indeed, foreign travellers praised the fertility of Bengal soil and the state of its agriculture. For example, a Chinese account of 1349/50 stated, ‘The seasons of Heaven have scattered the wealth of the Earth over this kingdom’. At about the same time [[Ibn Battuta|ibn battuta]] visited east Bengal. He mentioned that as he travelled from [[Sylhet District|sylhet]] to [[Sonargaon|sonargaon]] by rivers for 15 days he saw on his right and left orchards, water wheels, prosperous villages and gardens, ‘as if we were passing through a market’. During [[Shaista Khan|shaista khan]]’s time Bernier came to Bengal. He noticed on both sides of the Ganges ‘extremely fertile’ fields producing a whole variety of crops. Abul Fazl informed us that a particular variety of rice was ‘sown and reaped three times in the same year without little injury to the crop’. But this cannot be taken as an index of the general fertility of the land. For even as late as the middle of the twentieth century, only a small part of the land was cropped more than twice in the same agricultural season.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, the validity of early references to the flourishing conditions of agriculture cannot be in doubt. Certainly during the Sultanate and Mughal periods Bengal agriculture experienced considerable expansion. Many of the place names with abad (for example, Fatahbad and Khalifabad) meaning &amp;quot;settled&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;cultivated&amp;quot; bear testimony to their settlement and cultivation during this period. The government took some steps for the extension of cultivation through reclamation. For example, it provided loans called ‘taqavi’ to enable peasants to buy seeds and bullocks or agricultural tools and implements. More frequently, lower revenue rates were granted to encourage the cultivation of wasteland. The rates were gradually increased every year until full rates were reached. The government took such steps primarily because extension of cultivation meant enhancement of land revenue, which was the principal source of income of the government. The basic impetus to the extension of cultivation was provided by population growth. However, it is not possible to say to what extent crop acreage expanded during medieval times. But Irfan Habib has hazarded the guess that during the Mughal period (1526-1707) the cropped area in certain parts of Bengal (as also in some other regions of Mughal India) doubled.&lt;br /&gt;
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As in the ancient period, the chief agricultural produce was rice. It was produced in such abundance that after meeting local requirements there remained a considerable surplus for export. Broadly speaking, three varieties of paddy were grown. These were Aush (autumn), Aman (winter) and boro (summer). Within each of these three varieties there were great many cultivars of rice. Many of these are named in contemporary sources, including Shuny-Purana and Shivayana. Indeed, according to the former there were more than one thousand varieties. The Mughal historian Abul Fazl corroborates this information when he says that a large vase would be filled up ‘if a single grain of each kind were collected’. This description in not exaggerated. For in an exhibition held in Calcutta in the first decade of the twentieth century, more than one thousand varieties of rice were put on display. Abul Fazl speaks of a special variety of paddy which used to grow up with the gradual rise of water-level so that no harm was done to the crop from water. Here he seems to be referring to broadcast variety of Aman paddy grown in low-lying areas subject to regular flooding. The other variety of winter rice was transplanted Aman or ropa Aman.&lt;br /&gt;
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Cotton and [[Mulberry|mulberry]] plants were the two most important industrial crops of the province. Incidentally, cotton and silk were the principal industries of Bengal. Cotton was produced in different districts of western, northern, and eastern Bengal. In western Bengal a large quantity was produced in Birbhum, Burdwan and Nadia districts, while in north Bengal it was produced mainly in Rangpur, Malda and Dinajpur districts. However, the best quality of cotton suitable for the famous muslin industry was grown in [[Dhaka District|dhaka]] and [[Mymensingh District|mymensingh]] districts. John Taylor, an agent of the [[East India Company, The|east india company]] around 1800 AD, mentioned that the cotton (karpas) produced around Dhaka city and along the banks of the Meghna was the ‘finest’ that was to be found in ‘any part of the world’. Taylor further mentioned that cotton seed was sown in October-November and harvested in April-May. With the decline of the cotton textile industry during the rule of the East India Company, cotton cultivation virtually came to an end in Bengal. Mulberry plants for silkworms were grown in central and north Bengal, especially in the districts of [[Murshidabad|murshidabad]] and [[Rajshahi District|rajshahi]]. In all probability this crop was introduced from China and it was for the first time mentioned in the account of a Chinese traveller in the fifteenth century Bengal. Abul Fazl, Travernier, Bernier and English factory records also refer to the cultivation of mulberry plants in the province. Travernier, who visited [[Kasimbazar|kasimbazar]] in 1666, stated that the annual production of this crop in Kasimbazar was of the order of 2.5 millions pounds and a certain part of it was exported to other parts of India.&lt;br /&gt;
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Yet another commercial crop was sugarcane. Down to 1756 a considerable trade in Bengal sugar was carried on with Madras, Bombay, the Malabar coast, Surat, Sind, Muscat, the Persian Gulf, Mocha and Jeddah. Bengal was the chief centre of this industry with a large export trade in sugar even in the middle of the seventeenth century. This is clear from the accounts of Barbosa, Barthema, and Bernier as well as from the records of the English and the Dutch. It would then appear that sugarcane constituted an important industrial crop in medieval Bengal. A certain proportion of the land was sown with such commercial crops as rape, mustard and other oilseeds. Several new crops were introduced in the province during this period. These were tobacco, maize and probably indigo. Similarly, three new fruits, for example, cashew nut, pineapple and papaya were received from the west. Guava came later. So did sweet and ordinary potato. Thus, not only did Bengali peasants grow multiplicity of crops, but they were also prepared to accept new ones. Once again, contemporary accounts make it clear that great variety of fishes were abundantly available from rivers and their tributaries, including haors, beels, ponds and the sea.&lt;br /&gt;
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Visiting the province in the fourteenth century, Ibn Batuta noted that the villagers living by the ‘blue-river’ paid half of their produce as land tax together with other imposts. Wang-ta-yuan, writing at about the same time, said that state demand during medieval times was one-fifth of the total produce. This apparent anomaly was possibly due to variations in revenue rates in different regions in accordance with the productivity of the soil and the nature of the crops. During the Sultanate period there were several rates ranging from one-fifth to one half of the produce. The standard rate at the time of [[Akbar|akbar]] was one-third of the produce. This continued to be so during the rule of [[Murshid Quli Khan|murshid quli khan]]. However, apart from land revenue there were other rural taxes. It has been suggested that at the all-India level these levies accounted for about 25 percent of the land revenue. Thus, judged by any standard, revenue rates were very high in medieval Bengal.&lt;br /&gt;
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Revenue was levied at rates per unit of land or in lump sum covering entire villages. In some areas land revenue continued to be assessed on the basis of the number of ploughs used for tilling the land. Land revenue and other taxes were paid in cash. This means that the cultivators had to sell a considerable part of their agricultural produce. In other words, commodity production developed on a significant scale. The rural-urban exchange, which thus developed, had a special character in the sense that it was a one-way traffic. Rural areas sold cash and food crops to urban centres without buying anything substantial in return. This was so because all the non-agricultural goods, which the villagers needed, were produced in the villages. This is not to support the assumption (at one time popular) that every village in the medieval period was self-sufficient, but to emphasize the point that rural areas were by and large self-sufficient. Land revenue was collected with the help of a group of mostly hereditary intermediaries known as [[Zamindar|zamindar]]s of different size and status, and officials known as [[Amil|amil]]s. The system of giving pattas to the peasants was generally followed during the Sultani and Mughal period. In the Chandimangal of Kavikankan and Shivyana of Rameshvara Bhattacharya, the legendary raiyats are depicted as receiving pattas from Indra and Kalaketu respectively. Tenants were of two categories khudkasta and pahikasta. Early British administrators called tenants of the former category ‘resident’ cultivators. The latter category included peasants who came from other villages to cultivate land on temporary basis. They paid generally lower rate of rent than the khudkasta cultivators.&lt;br /&gt;
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Farming methods and most agricultural tools and implements remained the same as in the ancient period. With regard to farming methods the only exception was in [[Chittagong Hill Tracts|chittagong hill tracts]]. Here a method of shifting cultivation locally known as [[Jhum|jhum]] is practised even today. The method of lifting water from wells did not improve. The Persian wheel, which was introduced in north India remained unknown in Bengal. The system of manuring seems to have been the same. Consequently, it is unlikely that yield rates of important crops was higher during the Mughal period than in the late nineteenth or twentieth century. It may be argued that yield rates could have been higher because more fertile lands were under cultivation during these times. But as against this it could also be argued that as land-man ratio was more favourable, less intensive method of cultivation was followed. However, a favourable land-man ratio meant that per capita production was larger in medieval Bengal. The cheapness of the agricultural produce, which so drew the attention of foreign travellers, may well be taken as the index of the abundance of agricultural produce during the medieval period.&lt;br /&gt;
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Several important qualifications need to be made, however. Firstly, as is still the case today, agriculture was a ‘gamble in the monsoon’. This means that production was affected sometimes by excessive rainfall and sometimes by drought. Little is known about the outbreak of famines, but it is likely that sometimes famine conditions prevailed in some parts of the province. Secondly, there was a certain degree of inequality among the cultivating classes. While a section of the rural families held such large holdings that these could not be operated with the help of family labour alone, others were denied access to land or held small holdings. This meant that a certain section of rural families earned their living as agricultural labourers. This is indicated by Vipradas who gave the picture of the Muslim peasantry of west Bengal. Thus, even though on average per capita production was higher, its distribution was unequal. Although agricultural produce was in abundant supply for the vast majority of the people engaged in this field, the overall standard of living does not seem to have been enviable. This is clear from the account of foreign travellers and the evidence available from local sources. Abul Fazl says that the common people of Bengal for the most part went naked, wearing only a cloth (lungi) about the loins. It is not convincing that this was dictated by climatic factors and social traditions, since the upper classes could be distinguished by the type and quality of the clothes they wore. Moreover, in those days cotton production and weaving was widespread in Bengal. It might then be suggested that cloth was more expensive relative to paddy. By and large people did not use shoes, and Moreland thinks that this was due to the high cost of leather. The bulk of the peasants lived in single-roomed houses made of mud with thatched roofs. The peasants’ houses had hardly any furniture besides cots and bamboo mats. Utensils made of bell-metal or copper were expensive and were not generally used by the people. Thus despite the abundance of agricultural production there is little to indicate that the agriculturists enjoyed a high standard of living.&lt;br /&gt;
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The agricultural sector of the Indian sub-continent experienced a marked expansion during British colonial rule. Total volume and value of agricultural production increased, mostly through the extension of cultivated area. What is more, as India changed her role from a supplier of industrial goods to a supplier of agricultural produce, and as the domestic market also expanded with the development of certain industries and urban centres, production for the market became a more important feature than in the past. This was so despite the fact that with the decline of traditional industries and the natural growth of population there was now increased pressure (of population) on the agricultural sector. The impact of the widening of market was felt first in Bengal because it was the first province to come under British rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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Towards the end of the eighteenth century vast tracts of land in Bengal were cultivable wastes. An important factor behind this situation was the famine of 1770, which caused considerable depopulation in different parts of the province. But during the succeeding century or so crop acreage expanded fast and by the turn of the twentieth century it virtually reached its natural limits (there being little scope for further extension of cultivation). However, expansion was most concentrated in the territories that today constitute Bangladesh. Thus, the greater part of Chittagong and [[Noakhali District|noakhali]], most of the Meghna estuary including Tipperah, the whole of the [[Barind Tract|barind tract]]s, Sundarbans, and the haor area of Northeast Bengal were brought under cultivation during the nineteenth century. Peasants of three districts of 24 Parganas, Khulna and Bakerganj participated in the reclamation of the Sundarbans area. The census statistics show a striking population growth in the new agricultural settlements. However, the new cultivation in these districts at the expense of the Sundarbans was in fact far larger than the size of population growth. The great fertility of the soil there made it possible for an individual raiyat to farm a much larger area than he did elsewhere. Moreover, a considerable part of the cultivation was done by non-resident raiyats who went back home after cultivating their lands there. Another field of reclamation in these districts was the fertile alluvial lands constantly brought into existence by the active rivers.&lt;br /&gt;
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The largest scope for such reclamation was in Bakerganj. In Tipperah too vast areas of char (alluvial lands, formerly the habitation of pigs) were brought under cultivation. Apart from these new agricultural settlements in eastern Bengal as a whole, some individual districts there had their own particular regions of growth. In the Barind area the southern third of Dinajpur, the eastern half of Malda, the western half of Bogra and the northern quarter of Rajshahi reclamation was made possible by immigrant Santal labour. However, the pattern was different in certain parts of west and central Bengal. Here as a natural process a decay of the river system had been taking place over a long period of time.&lt;br /&gt;
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This was now accelerated by the construction of railways and feeder roads to connect the railways with remote villages. This produced two adverse results: land productivity declined and the outbreak of malaria fever became frequent. This latter phenomenon led to a decline in population growth. In the circumstances crop acreage in districts like Nadia, Birbhum, Midnapore, Hoogly, and Jessore declined or remained stagnant in the latter half of the nineteenth century. However, though the performance in the two parts of the province- the moribund and active delta was different, the trend in Bengal as a whole was a positive one, since agricultural production increased in volume as also in value because of improvement in prices. It is unlikely that there was any significant improvement in the yield rate of crops in east Bengal districts during the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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The story told so far about crop production in the nineteenth century is based on impressionistic assessment of concerned officials, and population statistics drawn from decennial census reports, but not on any time-series data on cropped area and yield per acre. Such data were made available by the government only from 1891/92 onwards. The relevant publications are Estimates of Area and Yields of Principal Crops in India, Agricultural Statistics of India, Agricultural Statistics of Bengal and Season and Crop Reports. Much has been said about the quality of these statistics. However, most scholars are of the opinion that though it is difficult to estimate the volume of crop output with any degree of reliability on the basis of these data, it is possible to estimate the time-trend on the assumption that the margin of error remained more or less uniform over time.&lt;br /&gt;
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To proceed on the basis of the officially published statistics, the area under cultivation in some of the west and central Bengal districts declined or continued to decline. On the other hand, crop acreage marginally increased (especially through the extension of double cropping) in East Bengal districts. But the rate of increase was now so marginal that the overall pattern was one of stagnation. Among the individual crops, jute area recorded some expansion but the stagnation in paddy, which accounted for about 80 percent of the total crop acreage, determined the overall trend. According to the officially published statistics, food crop acreage expanded fast after 1941. This was attributed to the &amp;quot;Grow More Food&amp;quot; campaign launched by the government during these years. However, it seems that the success of this campaign was not as spectacular as claimed. What about the trends in yield rates? On the basis of the available data it appears that jute yield increased and so did the yield of sugarcane. But the yield rate of Aman paddy did not improve. This meant stagnation in the all-crop yield rate.&lt;br /&gt;
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Stagnation in the all-crop yield rate and acreage, in turn, meant that all-crop output did not increase. This came about against a background of population growth of about one percent per annum. Per capita crop production was already low at the turn of the twentieth century because high population density meant that the average size of a holding was small (about four acres). Now the stagnation in crop production led to a further lowering of per capita output.&lt;br /&gt;
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A Provincial Department of Agriculture was established in 1885. This Department took a number of steps for agricultural improvement. These included: (i) experiments with improved methods of cultivation through the establishment of experimental farms in Burdwan, Dhaka, Rajshahi, Shibpur and Rangpur, (ii) demonstration to the peasants of the improved methods through the appointment of demonstrators, (iii) dissemination of the results of experiments among the cultivators through publication of agricultural literature, (iv) supply to the peasants of better seeds grown in the farms, (v) provision for imparting training to the sons of the cultivators in the improved methods, and (vi) introduction of improved agricultural implements. But the impact of these efforts at the farm level was extremely limited. Consequently, the method of farming and agricultural tools and implements remained more or less the same as in medieval and ancient times.&lt;br /&gt;
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Commercial fertiliser was unknown. Use of improved varieties of seeds made little progress. Towards the close of the 1930s, only six percent of the paddy area was sown with improved seeds. The irrigated area accounted for only a small part of the total cropped area and this was concentrated in certain districts of west Bengal. Meanwhile, the double-cropped area increased in East Bengal districts, but with a corresponding decline in fallow lands. Thus the causes for the stagnation in the yield per acre of the major crops are not far to seek.&lt;br /&gt;
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As mentioned earlier, with the establishment of British rule agricultural production not only increased in terms of volume and value, it became more commercialised or market-oriented. This was not new, but commercialisation now became an important feature of the agrarian economy. Production for sale did not remain confined to the cash crops, for according to one estimate (Report on the Marketing of Rice in India), towards the close of the 1930s, 44 percent of the total rice output was marketed in Bengal. However, cash crop cultivation also increased. Most important in this respect was the expansion of jute acreage, especially in certain districts of east and north Bengal (Dhaka, Mymensingh and Rangpur).&lt;br /&gt;
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At its height jute cultivation provided employment to more than 10 percent of the agricultural labour force, different groups of middlemen involved in jute trade, profits to the mill owners and export-firms in Calcutta, an industrial labour force of considerable size and, most important of all, contributed the bulk of the marketed surplus in the agricultural sector. According to one estimate, the proportion of total marketed surplus contributed by this crop ranged between 20 percent in 1920/21 and 64 percent in 1925/26, the average for the period 1920/21-1932/33 being 40 percent as against 34 percent in the case of rice.&lt;br /&gt;
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Jute was an export crop, both in raw and manufactured form, and jute manufactures included gunny bags and gunny cloths used for packaging purposes. The basic impetus to increased jute production was provided by foreign demand. The first jute mill was established in Calcutta in 1855. During the next 50 years, thirty-four other jute mills were established. In 1900/01 the manufacturing capacity of these mills consisted of 315,000 spindles and 15340 looms. They employed over 110 thousand workers and consumed about 40 percent of the total crop. Meanwhile demand from Dundee mills increased and by 1896/97 jute acreage expanded to 1.6 million acres from a meagre 0.553 million acres in 1876/77. During the period 1920-47, jute acreage accounted for about 10 percent of the total cropped area. The highest point was reached during 1904/05-1907/08 when more than three million acres were sown with this crop. Jute acreage did not significantly decline even during the depression years when prices were very low. As rightly pointed out by two jute enquiry committees (Finlow Committee and Fawcus Committee), this was due to the absence of a profitable alternative crop.&lt;br /&gt;
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Other cash crops grown in Bengal during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were tea, opium, indigo, sugarcane, tobacco and oilseeds. Tea, a plantation crop, was distinguishable from other cash crops in the sense that it was cultivated entirely with the help of wage labour (mostly drawn from tribal people). Tea was grown only in three districts Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and Chittagong. Opium had, one distinctive feature: the exclusive control of the government over its production and sale. But its production was mostly confined to Patna and its neighbourhood. Indigo cultivation had an impressive growth rate. Once again, the main incentive was provided by increased foreign demand as a result of the decline in its supply from traditional sources such as western India, parts of North America and the West Indies. The East India Company had a stake in the expansion of indigo average. For after the decline in the export of cotton textiles from Bengal, the colonial government was badly in need of a profitable external commerce, mainly as a medium of remittance, and found in indigo a promising substitute.&lt;br /&gt;
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However, an element of extra-economic coercion was present in planter’s instruments for promoting indigo cultivation. This was because indigo cultivation was not profitable for the raiyats. Left to them they would not have cultivated the crop. Consequently, the system of indigo cultivation proved oppressive and in 1859/60 raiyats revolted against indigo cultivation. Unlike earlier instances of anti-indigo resistance, the Indigo Revolt of this year engulfed the whole of the indigo belt. As a result indigo cultivation declined drastically in Bengal. Sugarcane, another cash crop, was one of the few crops (others being tea and linseed) which registered some improvement in yields per acre. This was due to two factors. Firstly, during the 1930s more than half of the area under sugarcane was sown with improved varieties of seedlings. Secondly, the use of iron mill for crushing sugarcane increased. But all the cash crops (excluding jute) taken together did not account for even five percent of the total cropped area of the province.&lt;br /&gt;
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The institutional framework of Bengal agriculture during British rule was provided by the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] introduced by Lord [[Cornwallis, Lord Charles|CHARLES cornwallis]] in 1793. Under this arrangement, zamindars were declared as the proprietors of land, the revenue payable by them to the government was fixed for all time to come. It was further provided that henceforth the proprietors would have no right to claim remission or suspension of revenue on account of any natural calamity and that if a proprietor failed to punctually pay the revenue within a stipulated date the whole or part of his zamiandari lands would be sold in auction. The strict execution of the Revenue Sale Law (popularly known as Sun-set Law) meant that many zamindaris were indeed sold in auction. A new set of people formerly engaged in trade and commerce and government and zamindari services became new zamindars. One objective behind the introduction of the Permanent Settlement was that as government demand on them would not be a variable one, the zamindars would invest capital for agricultural development. In other words, the expectation of Lord Cornwallis was that the magic touch of private property would inspire the zamindars to imitate their British counterparts. But this expectation was not fulfilled: neither the old zamindars nor the new ones took any initiative in investing capital in agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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Many of the zamindars were not even ready to undertake the task of collecting rent from cultivating tenants or raiyats. Instead, they began shifting their landholding responsibilities to a class of perpetual rentiers, imposing on them the same terms and conditions as they themselves had agreed to fulfill under the Permanent Settlement. Tenurially, these rights stood between the zamindars and the raiyats, they were called madhyasatvas or intermediate property. Madhyasatva was as transferable and inheritable as zamindari svatva (right) was. Madhyastvas were broadly of two categories: pattani svatva and patitabad svatva. Pattani svatva was first invented by the Maharaja of Burdwan. He divided his vast estate into thousands of blocks, each of which was settled with an intermediary called pattanidar. The pattanidar created darpattanis (second grade) and dar-pattanidars, in turn, created se-pattani (third degree) and so on. This practice was followed by other zamindars. The Patitabad intermediary interests included those who were primarily responsible for the reclamation of wastelands in east Bengal districts. The zamindars created these intermediaries of various denominations and allowed them to invest capital in the reclamation of patit (cultivable waste) land in lieu of permanent rights in lands cleared.&lt;br /&gt;
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Like pattani tenure, these patitabad tenures also developed multi-tiered structure with the local nomenclatures of talukdar, haoladar, nim-haoladar, gantidar, etc. However, it may be pointed out that only a certain part of the zamindari lands was affected by the growth of intermediaries. Secondly, the number of grades of intermediaries was never as high as the 50 grades suggested by the Indian Statutory Commission. The maximum was 12 in Bakerganj district. In other districts for which information is available, the number of grades was as follow: Dhaka (4), Jessore (6 or 7), Khulna (8), Bogra (10) and Mymensingh (3).&lt;br /&gt;
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The zamindars or the original proprietors and the tenure-holders of all grades appropriated a large part of the agricultural surplus in the form of rent and a whole range of abwabs (illegal cesses). The volume of this surplus increased in two ways since 1793, the rate of rent was being enhanced, and additional lands were being brought under cultivation. But the state demand remained fixed. Some idea about the magnitude of this increase may be had from the fact that according to one estimate, in 1918/19 these proprietors and intermediaries intercepted as much as 76.7 percent of the gross rental of Rs 12.85 crores, paying only 2.99 crores to the state as land revenue. Incidentally, the Permanent Settlement envisaged that of the total amount collected as rent 90 percent would go to the treasury while zamindars would retain only 10 percent. Thriving on the gap between rent and revenue, proprietors and intermediaries formed the core of an expanding status group (known as Bhadralok) from which came the early generation of successful professionals in law, journalism, medicine, civil and the judicial services.&lt;br /&gt;
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But the landlords did not invest a part of this surplus for improvement of agriculture. Herein lay the greatest drawback of the Permanent Settlement for, it enabled landlords to appropriate agricultural surplus without themselves playing any part in creating this surplus. The patitabad tenures played a productive role to the extent that these promoted the reclamation process. But by the early twentieth century, when reclamation activities had come to a virtual close, these intermediaries, like those in the other category as well as the original proprietors, became parasites. The Bengal Land Revenue Commission (popularly known as Floud Commission) appointed in 1938 by the provincial government, recommended the abolition of the Permanent Settlement. However, this recommendation was not implemented during the remaining years of the British rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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The rights of the raiyats were never properly defined under the rules of the Permanent Settlement. On the other hand, their position was made even more vulnerable by the regulations of 1799, 1812, 1822 and 1844. All these regulations enormously increased landlords’ powers and subjected the peasantry to an increasing rent burden and to extreme insecurity in land rights. However, beginning from 1859 a series of legislative steps ware taken to improve the status of the tenants. As a result by 1938 raiyats were endowed virtually with all the rights of ownership inheritance, free transfer of land, security against eviction and enhancement of the rate of rent. Certain legal rights were granted even to the under-raiyats who held land under the raiyats.&lt;br /&gt;
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Attempts were also made to grant certain rights to the bargadars or sharecroppers (their share of the produce being normally 50%) but predictably these attempts failed because of the opposition of the representatives of the rich peasants and landlords in the provincial legislature. Thus, by the close of British colonial rule, the tenurial system had become a very complex one. There was a group of rent-receiving zamindars and tenure-holders of different grades on the one hand, and ‘owner’ cultivators on the other. A tenure-holder of a certain grade was a landlord in relation to the tenure-holder immediately below him, but he was a tenant in relation to the zamindar or the tenure-holder above him, since as per law any one who received rent was a landlord while any one paying a rent was tenant. Similarly raiyats who received rent from the under-raiyats, strictly speaking, were also landlords. Again, though the landlords (ie, original zamindars and the intermediaries) primarily lived on their rental income, they also possessed a certain khas (demesne) land and had it cultivated with the help of sharecroppers and hired labour. The proportions of land, without any reference to the manner of their cultivation, under the possession of these different groups were as follow: landlords’ khas land (20%), raiyats (72%) and under-raiyats (8%).&lt;br /&gt;
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As in ancient and medieval times, the peasant mode of cultivation was the dominant pattern. According to an estimate by the Bengal Land Revenue Commission (1938), the proportion of land operated by the members of the cultivator’s families was as high as 66 percent of the total. However, bargadars and agricultural labourers cultivated a significant part of the land. Once again, as per the findings of the Land Revenue Commission, 21 and 13 percent were operated respectively with the help of these two groups. In other words, there was considerable disparity in the distribution of agricultural land among different sections of rural families. On the one hand, there was a class of rich peasants who had more land than they could cultivate with the help of family labour. Such peasants therefore employed bargadars and/or hired labour. On the other hand, the size of holding ‘owned’ by the vast majority of the cultivators was so small that it could not provide employment to all the available labour. The same point is established by another set of findings of the Land Revenue Commission. Thus, while holdings above five acres in size accounted for only 25 percent of the total land in the province, holdings of less than two acres took up about two fifths (46 percent) of the total. Incidentally, the [[Floud Commission|floud commission]] recommended that bargadars should get two-thirds instead of half the produce. A militant movement (known as Tebhaga) was launched in the closing years of the British rule for the implementation of this recommendation. But the movement failed to achieve its objective.&lt;br /&gt;
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As mentioned earlier, the establishment of wider commercial intercourse with the outside world during the British rule marked the advent of cash economy in the rural areas on a much larger scale than in the past. The use of money assumed greater prominence even in areas or among sections of people, which remained relatively unaffected by the spread of commercialisation. However, as the credit agencies, which grew up in the changed circumstances almost exclusively, catered for the need of the export trade and domestic industries, the rural areas remained cut off from organised sources of finance.&lt;br /&gt;
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Thus, with the functional mechanism of an economic structure remaining complete, a vacuum was created. This was filled by moneylenders who included mahajans, pathans, kabulis, merchants, landlords and rich peasants. The Co-operative Credit movement launched by the government in 1904 made limited progress, covering only a small section (10 percent in 1943) of the total agricultural borrowers. Thus moneylenders remained virtually the only source of credit. But most loans received from them were not used for directly productive purposes. Secondly, even when these were used for productive purposes, the expenditure was incurred for the purchase of traditional tools and implements and seeds, not for such inputs which would improve yield per acre over the existing level. Thirdly, the rate of interest charged by moneylenders was very high: 18 to 38 percent per annum on secured loans and much higher on unsecured loans. Indeed, from the turn of the twentieth century interest payments apparently began to exceed the total rental demand of the landlords. In any case, as a result of these three adverse factors a part of the borrowed money remained unpaid. A consequence was the problem of accumulation debt. According to the estimates of the Bengal Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee, the total volume of debts in 1929/30 was about 1000 million rupees. According to yet another estimate the volume of debts (without accumulated interest) stood at 960 million rupees in 1934.&lt;br /&gt;
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As the worldwide economic crisis started in 1929 the problem of debts became very acute. For whereas agricultural prices nearly halved, the volume of debt remained at the same level. As a result, an urgent need was felt to provide relief to indebted agriculturists. (Incidentally, franchise was extended under the Government of India Act, 1935.) Accordingly, the Agriculturists Debtors Act was passed in 1936. Under this Act, Settlement Boards were set up in different parts of the province, especially in some East Bengal districts, to scale down the volume of debt to the repaying capacity of indebted families. By 1944 Debt Settlement Board reduced 50 crores of rural debts to 18 crores or rupees. Meanwhile, a Moneylender’s Act was passed in 1940 to regulate the rates of interest changed by moneylenders and check malpractice of this group. But despite these efforts agricultural debts in the province stood at 150 million rupees in 1945.&lt;br /&gt;
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The stagnation in all-crop output during the last phase of the British rule continued for about two decades after its termination during which Bangladesh constituted part of Pakistan. This was so despite the fact that the Permanent Settlement which, in the words of the Bengal Land Revenue Commission (1938) ‘had stifled the enterprise and initiative of all classes of people’ was abolished by the State Acquisition Act of 1950. Cultivators were given proprietary rights in the land they cultivated. Then in the mid-1960s the government of erstwhile Pakistan launched a programme for accelerating agricultural, especially foodgrain, production through the adoption of ‘seed-water-fertiliser’ technology. The programme received further impetus after the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971. Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation, the successor to East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation, was given the task of the procurement and distribution of irrigation pumps, fertilisers and improved varieties of seeds.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the post-liberation period use of chemical fertilisers, the proportion of irrigation area and the rice land sown with improved varieties of seeds increased. At the same time, the volume of short, medium and long-term institutional credit provided especially by the Bangladesh Agricultural Development Bank (successor to the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan) also expanded. But despite these initiatives all-crop output during 1967/70-1985/88 improved by only 1.53 percent per year and foodgrain output by 1.89 percent as against a population growth rate of 2.48 percent. Wheat production, however, increased by 15.1 percent. But a much lower rate of growth in the production of rice (1.96%) slowed down the growth rate in total foodgrains output. Thus, the objective of achieving self-sufficiency in food production was not fulfilled. During the same period (1967-88) the production of pulses and oilseeds declined respectively by 1.72 and 0.72 percent. On the other hand, jute production marginally increased (by 0.15%).&lt;br /&gt;
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The use of commercial fertiliser and improved varieties of seeds as well as the proportion of irrigation area have further increased in the last decade, but Bangladesh is yet to achieve self-sufficiency in food production. This is clear from the fact that the production of rice has remained at about the same level (18 m tons) between 1990/91-1993/94 and 1994/95-1997/98. Incidentally, as in the ancient, medieval and British period, crop production continues to be the most important sub-sector, accounting for 72 percent of the total in 1997/98. The shares of other sub-sectors are as follow: forestry (7 percent), livestock (10 percent), and fishery (11 percent). Within the crop production sub-sector, rice is still the most important crop (it occupies three-fourths of the total acreage). Meanwhile, Bangladesh agriculture has experienced changes in several other ways. Jute cultivation has declined in the recent past, the net cropped area having declined from 20,977 thousand acres in 1973/74 to 19,401 thousand acres in 1996/97, although the area sown more than once has increased from 8,447 thousand acres in 1973/74 to 14,688 thousand acres in 1996/97. Agriculture’s contribution to GDP has declined from 60 percent in the pre-liberation days to about 30 percent in 1997/98.&lt;br /&gt;
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From historical and current perspectives it must be pointed out that a major source of weakness for the entire economy and the agricultural sector in particular has been the absence of industrialisation efforts on a significant scale. Industrialisation efforts during British rule were virtually absent in the territories that today constitute Bangladesh. It remained weak during the Pakistan days. The pattern during post-1971 period has not been much different either. In a situation where net-cropped area is on the decline this absence of industrial development has meant increase (according to the findings of the census of Agriculture and Livestock) in the proportion of landless people from 17 percent in 1951 to 56.5 percent in 1983/84. The changing pattern of the distribution of the size of landholdings is also indicative of the increasing rate of pauperisation of peasant families in Bangladesh. The percentage of small farms has increased from 51.6 percent in 1960 to 79.9 percent in 1996. But the average size of a holding has declined from 1.11 acres to 0.9 acres during the same time. Most of the small farms are practically non-viable. On the other hand, both the proportions of medium and large holdings as well as the average size of these holdings have declined over the last 36 years. The Land Reforms Ordinance of 1984 reduced the ceiling for ownership of agricultural land to 60 standard bighas per family from 100 bighas in 1972. According to 1996 Agricultural Census, holdings of 15 acres and above account for only 0.4 percent of the total land of the country. This means that even if all the land above the stipulated ceiling is acquired by the government (this will be an extremely difficult task) the land thus available for re-distribution among the non-viable farms will be too insignificant. Therein lies the crux of the problem facing Bangladesh agriculture and, indeed, the whole economy.  [M Mufakharul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Bibliography&#039;&#039;&#039;  Irfan Habib, &#039;&#039;Agrarian System of Mughal India 1526-1707&#039;&#039;, Bombay, 1963; Mufakharul Islam, &#039;&#039;Bengal Agriculture, 1920-26: A Quantitative Study&#039;&#039;, Cambridge, 1978; Kamrunnesa Islam, &#039;&#039;Aspects of Economic History of Bengal&#039;&#039;, Dhaka, 1984; Sugata Bose, &#039;&#039;Agrarian Bengal: Economy Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947&#039;&#039;, Cambridge, 1986; Mosharraf Hossain, &#039;&#039;Agriculture in Bangladesh: Performance, Problems and Prospects&#039;&#039;, Dhaka, 1991.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural land&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; The total land area of Bangladesh is about 14.3 million ha, of which about 59.8% is available for cultivation. Depending on the flooding depth, the land is categorized as highland (20%), medium highland (39%), medium lowland (15%), lowland (8%) and very lowland (2%). Based on physical environment which are relevant to land use, the land is divided into 30 agroecological zones and 88 sub-regions.&lt;br /&gt;
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All land areas are not suitable for all types of crops. Seasonally flooded land is suitable for rice cultivation but the use of HYVs is limited to areas with relatively shallow flood depth during the kharif season. Deep flooding for long periods limits land use to a single low yielding, deep-water rice crop. Most upland crops are grown in well-drained land. Boro is planted in poorly drained soils throughout the dry (rabi) season where irrigation can be provided and where no flooding will occur before the harvest of the crop.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural land use in coastal areas is limited to wet season cropping because of high dry season soil salinity and lack of suitable quality irrigation water. Cropping intensities, therefore, are low in coastal areas. Intensive cropping with HYVs is commonly practiced under high to medium highland with assured good quality irrigation water. Total cropped area is about 13.7 million ha, with more than 176% cropping intensity. Areas under single, double, and triple cropping are 3.5, 3.7 and 0.99 million ha, respectively. Rice alone covers about 77% of the total cropped area, of which HYV’s share is about 75%.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural land is fragmented into small pieces because of the large number of farm holdings. Total number of farm holdings is about 19 million; the average size of a holding is about 0.5 ha. In form, each holding consists of a few pieces of land which generally range from 0.1-0.2 ha.  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Agroecological Zone|agroecological zone]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Decline of agricultural land&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Human population in our country is increasing very first. For this reason, agricultural land is declining at an alarming rate. During the last decade of 80’s, only 15% land in rural areas were being used as devilling houses and non-agricultural /off farm activities, but now, it has been increased to 30%. During 1983-1984 the total cultivated area was 2 crore 2 lakh and 38 thousand acres. In 1996, it has been decreased to 1 crore, 74 lakh and 49 thousand acres. During the last 12 years, the agricultural land has been declining, on average, at the rate of about 1%. Per capita availability of land has normally been declining with the increase in population. Besides, with economic development the urbanization and industrialization is expanding. On top of that roads and highways, brickfields, hospitals, educational establishments, religions institutions and other infrastructure are simultaneously increasing. All these development infrastructures are snatching away the agricultural land. River erosion is also responsible for reducing the size of agricultural land. Recently, per availability of land is 0.17 acre. The normal living of a human being requires a minimum area of land, which is doubled than that of the presently available area.&lt;br /&gt;
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The decline of per capital availability of land ultimately increases the shortage of food, magnitude of malnutrition and poverty. Due to intrusion of modern technology in agriculture, the output has been increased by thee times during the last 3 decades. As a result, shortage of food and poverty has been significantly reduced. But due to rapid population growth and gradually diminishing agricultural land, a notable increase in crop yield observed could not minimize the shortage of food. Every year, 20-30 lakh tons of food is being imported from abroad. To get rid of the dependency on others, gradual decrease of agricultural land and its vulnerability must be properly addressed. For this, precautionary measures should immediately be taken.&lt;br /&gt;
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There have been several dialogues for many years on the issue of diminishing agricultural land, but no tangible and effective measures have so far been taken. The present Mohajoot  Government&#039;&#039;&#039; &#039;&#039;&#039;has taken this problem into active consideration. Recently, the topics has been discussed in the parliamentary standing committee for the Ministry of Agriculture and a decision was taken to stop the use the agricultural land for non-agricultural purpose.  Later on the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has also given a clear direction to this effect. Very recently, an ECNEC meeting that was chaired by Sheikh Hasina directed that for construction of  road and highways no soil be used cutting agricultural land or no soil  be used from agricultural land for brick fields.  For all these purposes, the Prime Minister advised to use the soil from river and canals. As a result, there will be a decrease in the use of agricultural land for non-agricultural purpose on the one had and navigation of rivers/canals will be re-stored resulting in better irrigation and relieve of drainage congestion. In this aspect, the intent ion of the present government to control spoiling of agricultural land and to preserve it is praise worthy.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are many reasons for the decline of agricultural land and precautionary measures are of manifold. The main reason for per capita diminishing of agricultural land is population boom. For this, the universal joint families have been deviding leading to an increase in the number of households and a decrease in the area of landholding per family. During1960, the number of agricultural households was 61 lakh 39 thousand and in 1996, it has increased to 1 crore 17 lakh  97 thousand. During this span of time, the average area of agricultural land  reduced from 3.54  to 1.71 acres. The present size of agricultural land is in no way helpful to modern cultivation of crops. Therefore, the decline of landholding size and per capita availability of land must be checked through population control. Now, in Bangladesh, the rate of population growth is 1.5 percent. It should be brought down to zero percent. For this, people should be motivated that requires political commitment. One extension worker may diffuse his information to 10, 20, or 30 persons at a time, while a politician leader can diffuse it to hundred thousand people at a time. The national leadership should realize this.&lt;br /&gt;
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In one estimate, it was observed that 35% land of the country is very suitable for agricultural crop production, 40% is medium type while 25% land is less fit for agricultural crop production. To feed the increasing population, the best agricultural land must be preserved. For non-agricultural activity, the less fertile agricultural land may be recommended. The small sized industries and business centers must be established surrounding rural growth canters. Besides, multistoried dwelling houses should be constructed in a planned way in the sides of roads in a particular place. For rural housing, if possible, government should come forward to patronize it. For this purpose, easy and soft loan provisions should be made. The village areas should be demarcated as residential, industrial and agricultural land. For this, land-zoning map should be prepared.  The similar pattern should be followed in city areas. The place of mosques, temple, schools and colleges and playgrounds should be demarcated. Careful attention should be given so that none can violet the land-zoning map while constructing a new establishment.&lt;br /&gt;
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Decreasing soil fertility is one of the reasons for decreasing yield of crops. Because of unbalanced use of fertilizers and pesticides, growing same crops in a field once and again and high intensity of cropping have been causing diminishing yield of crops. To revert this situation, the use of alluvium soil and manures should be used. Wherever irrigation and drainage are needed should be properly used. Besides, abandoned rural land should be brought under agricultural crop production. At the same time, forest land, small hills and water bodies should be fully preserved so that environment is not affected.&lt;br /&gt;
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In our country deforestation is going on at an alarming rate. Reserve forests are being made deserts through cutting of plants desperately. This should be taken care of properly. Aforestation should be maintained to keep the environment clean from pollution. Besides, hilly land are being destroyed through Jum – cultivation and displacement of settlers. For this, the jum cultivators may be permanently settled in a particular place. At present, new char-land is available in the coastal areas of Bangladesh. This new char-land by reclamation may be brought under crop cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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In our country, many lands are acquired for educational institutions, industrial establishments and development activities. In most of the cases, excess lands are being acquired.  As a result, many agricultural land go out of crop cultivation. But the excess land remains unutilized for years together. In our country, utilization of land acquired for industrial purpose is very disappointing. In one estimate it was observed that the land that was acquired for different development works, 25% of those remained under utilized. It is in fact a great loss of land, which should be controlled carefully. In the case of irrigated land, the process of acquiring should be totally prohibited. A piece of land where double crop is practiced should not be allowed to establish a brickfield or any personal use. The acquisition of land should be kept as minimum as possible either by government or by individual concern. The preference to acquire land should be given more on government khas land, while the un-utilized acquired land should be given back to original owner.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bangladesh, there are many roads that were not at all needed. One influential person for his own advantage might have made the road in the yard of his dwelling houses using government money. Such examples are observed very frequently many where in Bangladesh. This type of mentality should be discouraged. Besides, multi-purpose use of flood control embankments, highway sides, yards of schools and colleges, local water bodies etc. should be ensured. These lands should be used for cultivation of folder, transplantation of fruit trees, rearing of livestock and poultry, culture of fish etc. that will increase the agricultural productivity leading to alleviation of poverty and creation of employment opportunities for the rural community.&lt;br /&gt;
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From the British regime, many land laws were promulgated, a part of which is still essential or some of them may be traditional and redundant. The experts should review these laws. Depending on the review, a new land utilization policy may be adopted through which the use of agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes can be forbidden ensuring best utilization of land.  [Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural biodiversity&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Biological resources that are used in the agricultural programmes of a region. The general agroecological variations of Bangladesh range from below sea level-basins to small hills flanked by the large hills of the Indian subcontinent. The landmass of the country is mostly of delta formations. People of the area have come from various socio-ecological positions of the sub-continent as well as from other continents of the world. People over the centuries have been cultivating, preserving, and using more than 1364 plant species coming from both endemic and exotic origins, for about 85 diverse uses. There are about 175 species of medicinal herbs. Ethnic groups, distributed in different areas, have been involved, over centuries, in collecting and preserving the highly rich [[Biodiversity|biodiversity]] to meet their needs. Many varieties of rice, jute, sugarcane, cotton, linseed, mustard, cucumber, beans, gourds, banana, mango, bel, brinjal, dewa, berry, haritaki, amlaki, bahera, ginger, turmeric, etc have also been selected and raised by the people who have been living in this area for about 8-10 thousand years. Females cultivate a fairly large number of flora in their homesteads and cultivated lands to meet their needs. Many families as professions practice herbal medication.&lt;br /&gt;
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The biodiversity in rice is high. There were about 10,000 varieties in the country. By 1974, the recorded number of collection of rice plant genetic resource was about 7439. Of these, only 63 are rice, 18 were developed through hybridization, while the rest received simple pure line selection. At present, out of pure line selections only 22 are in use by farmers, and there are 37 modern varieties. In the Sundarbans and the Chittagong Hill Tracts, three wild species of rice have been identified. The low basin areas of Gopalganj and Sythet are considered to be the centre of origin of the deepwater rice varieties. Also many other rice varieties have originated from the land races selected from different areas of the country. Today, many of the indigenous rice varieties have been lost due to the introduction of HYVs mainly for economic considerations.&lt;br /&gt;
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Wheat (Triticum aestivum) is now the second staple food crop of the country. Except for one indigenous strain all the plant genetic resources (15,730) of common wheat have been introduced to the region, and locally developed a few breeding lines. This indicates how the introduction of a species in a geographical area can have a positive impact when its domestication can lead to increased production and diversity.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most minor [[Cereal|cereal]]s are of endemic nature. There are a small number of foxtail millets, proso millets, and others. In case of [[Jute|jute]] there are 958 accessions of Corchorus capsularis. The species Corchorus olitorius was imported. These foreign plant genetic resources have put pressure on the tree cotton species of Bangladeshi origins, which have almost been eroded.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most oilseed crops have been selected and developed out of the land races available in this part of the world. There are 10 annual crop species having more than 1200 plant genetic resource (PGR), many of which produce oils and fats of different nature. [[Mustard|mustard]] and rapeseed are two important groups and are covered by Brassica campestris and B. juncea of both endemic and exotic origins. About 500 PGR of the species that are available are being used for development of newer varieties. In addition to these, B. napus, B. carinata and B. nigra were introduced to Bangladesh during the early 1970s. [[Groundnut|groundnut]] (420), [[Soybean|soybean]] (145), and sesame (132) are the three other species that have high PGR under collection and utilization. Soybeans of American types were introduced to Bangladesh during the early 1970s. American soybean has large variations even from its original PGR of China. Wild indigenous soybean PGR are to be found in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There are numerous tree species that produce fats and oils, including the recently introduced oil palm.&lt;br /&gt;
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In case of pulses, including important food legumes, there has been considerable selection from amongst the natural variants available in this part of the world. Collection records indicate that out of 7099 PGR, 3463 are of local origin from 8 species. The rest were imported; many of them have been found to perform well and have been adapted to this system of production. The species where more exotic materials have been introduced are [[Lentil|lentil]], chickpea, [[Mungbean|mungbean]], and [[Black Gram|black gram]].&lt;br /&gt;
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Bangladesh is close to the centre of origin of [[Sugarcane|sugarcane]] which in its travel route to India and Pakistan has yielded many genetic resources. A total of 459 Saccharum officinarum and 26 S. spontaneum PGR have been recorded by the [[Bangladesh Sugarcane Research Institute|bangladesh sugarcane research institute]] alone. There are no other important sugar crops, although some PGR of sugar beet is available. A large quantity of date palm sugar in the form of molasses or ‘Gur’ is produced every year. There are about 24 species of PGR that provide nectars to bees for production of honey. A large volume of [[Honey|honey]] is produced every year and used as a substitute for sugar.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are 33 common fruit species with high number of PGR. The highly diverse species are mango, pomelo, guava and jackfruit. In total 463 variants of these species have been recorded in different institutes and orchards. The minor fruits usually come from 54 species that have 298 variants, of which 207 are of local origin. There are 52 species of fruit trees in the country that are wild in nature. There are three types of PGR that produce vegetables from roots and tubers (11 species), leaves (8 species), and fruits (20 species). These 39 species have more than 1000 PGR, indicating that the variation is high due to selections of materials in different niches of agroecological zones that depend on the choice of the selectors and the consumers. For example, each of the brinjal, tomato, radish, bottle gourd, water melon, sweet gourd, country bean, stem amaranth and other vegetables has at least 5-6 commercial varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are at least 17 species that produce variable types of spices and 21 more species, which produce food colours of various types. In only 9 species that produce spices and food colours, there are 303 PGR, many of which need to be preserved for future use. The species diversity of floricultural plants in this country is quite high. There are 22, 26, 81, 18, 217, 396, 15 and 24 species of ornamentals, [[Orchid|orchid]]s, conservatory plants, [[Aquatic Plant|aquatic plant]]s, [[Rose|rose]], arboratum and microflora (77 family and 253 genera), cactus and rocky, and wall plants respectively. In fact, as many as 781 species and varieties of diverse PGR belong to this group. Many of these species are indigenous; while some were imported. Most of the roses and cactus, and a good number of orchids, ornamentals, and conservatory PGR are of exotic nature.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Tea|tea]] is one of the most important cash crops of the country. The PGR records of this crop show that local collections of clones are 246, and introduced varieties amount to 28. The [[Bangladesh Tea Research Institute|bangladesh tea research institute]] has been maintaining only 28 local and 17 exotic clones for commercial exploitation. Coffee has three species but is not a commercial crop in this country. In Bangladesh, the PGR of conventional forest species have spread over to the social and [[Agroforestry|agroforestry]] systems due to high limitations of the forest land areas and low man-land ratio. Therefore, species diversity of trees usually grown in forests can be seen all over the country. In recent years there has been extra emphasis on the plantations of trees in homesteads, public places and crop fields. The recorded information on tree species is variable. Twenty-four species produce timbers that are used mostly for furniture. Tree species used for making agricultural equipment; boats, trawlers and ships; paper pulp and paper are 24, 52, and 30 respectively. It has been observed that many species are used for bridge construction, railway sleepers, carts and carriages, transports, electric poles, piling and jetty constructions. There are numerous homestead tree species that the people of Bangladesh use for different purposes and many of these can be used for more than one purpose.  [Lutfur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Cotton|cotton]];[[Fruit|fruit]];[[Jute|jute]];[[Rice|rice]];[[Tea|tea]];[[Wheat|wheat]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Production of major crops&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; Bangladesh is endowed with a climate favourable for the cultivation of a wide variety of both tropical and temperate crops. Though nearly 100 different kinds of crops are presently grown in Bangladesh, rice is the principal one which grows in all the three crop growing seasons of the year and covers about 77 percent of the total cropped area of about 13.7 million ha. High yielding varieties cover about 75 percent of the total rice area. Other important crops are wheat, jute, potato, oilseeds, pulses, tobacco, cotton, sugarcane, fruits, and vegetables. Crops in Bangladesh are grown both under rainfed and irrigated conditions. However, rainfed agriculture is dominant, since nearly 60 percent of the net sown area is dependent upon rain as a source of water for crop production. Traditional practices, local varieties, and low levels of inputs and management are associated with rainfed agriculture. Productivity in general is low, and year to year fluctuation in production is large. Both moisture deficiency and excesses of rain contribute to instability in agricultural production.&lt;br /&gt;
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Irrigated agriculture is usually associated with improved technologies like HYV’s, high fertiliser doses, and improved management practices. Consequently, the productivity of irrigated agriculture is high, and more or less stable with an assured water supply.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;Table 1&#039;&#039;&#039;  Area and production of the major crops (Average of 3 years: 2004/2007). &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crops || Area (000 m ton) || Production (000 ha) &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (total) || 10.495 || 26,335 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat || 479 || 816 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize || 105 || 593 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|Potato || 324 || 4728&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute || 404 || 819 (&#039;&#039;bales&#039;&#039;) &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || 153 || 5910 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses (as group) || 350 || 289&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oil seeds (as group) || 344 || 643 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Spices and condiments || 324 || 1196 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tobacco || 31 || 41 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh, 2007.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the crop statistics of 1994/95 as published in BBS, 1997, total cropped area, total production including vegetables, fruits, and other minor crops and their total values were about 13.4 million ha, 34 m tons, and Taka 250 billion respectively.  [Nurul Islam Bhiuyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Cropping pattern&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A spatial and temporal arrangement of crops within a cropping year, largely determined by physical, biological, and socio-economic factors. There are three cropping seasons (Rabi, Kharif-I or Pre-Kharif, and Kharif-II) during a year in Bangladesh. Since rice is the major crop, it dominates the cropping patterns of Bangladesh. Depending on the land type, soil characteristics, and water availability, rice cropping may be single, double, or triple. In general, double or triple rice cropping is practised in high land areas. In medium lowlands, mixed cropping of Aus and broadcast Aman is a common practice, while in deeply flooded lands, single cropping of broadcast Aman (deepwater rice) in Kharif, or Boro in Rabi, is the common practice. Non-rice crops are generally grown as a sequential or intercrop with rice. Most non-rice crops are dryland crops, although some crops like jute (Deshi type), millets (Kaon), and sugarcane can tolerate some degree of submergence at later stages of growth. Jute is grown in the Kharif-I season, competes with Boro Aus for land, and is considered a substitute crop for Boro Aus in cropping patterns. The dry (Rabi) season crops included in cropping patterns may be early, middle, or late, depending upon land types, recessions of floods, and dates of harvests of the preceding crops.&lt;br /&gt;
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In rainfed-dryland areas, growing of drought-tolerant, short-duration crop species has been an important feature. Although high crop yields have been difficult to obtain, traditional cropping patterns usually exhibit a high degree of stability. Another important feature is the extensive use of mixed cropping and intercropping of annual crops. These practices provide farmers with opportunities for harvesting diverse crops from the same land, increasing total land productivity, and maintaining and improving soil fertility through the use of legumes. Boro, Aus, jute, maize, barley, and chickpea are the most important rainfed dryland crops. When more than two crops are included in the pattern, mixed cropping, intercropping, or relay cropping are practised.&lt;br /&gt;
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A large number of cropping patterns are generally practised in Bangladesh, depending on the crop production environment which is greatly influenced by land type, soil texture, flooding regimes, rainfall (amount and distribution) and resource base of the farmers. Some dominant cropping patterns under variable crop production environments are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|  || Rabi  || Kharif-I || Kharif-II &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rainfed condition || Wheat/Potato/Pulses/Oilseeds/Sugarcane ||  Boro Aus/Jute || Fallow &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Irrigated condition || Wheat/Boro/Wheat/Potato/Tobacco/Vegetables || Fallow T Aus || T Aman Fallow&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
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Farmers for better use of soil resources, although not always executed as planned, follow crop rotations, to some extent. Generally deep-rooted crops (jute) are grown after shallow rooted crops (rice).  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural labour&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; The mainstream of rural working class rendering physical labour to carry out various agricultural activities growing crops, rearing livestock and poultry, looking after fisheries or raising trees. Before British rule in India there was no organised agricultural labour market and no provision of wage labour in agriculture. Landlords then usually distributed their land to sharecroppers (bargadars). Sometimes they themselves cultivated a part of their land with the help of slaves, perennial labourers (on annual contract), or hired labourers paid in kind and also by free board and lodging. Sharecroppers and small cultivators engaged family members and, in addition, had to adopt the practice of labour exchange (locally known as badla, gantu, etc) on the principle of strict reciprocity. Slavery was abolished through enacting a law in 1843. Exchange of labour was more prevalent till the early 1900s, when increased landlessness and introduction of cash economy replaced the system of exchange by hiring on payment. From this time, labour was paid in kind, at least partially, and the system is still in practice in rural areas.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, out of 56.0 million civilian labour force of Bangladesh, in 1995/96, 34.5 million (63.2%) were engaged in agriculture. Of the total agricultural labour force, 18% were paid day-labourers. The rest comprised the cultivators themselves and unpaid family workers. There was a remarkable increase in the number of agricultural labour force in 1990/91 (33.3 million) and 1995/96 (34.3 million), compared to 1985/86 (17.5 million). This increase was due to change in agricultural activities, which encompassed operations like animal husbandry, poultry, threshing, boiling, drying and husking crops and processing and preserving food. The rural women usually carry out these agricultural activities. Children constitute a substantial part of agricultural labour. About 1.6 million working children (63% of the employed child labour) were engaged in agriculture in Bangladesh during 1995/96. With the increase in the population of the country, the total number of agricultural labourers is increasing, but the rate of employment in the agricultural sector compared to that in the non-agricultural sector is decreasing. In 1989, 73.8% of the total manpower were employed in agriculture but the figure came down to 63.2% in 1995/96, while for non-agricultural sector it increased from 26.2% to 36.8%. Since the scope for non-agricultural employment was limited in the past and the rate of literacy in the country was poor, agriculture was burdened with a huge illiterate and unskilled manpower. With the expansion of education and urbanization at present, the scenario is being gradually changed.&lt;br /&gt;
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The land tenure system introduced during the British rule rapidly increased the number of landless people, who in most cases ultimately turned into agricultural day-labourers. Forced by repeated famines, British rulers took a number of steps for the development of agriculture, but all the efforts targeted the landed cultivators, not the landless day-labourers. About 26% of the rural households subsisted on labour as their only or principal occupation, while another 13% took it as a secondary source of income. Thus, 13 million rural Bengalis were fully or partially dependent on wage labour. In 1900, about 6,00,000 rural people (7% of the total rural population) of Bengal had labour as the primary occupation. By the early 1970s, this had increased twelve folds to about 7,200,000 people (27%). The Master Survey of Agriculture (1965/66) conducted by the government of East Pakistan disclosed that 25% of the cultivators earned wages for their labour, while three-fifths of these wage-earning cultivators were landless. The common trend was that of an increase of waged agricultural labourers. There were also regional differences in wage and mobility of the labourers.&lt;br /&gt;
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Three types of labour relations have co-existed in rural Bengal: casual day-labour, annual contract labour and seasonal labour. Casual day-labour is the shortest contract and varies from half a day (or one ‘bela’) to several days (usually one hat period that is the period between two ‘hat’ days). Casual employment provides labourers with the greatest freedom and also with the greatest insecurity. Day-labourers benefit from wage hikes in the busy season but also have to suffer starvation during the slack season. Annual contract labourers stay at the employers’ house and get cash wage and also food and clothing. Young boys begin with just food and clothing. In some cases, annual contract labourers are bonded with some kind of debtal slavery and work for the employers to repay their debt. Seasonal labourers are engaged for 2 to 4 months during the winter season, usually for harvesting crops. They migrate from one region to another. They receive wages in the form of food and paddy or cash. The paddy component is often a share of the crop harvested and varies between one-twelfth and one-fifth. In the past, working conditions for waged labourers were almost uniform throughout Bengal, although there were regional difference in wage levels and modes of wage payment. In most places the greater part of the wage was paid in cash, although a mid-day meal of rice and side dishes was provided by the employers. A morning snack of puffed rice or water soaked rice (panta bhat), betel leaf and nut, and green coconut was also provided. Women were paid less, usually in kind, and the amount was one-tenth of the production as a husker or thresher. Santals, bauris and other tribal women were the most hard working labourers.&lt;br /&gt;
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The wage of agricultural labour throughout Bengal declined during 1880 to 1980. Wages were standardised with rice in amounts varying between 2 sher (1 sher=0.9 kg) in West Bengal and 9 sher in East Bengal. The wage level has significantly increased during recent years. This is mainly due to increased job opportunities with the introduction of improved labour intensive agricultural practices and with mass-scale migration of agricultural labourers to urban areas in quest of higher income opportunities. Food for Work, Vulnerable Group Development (VGD) programmes, land reforms, creation of cluster villages in khaslands (common), distribution of easy loans, and promotion of income oriented activities by the government and NGOs are now helping agricultural labourers to improve their conditions.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural credit&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The financial support received by the farmers as loans from institutional and non-institutional sources to meet the expenses of various agricultural activities. Farmers require funding support also to recover losses due to failure of crops due to natural calamities (floods, droughts, cyclones, tidal bores or river erosion) and damage due to insect pests and diseases. This support is provided by institutions like banks, NGOs, traditional moneylenders (mahajans, beparis, rich farmers) or friends and relatives. Indebtedness of peasants in Bengal has long been a phenomenon caused by shortage of cash funds in paying the land revenue or in meeting additional tax levies. Extra expenses incurred in observance of rites of marriage and bereavement or in prosecuting disputes also cause indebtedness.&lt;br /&gt;
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The practice of farmers receiving credit from mahajans existed even in Vedic India (2000 BC to 1150 AD). The Arthasastra of Kautilya provides an elaborate account of the ancient moneylending system. References to moneylending are also found in the writing of Manu. The idea of formal banking was first spread in the subcontinent by Muslim traders from Baghdad during the Abbaside period. The growing trade of Bengal and the resultant increase in the circulation of money during the Mughal period led to the development of banking. In cooperation with the mahajans, the Mughals established the Hindustan Bank in 1700. This was the first banking institution set up in the subcontinent. The farmers who were at a remove from trade and commerce-oriented banking were left with informal sources like moneylenders, village merchants (mahajans) and shopkeepers who charged interest at exorbitant rates and had emerged as the wealthy section of the society.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the Sultanate and Mughal periods, rulers granted lower revenue rates and provided agricultural credit to farmers. Widely known as Taccavi, such loans enabled poor peasants to buy seed, bullocks, agricultural tools and implements, and enabled them to boost production by bringing new land under cultivation through reclamation. The Permanent Settlement introduced by Lord Cornwallis in 1793 was also aimed at solving credit problems in agriculture. It was hoped that zamindars who were granted proprietary rights on zamindari lands would be induced to invest capital for agricultural development. The British rulers took initiatives for the development of formal banking in the subcontinent to reduce dependence on non-institutional moneylenders.&lt;br /&gt;
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The newly developed credit agencies served the trade and commerce of urban areas exclusively. Thus such organised sources of finance did not reach villages, which came under immense cash economy at that time. The ‘Cooperative Credit Movement’ launched by the British rulers in 1904 covered a small section of agricultural borrowers. Merchants-moneylenders used to make double profit from the debtor farmers, who not only had to pay regular interest but also had to sell their produce to the creditors. This type of obligation kept the growers away from competitive markets and deprived them from getting the proper price. In some parts of Bengal, especially in Dhaka, landlords were also involved in the moneylending business, posing a serious threat to the stability of agricultural system. Landlords-cum-moneylenders could exert two fold pressure on the debtor-peasants by dictating the terms of credit and at the same time by making them pay rents and debts. Rich peasants were usually found giving paddy loans for both consumption and seeds which the borrower-cultivators had to repay after harvests. Such loans could be repaid in terms of cash or in kind on the basis of the real value of the grain borrowed.&lt;br /&gt;
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There were a good number of alien moneylenders like Kabulis and Marwaris, who had taken up this profession with great success. With the emergence of new credit agencies, these expatriate sources of credit gradually disappeared during the 1930s. In many parts of Bengal there were organised moneylenders on banias who formed a community by caste. Among the bania community, Sahas and Suvarna Vaniks were the most influential sections who even grabbed the lands of the raiyats through moneylending.&lt;br /&gt;
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Exploitation by moneylenders climaxed in the Great Depression of 1928, when drastic fall of prices of agricultural produces like rice and jute reduced the income of the farmers as well as the availability of credit. The rich moneylenders availed the opportunity and grabbed the lands of the indebted cultivators. A considerable amount of land was transferred in this way from cultivating farmers to non-cultivating groups, which ultimately affected total agricultural output. ‘The Bengal Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee Report’ revealed that the total volume of outstanding debts of the indebted farmers of Bengal in 1929/30 was about 1000 million rupees. The Bengal Board of Economic Enquiry found out that 77% families of Bengal in 1934 were indebted. The indebted peasants started launching movements in many places. Communist leaders often played leading roles in these demonstrations. As interest and usury were strictly prohibited in Islam, sometimes these movements turned into communal conflicts. There were clashes in many places between Muslims and mahajans who were mostly Hindu by religion, though some Muslims also used to practice lending under the [[Dadni System|dadni system]].&lt;br /&gt;
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Various surveys conducted following ‘The Great Depression’ advocated a number of measures to free cultivators from the vicious cycle of indebtedness. Meanwhile, the Government of India Act of 1935 extended the franchise to farmers, which added a new dimension to the prevailing political environment in Bengal. The political parties focused on the mounting problem of indebtedness and used their campaigns for winning popular votes. Under political pressure, the Legislative Council enacted the Bengal Agricultural Debtors Act in 1935 that prescribed establishment of Debt Settlement Boards in every union consisting of local leaders. But these boards were not able to work properly because most of the debts were covered by usufructuary mortgage.&lt;br /&gt;
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The government amended the Bengal Tenancy Act in 1938 for better functioning of the Debt Settlement Boards and declared all mortgages as void. According to the amended Act, the owner would get his land back after 15 years as most of the net debt (principal) as well as the interest would be cleared off. The Bengal Moneylending Act of 1933 was also amended in 1940 to regulate the rates of interest charged by moneylenders. Though operations of the Settlement Boards had temporarily eased the stifled situation, the amended act ultimately blocked agricultural production due to lack of credit since moneylenders suspicious of recovery were not ready to continue their lending business. Legislative measures were imposed without opening up any alternative channel of finance to meet the demand of the cultivators. As the creditors were not interested in mortgage, the farmers had to sell their land to manage cash money. Frequent transfer of lands resulted in the fragmentation and subdivision of lands and ultimately landlesness. The activities of the Debt Settlement Boards were finally winded up in 1945.&lt;br /&gt;
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Between 1947 and 1971, a network of institutional banking developed in East Pakistan with 36 scheduled banks, many of which provided agricultural credit facilities. A specialised bank on agricultural credit called The Pakistan Agricultural Development Bank was established in 1961. Some other local participatory rural credit mechanisms including the Comilla Cooperative Model (1959) emerged during this period and played a pioneering role in the distribution of agricultural credit on easy terms.&lt;br /&gt;
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After independence, the government attempted to reinforce the national economy by mobilising more resources as agricultural credit to meet the increasing need of farmers. More branches of nationalised banks and agencies were set up in rural areas. Thus specialised banks like the [[Bangladesh Krishi Bank|bangladesh krishi bank]] (BKB), [[Rajshahi Krishi Unnayan Bank|rajshahi krishi unnayan bank]] (RAKUB), Bangladesh Cooperative Bank, four commercial banks (the [[Sonali Bank Limited|sonali bank LIMITED]], [[Janata Bank Limited|janata bank ]][[Janata Bank Limited|LIMITED]], [[Agrani Bank Limited|agrani bank ]][[Agrani Bank Limited|LIMITED]] and [[Rupali Bank Limited|rupali bank ]][[Rupali Bank Limited|LIMITED]]), and the Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB) were used to meet the needs of farmers. These banks and the BRDB had disbursed about Tk 30.06 billion and 28.51 billion throughout the country in fiscal year 1998/1999 and 1999/2000 respectively.&lt;br /&gt;
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Branches of BKB and RAKUB that deal with more than 60% of the government allocated agricultural credit are now being set up in every union of the country. Short, mid and long-term credit are being granted to the farmers to help them in various activities such as growing seasonal crops, buying bullock or agricultural machinery, or establishing poultry or dairy farms. Some special programmes are also being undertaken for landless and marginal farmers and rural women. In the year 1999/2000, a total of Tk 1.23 billion was disbursed as collateral free microcredit to finance 17 such special programmes. All the programmes aim at alleviating poverty, and cover 25% of the total agricultural credit distributed by the government, while crop production claims 60%. The Rate of interest for loans under these programmes ranges from 10 to 15%.&lt;br /&gt;
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Though a good portion of the agricultural loan earmarked by the government remain undistributed every year (Tk 2.64 billion and 4.79 billion in 1998/99 and 1999/2000, respectively), many needy farmers are not able to avail of loans because of clumsy procedures and the collateral problem. Moreover, damage of crops due to natural calamities and irresponsible use of credit sometimes make debtor peasants bankrupt. As a result the non-repayment of agricultural credit (Tk 65.25 billion on 30 June 2000) has emerged as a great national problem.&lt;br /&gt;
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Established in 1983, [[Grameen Bank|grameen bank]] began a non-conventional microcredit programme to provide collateral-free loans to the impoverished. The borrowers are required to join the bank in self-formed groups of five. If a member fails to repay a loan, all members risk having their line of credit suspended or reduced. Group members provide one another with mutual assistance and advice to ensure individual repayment. Although, Grameen Bank charges a rate of interest higher than other banks, it has emerged as a successful model of rural development, incorporating agriculture and other income generating activities and subsiding the usual problem of loan defaults. Under the micro-credit programmes of the Grameen Bank its clients, mostly women, are getting involved in small businesses like rearing poultry or dairy cattle, pisciculture, horticulture or cottage industries, and are becoming self-reliant. Many other NGOs have also undertaken similar microcredit programme. Grameen Bank and three prominent NGOs, [[BRAC|brac]], [[Asa|asa]] and [[Proshika|proshika]] had distributed Tk 39.15 billion in 1999/2000 and recovered an outstanding loan of Tk 39.43 billion during the same year. Loans outstanding on the balance of these organisations totaled Tk 2.5 billion in June 2000.&lt;br /&gt;
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Private banks, both local and foreign, are also now granting agricultural credit. Total loans disbursed by local private banks during 1994/95 was Tk 518.70 million. The amount rose to 2.5 billion in 1999/2000. The figures on agricultural loan provided by foreign banks were Tk 441.20 million in 1998/99 and Tk 3.71 billion in 1999/2000. In addition, professional cooperative associations granted loan to members out of their own savings. These cooperatives are Co-operative Land Mortgage Bank, Union Multipurpose Co-operative Societies, Fishermen Co-operative Societies, Sugarcane Growers Co-operative Societies, Agricultural Co-operative Societies (Dept.), Agricultural Co-operative Societies (BRDB), Milk Co-operative Societies, Landless Farmer Co-operative Societies, Khamar (Farm) Co-operative Societies, Oil Producer Co-operative Societies, Pan (Betel leaf) Cultivator Co-operative Societies, and Groundnut Co-operative Societies. The loans disbursed by these cooperatives to their 5.22 million members amounted to about Tk 9.8 billion in 1996/97.&lt;br /&gt;
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Formulated in 1999, the National Agricultural Policy has attached due emphasis to the availability of institutional agricultural credit in time, to activating national, district, upazila and union level committees, and to simplifying the credit disbursement system. Banks and financial institutions have been asked to maintain a balance between simplification strategy and credit recovery and to ensure recovery of the disbursed credit.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural marketing&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The mechanism to reach agricultural products, inputs and services to target groups, including producers, consumers and intermediaries. A huge number of people are engaged in the marketing of agricultural products like rice, jute, vegetables, fruits, cattle, milk, poultry, eggs and fish. The history of agricultural marketing is as old as agriculture. Exchange of commodities had been prevalent in Bengal’s agrarian society but the reinforcement of cash economy during British rule made agricultural marketing easier and eliminated many of the problems of conversion. As peasants are very responsive to the fluctuations of market prices of crops, the cropping patterns of an area depend to a great extent on the marketing of crops. From time immemorial, farmers were found shifting their priorities regarding selection of crops and in assessing their comparative profitability. Cotton was a promising crop of Bengal during the seventeenth and eighteenth century because Bengal at that time was one of the world’s major exporters of [[Textiles|textiles]]. But cotton started losing its market with a decline in textile exports since the early nineteenth century and cotton production came down to a very low level towards the mid-nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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Indigo was another produce to emerge with a significant potential at one point but failed to hold the market for long. Cultivation of indigo declined since the 1850s, when, the native crop jute began capturing market to become a major cash crop of Bengal. Jute is still a major crop of Bangladesh involving large number of people in its marketing and manufacturing, but it is not as profitable produce now as it was in the past. The British rulers, in view of its strained relation with China, encouraged the cultivation of two import substitution crops, tea and opium during the first half of nineteenth century. Though tea has continued to be profitable since then, opium was replaced by profitable alternatives like oilseeds, cereals and potato just after the [[Sepoy Revolt, 1857|sepoy revolt]] (1857). Sugarcane was a profitable crop for a long time but was threatened by the rapid growth of the sugar industry in Europe during the second half of the nineteenth century.&lt;br /&gt;
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As most farm families in Bangladesh own very limited land, they grow just enough crops to meet their own needs. About 53% households of the country having 0.05-2.49 acres of land produce at the subsistence level. Major contributors in the supply of agricultural produce in the market are the medium (2.5-7.49 acres) and large (7.50 acres and above) farmers, who are only 11.7% and 1.7% of the farming community respectively. The institutional network to deal with marketing of even major commodities such as rice, jute, cotton, sugarcane and tea is not adequate in the country. The Department of Food, Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation, sugar mills and the Cotton Board maintain their own purchase centres. But most agricultural produces reach consumers through various types of middlemen. The Department of Agricultural Marketing, a government agency, has the responsibility of ensuring fair prices of agricultural commodities for both buyers and consumers. The department has a total manpower of 375 and advises the government in this regard. The agricultural produces exported from Bangladesh include [[Prawn|prawn]]s and shrimps, tea, raw jute, vegetables, and spices. The country received $133 million from exports of these items during 1998/99. Agriculture based manufactured commodities like jute goods, raw hides and skins, leather and leather manufacture, and frozen foods also constitute a good portion of the country’s export trade.&lt;br /&gt;
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In its agricultural policy announced in 1999, the government of Bangladesh came up with various strategies for the development of agricultural marketing. Emphasis was laid on establishing a proper marketing network to facilitate timely marketing of farm produce. The policy also identified certain steps to reduce the control of middlemen and to ensure fair prices of crops for both growers and consumers. The agricultural policy, first of its kind in the country, had pleaded for the development of agricultural industries that was neglected during the periods under British and Pakistan rule.&lt;br /&gt;
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To the British, Bengal was just a supplier of raw materials as well as a readymade market for their manufactured goods. The commercial value of an agricultural commodity at one time, therefore, varied depending on its usefulness to the British manufacturers. The Pakistani rulers took initiative for the agriculture based industrialization but those industries were set up to serve the interest of urban groups, and not farmers. At that time, compulsory procurement of rice at below market prices and imposition of excessive taxes on the export of jute was bitterly criticized. The East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation (now [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]]/BADC), established during the 1960s, played a pioneering role in the distribution of agricultural inputs. Seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, and agricultural machinery procured under government control were distributed to district and thana level licensed dealers who delivered these items to the farmers at a government-determined price while their income was established as a pre-fixed commission. These policies of marketing of agricultural produces as well as inputs were changed drastically after the independence. During the last three decades, the government winded up control and shifted to an open market economy and encouraged private initiatives in the procurement and distribution of agricultural inputs and food grains. Export led industries are now being favoured to compete in the international market. To support local entrepreneurs, the government is encouraging imports of various inputs and equipment relating to poultry and dairy industries, but not milk and other dairy products.  [M Saifullah]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural policy&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A set of pre-decided principles to be followed through planned and systematic manipulation of natural resources like soil and water for the sustained development of agriculture. Agriculture was the main source of government income in Bengal from the ancient period but the rulers of ancient, medieval, and the British periods paid very little attention to the development of agriculture. Agriculture in Bengal got an institutional framework with the introduction of the [[Permanent Settlement, The|permanent settlement]] during British rule. Under the permanent settlement [[Zamindar|zamindar]]s became proprietors of the land against payment of a fixed annual amount of land tax on a regular basis. The law barred zamindars from appealing for remission or suspension of taxes on the ground of any natural calamity and stipulated that in the case of a zamindar’s failure to pay the tax in due time, his estate would be sold in auctions. The Permanent Settlement was designed to enhance agricultural output with the help and supervision of zamindars. This objective, however, was rarely fulfilled.&lt;br /&gt;
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Repeated famines and an acute shortfall of income from land revenue ultimately forced the British government to form a number of commissions and committees, which forwarded various recommendations for the development of Bengal’s agriculture. These included abolition of the permanent settlement, scaling down the volume of debts to the repaying capacities of the indebted families, allowing sharecroppers to retain two-thirds of their produce, building up necessary infrastructure for agricultural education, research, training and extension, launching co-operative movement, etc. A number of important organisations and institutions were established as a result of the implementation of some of these recommendations. Among these are the Cooperative Credit Movement (1904), Department of Agriculture (1906), Agricultural Research Laboratory (1908), Debt Settlement Board (1936) and Bengal Agricultural Institute (1938).&lt;br /&gt;
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The Permanent Settlement was abolished by the State Acquisition Act of 1950 during the Pakistan Period when cultivators were given proprietary rights on the land they cultivated. The Pakistan government, however, paid little attention to agriculture largely, because an urban groups dominated in the policy formulating bodies and the economic policy formulation was dominated by the import-substituting industrialisation paradigm. The East Pakistan Agricultural Development Corporation (now BADC) and the East Pakistan Agricultural Bank (Now Bangladesh Krishi Bank, BKB) were established during the early 1960’s with the mandate of subsiding distribution of inputs (seed, fertiliser, pesticide, agricultural machinery, etc) and providing credit to farmers at concessional rates. The Comilla approach also emerged as an acclaimed model of integrated rural development. These newly established institutions played a vital role in boosting agricultural production through the adoption of the seed-water-fertiliser technology launched by the government during the mid-1960s. But, compulsory procurement of rice at below market prices and imposition of excessive taxes on the export of raw jute frustrated growers considerably.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Agricultural inputs policy&#039;&#039;  The policy of supplying agricultural inputs to farmers at highly subsidised rates continued in Bangladesh during the first few years after independence. The government however, soon adopted a policy of gradually shifting to laissez-faire economy and curtailed the monopoly of BADC. Between 1971 and 1981 the use of fertiliser (kg/ha) in the country increased from 11.0 to 30.9; land under the mechanized method of irrigation rose from 3.8% to 11%; and cultivated area covered the high yielding varieties of rice and wheat grew from 2.5% to 22.7%. The price subsidy provided by the government for all fertilisers was 68% in 1973/74 but decreased to 47% in 1979/80 and was fully withdrawn after 1980. But following an acute crisis of urea in 1994/95, the government intervened in open market operations and allowed BADC to distribute fertiliser through select dealers. The government also provided a fixed price support for fertilisers. At the same time, the government policy of lifting restrictions and taxes (fully and partially) from import of irrigation machinery proved very conducive to the expansion of irrigation.&lt;br /&gt;
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Policy changes also included allowing private sector participation in minor irrigation, withdrawal of restrictions on imports of wheat and rice by private traders, and innovations in open tendering for government procurement of rice. Disbursement of micro-credit, rescheduling of agricultural loans of indebted farmers, remission of land taxes for holdings up to 25 bighas, crop diversification programmes and special programmes for disaster-stricken farmers were other major steps adopted to boost agricultural production. These policy measures appear to have had a positive contribution in improving the food situation in Bangladesh. As a result foodgrain production in the country increased to 24.3 million m tons in 1999/2000, matching the annual consumption requirement of its 130 million population.&lt;br /&gt;
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The government of Bangladesh announced a National Agriculture Policy in April 1999. The overall objective of the policy was to attain self-reliance in crop production. It outlined the strategy for development of crop agriculture, the dominant sub-sector that gives three-fourths of the contribution of agriculture to the country’s GDP and about one-fourth of its aggregate GDP. At present, paddy covers about 75% of the cultivated area in Bangladesh. Such a single-crop dominated production system is not acceptable from the economic, environmental, or nutritional point of view. The new agriculture policy has, therefore, stressed crop diversification programmes for improving the nutritional status in the country. The National Agriculture Policy also aimed at improving seed distribution programme of BADC and ensuring fulfilment of at least 10% of the total demand by BADC supplies. In the light of the prevailing seed rules, the private sector will continue to retain opportunities for production, import and marketing of seeds side by side with the public sector. The already introduced seed buffer stock system will continue to ensure normal supply of seeds of major crops at the time of natural calamities.&lt;br /&gt;
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According to the National Agricultural Policy, distribution of fertilisers in the private sector will continue, but the public sector will import fertilisers, if necessary, to ensure its supply and availability in time. Use of balanced fertilisers in order to maintain proper soil quality has also been highlighted. Moreover, efforts will be made to increase irrigated area and reduce irrigation cost by promoting appropriate technology. The policy also expressed its commitment to the mechanization of agriculture as well as to providing credit facilities for the purpose. To ensure environment-friendly and sustainable agriculture, [[Integrated Pest Management|integrated pest management]] (IPM) will be the main policy for controlling pests and diseases. Farmers will be motivated to use mechanical, cultural and biological methods in controlling pests. Use of any chemical pesticide harmful to the environment will be discouraged and eventually banned. To ensure fair prices for both growers and consumers, the marketing system will be improved. Agro-processing and agro-based industries will be encouraged. Efforts will be made to increase the export of agricultural commodities. The Agricultural policy also focussed on a two-dimensional agricultural research management programme: one with low cost appropriate technologies for small, marginal, and medium farmers, including women, with a view to resolving their identified problems and the other, utilizing applied research resulting form adoption of advanced research methodology. As envisaged by the policy, the government will take necessary steps to update the agricultural system in the light of the agreement on agriculture under WTO, [[Agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area|SAFTA]] and other international treaties, while, at the same time protecting the national interest.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Livestock development policy&#039;&#039;  Formulated in 1992, the livestock development policy, the first of its kind, is being followed by the government for the development of the livestock sub-sector which contributes 6.5% of GDP. It has proposed various steps for the extension of poultry and animal husbandry as a means of self-employment as well as income-generation in rural areas. With a view to ensuring sufficient supply of protein diet, the livestock policy has laid emphasis on attaining self-reliance in the production of milk, meat and egg within the shortest possible time. The strategies that have been underscored in the policy to achieve the objectives are importing high yielding breeds, improving local breeds through cross breeding, encouraging small-scale diary and poultry farms, imparting training and providing all necessary inputs, including credit. In line with the policy, exporting milk and other dairy products are being discouraged while imports of various inputs and equipment relating to poultry and dairy industries are being encouraged to support local entrepreneurs. As indicated in the policy, the Department of Livestock Services, through its field level offices, is implementing various programmes like artificial insemination, vaccination, treatment, feed and fodder production and training. Other governmental agencies, NGOs, people’s representatives, and religious leaders have also been engaged in these programmes. The policy has also given priority to the expansion of education and research in related fields. The policy was revised later and the government has approved &amp;quot;National Livestock Development Policy-2007&amp;quot;.&lt;br /&gt;
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The national fisheries policy  Announced in 1998, this policy stressed scientific management of water bodies that include 1.4 million ponds and a large number of other seasonal submerged areas covering nearly 4.86 million ha and the 225 km long coastal area of the Bay of Bengal. Pointing out the potentiality of fisheries as a source of animal protein as well as in rural employment and poverty alleviation, the comprehensive policy has laid emphasis on the availability of inputs like fish fries, feed and credit. Any private initiative in this regard, working in tandem with government efforts, has been encouraged in the policy. The Department of Fisheries, in cooperation with local governmental organisations and NGOs, will train people in pisciculture. Pisciculture demonstration farms will also be set up throughout the country to motivate them. Open water bodies and paddy fields will be brought under pisciculture during the monsoons. Various acts have been enacted for the development of fish resources including imposing restrictions on fishing with current nets, catching fish fries, and egg bearing fishes, and acquisition of fallow ponds. The National Fisheries Policy has also assured support for the development of an export- oriented shrimp industry and semi-intensive shrimp culture without disturbing the mangrove environment.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;National forest policy&#039;&#039;  This was formulated in Bangladesh for the first time in 1979 and amended in 1994 to keep pace with the changed situation. A major objective of the National Forest Policy 1994 is to combat environmental degradation following rapid destruction of forest areas which is, at present, actually 5-6% of the total area of the country only, although official statistics claim it as 12-14% by including denuded and degraded forests. The amended forest policy has stressed an all-out effort to increase forest areas to 20% of the land area of the country by 2015. As the minimum forest areas required for the sound ecology of the country cannot be met by the rehabilitation of denuded and degraded forest lands, the forest policy has attempted to spread plantation programmes throughout the country by launching a massive social movement. In addition to regular afforestation programmes, waves approaches like social forestry and agroforesty will also be undertaken. Emphasis has also been given to planting various fast-growing species. Moreover, a green belt is being developed in coastal areas of the country to save people from natural disasters like tidal bores and floods. Plantation is also going on in the fallow lands around public, private and social institutions, roadsides and sides of railway and embankments. According to the policy, social and public organisations and NGOs as well as the participation of the people has to be ensured in these programmes. The involvement of the people will be on a profit-sharing basis and these programmes will not only grow and protect trees but also help employment and income generation. Priority has also been given on developing state-owned reserved and protected forests for maintaining biodiversity.  [Abu Abdullah and M Saifullah]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Education Agricultural&#039;&#039;  education constitutes an important element of the agricultural research and development process. Bangladesh has benefited from early and strong educational resources, beginning with the founding of the Bengal Agricultural Institute at Dhaka in 1938. At that time it was the only college for higher education in agriculture in the province of Bengal and was established on the recommendation of the Royal Agriculture Commission. It had a concurrent status as the Faculty of Agriculture of the Dhaka University. However, the Bangladesh Agricultural Institute (BAI) is at present affiliated with the [[Bangladesh Agricultural University|bangladesh agricultural university]] (BAU) and gives degrees in Agriculture covering only crops.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural education, particularly higher agricultural education, has gone through on evolutionary process. BAI used to give degrees in two parts: BSc (Agriculture) degree of two years, covering only the basic sciences, and BAg degree of two years, covering the applied sciences. Later, a 3-year BAg degree was introduced in 1945. Finally, a 4-year BSc (Ag) course was introduced after BAI was affiliated with BAU. Higher education in agricultural services made a significant advance in 1961 with the establishment of Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) as an autonomous institution. In addition to institutions like BAI and BAU, several new institutions/colleges have been established during the last 20 years.&lt;br /&gt;
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Bangladesh College of Agricultural Sciences (BCAS) was established in 1980 at Salna (Gazipur) to offer BSc (Ag) degree. It went through several reorganisations. In 1983, it was renamed as ‘Institute of Post-graduate Studies in Agriculture (IPSA)’ to offer MSc (Ag) and PhD degrees in various disciplines in agriculture. In 1998, it was made a university and renamed as Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University to offer BSc (Ag), MSc (Ag) and PhD degrees in various disciplines in agriculture. It has now been brought under the umbrella of the Ministry of Education. Dumki (Patuakhali) Agriculture College was established in 1978, and Hazi Danesh Agriculture College, Dinajpur, was established in 1988 under the Ministry of Agriculture to offer the BSc Ag degree covering only crops. The colleges at Patuakhali and Dinajpur have now been reorganised as the University of Science and Technology with a faculty of agriculture in each location and placed under the Ministry of Education. The old BAI at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar remains under the Ministry of Agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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There are also two private Agricultural Colleges, one at Rajshahi and the other at Bogra. The college of Forestry at Chittagong, under the Ministry of Forest and Environment, offers the BSc degree in Forestry. The Institute of Forestry at the University of Chittagong offers graduate and post-graduate degrees. In addition there were two veterinary colleges, one at Sylhet and the other at Chittagong, offering degrees in Veterinary Sciences. Currently, these two colleges have been upgraded to universities. Diploma level education is given by the Agriculture Extension Training Institute (AETI) and other training institutions of the sub-sectors of agriculture such as, forestry, fisheries, animal husbandry etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Intake of students&#039;&#039;  About 1200 students are admitted every year at the undergraduate level covering all the sub-sectors of agriculture and 200-250 students at the post-graduate level. The Bangladesh Agricultural University, The Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University, and the Institute of Forestry, Chittagong University offer courses leading to PhD degrees. Several hundred students are admitted into various diploma courses every year.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Faculties&#039;&#039;  The BAU is the only multi-faculty Agricultural University of Bangladesh. It has six faculties, viz, Agriculture, Veterinary Science, Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, Agricultural Engineering and Technology, and Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology. The Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University has, at present, only the Agriculture Faculty, but new faculties will be introduced here in the near future. The Agriculture/ Forestry/Veterinary Colleges have only one faculty but several departments. In addition to faculties, the BAU has a research unit, Bangladesh Agricultural University Research System (BAURES) which funds, coordinates and monitors research programmes/projects of the university, and the Graduate Training Institute (GTI) which trains new graduates and others involved in agricultural development activities.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Research&#039;&#039;  The evaluation of the agricultural research system in Bangladesh has a long tradition. At the recommendation of the Famine Commission of 1880, the government created the Department of Agriculture in 1906. This was followed by the establishment of the Agricultural Research Laboratory in 1908 at Tejgaon, Dhaka. About this time, a-403 acre experimental station was set up adjoining the Agricultural Research laboratory. This experimental station became known as the Dhaka-Monipur Farm (now Sher-e-Bangla Nagar). Subsequently, District Agricultural Farms were established in each of the districts of Bengal to carry out agricultural R&amp;amp;amp;D activities at the local level.&lt;br /&gt;
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Until 1962, research efforts on crops, soils, fertilisers, and plant protection were highly compartmentalized. With the initiation of the Second 5-year Plan (1960-65) of East Pakistan, this was integrated for the first time within a single institute, the East Pakistan Agricultural Research Institute (EPARI). After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute|bangladesh agricultural research institute]] (BARI) was established as an autonomous institute at Joydebpur, some 32 km north of Dhaka, and the newly created institute started functioning in 1973. By this time, separate institutes/research stations for rice, jute, sugarcane, tea, forestry, soils, fisheries and livestock were already in existence in the country or in the process of being established. Since then, most of these institutes/stations have also been reorganised and strengthened.&lt;br /&gt;
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Currently, there are ten research institutes dealing with crops, livestock, fisheries and forestry. In addition, a number of educational institutions, particularly the Institute of Postgraduate Studies in Agriculture (upgraded as [[Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University|bangabandhu sheikh mujibur rahman agricultural university]] in 1998) and several colleges of agriculture were established.&lt;br /&gt;
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Although all the agricultural research institutes were developed independently, but realizing the lack of coordination among these institutes, the [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]] (BARC) was established in 1973. The Council was created to function as the umbrella organisation of the agricultural research system to facilitate coordination, monitoring, and evaluation of agricultural research throughout the country. The council’s role now extends to cover all ten-research institutes dealing with crops, livestock, fisheries and forestry. Together they constitute the National Agricultural Research System (NARS) of Bangladesh. There are some 1500 scientists working within the NARS.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation&#039;&#039;  The BARC initiated some key programmes. These included the preparation of the National Agricultural Research Plan (NARP), the development of contract research projects on high priority farm problems, surveys on human resources in the research system, establishment of linkages among national research institutes as well as international organisations, and the development of a central library and documentation centre.&lt;br /&gt;
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A division called ‘Technical Support Services Division’ was created in BARC in 1981/82 to take up the responsibility to plan, monitor, evaluate, and coordinate research programmes funded by donors through BARC. By 1982/83, the monitoring and evaluation of contract research programmes began. The outcome of the evaluation enhanced the credibility and reputation of BARC. This was, in fact, the first attempt to monitor and evaluate of agricultural research in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In 1983/84, the Technical Support Service Division was redesignated as the ‘Planning and Evaluation Division’. The activities of the division were extended to cover the evaluation of performances of different research institutes and their disciplinary divisions/departments.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
BARC prepared the first National Agricultural Research Plan for 1979-83. During 1983/84, another committee was formed to draw up the second NARP for 1984-88.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Research planning&#039;&#039;  The BARC has the responsibility for agricultural research planning at the national level. Comprehensive planning of agricultural research, based on national needs and priorities, planning for improvement of research capabilities of the National Agricultural Research System (NARS), and planning for developing appropriate research infrastructures and technology transfer mechanisms are all within the purview of  BARC’s responsibilities.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the important functions of BARC has been the preparation of the National Agricultural Research Plan (NARP). Although such a plan generally identifies areas of research for the coming 5 years, there is scope for periodic updating of priorities. NARP contains guidelines for agricultural research, and defines goals, priorities, and scope of research, assuring support to the national development plan.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Currently, BARC makes periodic studies of the manpower position in agricultural research and, based on them, initiates appropriate manpower development plans (both long and short term training programmes) for agricultural research workers. Such programmes allow for training abroad as well as within the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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At the institute level, research projects are prepared, based on priorities set by BARC. A number of criteria are considered for agricultural research projects which expect BARC funding. The BARC evaluates research activities of institutes at different levels (eg, at the institute level, division level, programme/project level).  [Kazi M Badruddoza]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]];[[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute| bangladesh agricultural research institute]];[[Bangladesh Agricultural University| bangladesh agricultural university]];[[Bangladesh Rice Research Institute| bangladesh rice research institute]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Development of crop variety&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh has a large number of Plant Genetic Resources (PGR), of which about 5000 are angiosperms. People have domesticated a number of plant genetic resources of different species during the centuries of their inhabitancy. The agroecological conditions and the sociocultural background of the groups led to selection of different types of PGR in different areas. Of these, 160 species are in the cultivation under different cropping systems. The process of variety development or selection using some scientific approach started initially with the collection and cultivation of land races originated from wild plant resources in this part of the world. As is the case in all other areas, the previously selected PGR were put into the process for release and registration of the varieties of species by the National Seed Board, which is a statutory organisation of the government of Bangladesh. This is how the varieties are registered and released under the law. The present day rice species Oryza sativa has been evolved in this region and has the highest diversity of types and varieties. In 1905, in line with the Bengal Famine Commission’s report of early 1860s, Bengal Agricultural Farm and Laboratory was established in this part of Indian subcontinent. At that time emphasis was given to select and register the varieties of rice, jute and other important crops under cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Table 2&#039;&#039; Crop varieties registered and released for cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|- &lt;br /&gt;
|Crop species || No. of variety || Development process&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (&#039;&#039;Oryza sativa&#039;&#039;) (Modern varieties) BRRI (37), BINA (6), BAU (2) || 45 || Out of 45, BRRI developed 30 through hybridization and seven through introduction and selection. BINA developed all six varieties through selection after mutation. BAU developed two varieties from introductions and hybridization. All are after 1968.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice (&#039;&#039;Oryza sativa&#039;&#039;) Traditional varieties || 24  || All these varieties have been selected from amongst land races. Introduction from Nigeria (Nigersail), deepwater rice genetic resources and local boro land races. Almost all these are before 1968. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat (&#039;&#039;Triticum aestivum&amp;quot;&#039;) || 26 || These varieties have been selected from introduced genetic materials of CIMMYT. Other sources include some selection from hybridization in recent years, after 1970s.&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Barley (&#039;&#039;Hordeum vulgare&#039;&#039;) || 2 || Selection from available genetic resources of traditional nature, registered after 1980. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize (&#039;&#039;Zea mays&#039;&#039;)  || 4 || These are composite varieties, one of white grain type, and others have normal maize grain colour. Selected as varieties after mid-1970s. During early 1990s, imported hybrid varieties of maize have been imported.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Proso millet (&#039;&#039;Panicum miliaceum&#039;&#039;)   || 1 || Selections from local genetic resources which were possibly introduced long before and registered after 1980. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Foxtail millet (&#039;&#039;Setaria italica&#039;&#039;)   || 1 || Collection and subsequent selection from the locally available genetic resources. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchorus capsularis&#039;&#039;) || 7 || &#039;&#039;Atompat&#039;&#039; is a mutant selected by BINA from D-154, traditional variety. Other two varieties of very recent releases (early 1990s) are the products of hybridization (BJRI-5, BJRI-6). D-154 is a selection from land race during early 1950s.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute (&#039;&#039;Corchorus olitorius&#039;&#039;)  || 3 ||  One is the traditional variety of the region, selected from land races after introduction (during mid 1940s) from its origin. The two others have been selected after introduction from Brazil and Uganda. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Mesta (&#039;&#039;Hibiscus sabdariffa&#039;&#039;) || 1 || Selection from locally available genetic resources.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Kenaf (&#039;&#039;Hibiscus canabinus&#039;&#039;)  || 2 || One was introduced from USA; the other one was introduced from Iran. Both have been put under cultivation by BJRI.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cotton (&#039;&#039;Gossypium&#039;&#039; spp.)  || 6 || These varieties have been selected in Bangladesh after introduction from India (2), Pakistan (1) and USA (3). The Chittagong cotton varieties are perennial and are not registered as varieties. At present these are only found in homestead area.  &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Potato (&#039;&#039;Solanum tuberosum&#039;&#039;) (Modern varieties) || 15 ||  Introduced from Holland (11), UK (1), India (1) and CIP, Peru (2) during different periods starting from early 1950s. Recently, the hybrids are being introduced and tested as TPS (True Potato Seeds). &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Potato (&#039;&#039;Indigenous variety&#039;&#039;)  || 7 ||  Introduced long time back from Indian sides of the country. They are being replaced in many areas by HYVs. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sweet Potato (&#039;&#039;Ipomea batatas&#039;&#039;)  || 7 ||  Three of these varieties are from Bangladesh and one each from the Philippines and Taiwan. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane (&#039;&#039;Saccharum officinarum&#039;&#039;)  || 12 || Eleven varieties are used for industrial crushing to produce sugars. One is chewing type. The selections of the varieties were from Bangladeshi genetic resources as introduced in this region long back from the tropical Asia.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Chick pea (&#039;&#039;Cicer arietinum&#039;&#039;)  || 5  || Four of these varieties have been developed by selection after introduction, while one was selected as mutant. The materials are of low genetic variability.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Lentil (&#039;&#039;Lens culinaris&#039;&#039;)  || 2 ||  One is a selection from available resources of Bangladesh in early 1930s. The other is a selection from materials imported from Syria during the late 1970s. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Mung bean (&#039;&#039;Vigna mungo&#039;&#039;)  || 4 ||  Two of the varieties were selected from introduced materials of India. The other two are mutants selected after mutagenic treatment at BINA. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Black gram (&#039;&#039;Vigna radiata&#039;&#039;)  || 2 || These are cultivable varieties selected from introduced materials because this species is not endemic to this region. One of the selections was done in early 1940s as fodder crop. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Kheshari (&#039;&#039;Lathyrus sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 1   || Selection from land races. The variety contains chemicals that cause lathyrism when taken in high quantities. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cowpea (&#039;&#039;Vigna unguiculata&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Selection from land races under cultivation for many years in the southern part of the country. Appeared to have been originally introduced by Dutch inhabitants of the southern part of the country and also carried by Burmese or Rohyngas. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Indian mustard (&#039;&#039;Brassica juncea&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Two of these varieties were developed from land races; one is of Indian origin. The other variety was developed as a mutant selected after treatment with chemical mutagens at BAU. &lt;br /&gt;
Brown Mustard (&#039;&#039;Brassica campestris&#039;&#039;)  &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Yellow sarson (&#039;&#039;Brassica campestris&#039;&#039;)   || 24  ||  One is the original select of this region and is registered as Tori-7. This variety is still predominant. The other one is TS-72, a selection from the Tori source in 1972. One of these was introduced from Czechoslovakia in 1972 and was registered in 1982 as &#039;&#039;Sampad&#039;&#039;. The SS-75 was introduced from Pakistan and was registered in 1981. The other two have been developed after mutagenic treatment. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rapeseed (&#039;&#039;Brassica napus&#039;&#039;)     || 2   || Introduced during mid 1970s; products of introgressive hybridization between &#039;&#039;B. campestris and B. napus&#039;&#039; with selection for early maturity in Bangladesh. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sunflower (&#039;&#039;Helianthus annuus&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  Open pollinated composite variety. Seeds of better adopted hybird varieties are imported from outside every year. The coverage is small. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sesame (&#039;&#039;Sesamum indicum&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  One variety selected from naturally available genetic materials of Bangladesh. The other one was selected after introduction from Syria. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Soybean (&#039;&#039;Glycine max&#039;&#039;)   || 4  ||  Two of the varieties are from USA. One is from India through Sri Lanka. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Groundnut (&#039;&#039;Arachis hypogea&#039;&#039;)   || 5  ||  One each from Australia, the Philippines and India and two although exotic, were introduced in Bangladesh during 1940s. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Turmeric (&#039;&#039;Curcuma domestica&#039;&#039;)   || 2  || These are selections from local land races under cultivation for many years. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Black pepper (&#039;&#039;Piper nigrum&#039;&#039;)   || 1   || Mainly introduced from Malaysia and selected from amongst clones for release as variety.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Guava &#039;&#039;(Psidium guajava&#039;&#039;)   || 2   || One of these varieties was introduced from Thailand. The other one from local resources. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Papaya (&#039;&#039;Carica papaya&#039;&#039;)   || 1  ||  The variety was released as a selection from local genetic resources. Some hybrids are also available. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Banana (&#039;&#039;Musa&#039;&#039; spp.) Endemic and exotic   || 7   || One of the introduced variety of banana has been released as Basrai. The amrito sagar and sabri are the two commercially important varieties of the country. There are some varieties of vegetable banana. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cabbage (&#039;&#039;Brassica oleracea&#039;&#039; var. &#039;&#039;capitata&#039;&#039;)   || 16  ||  Seeds of these varieties are imported and the varieties are registered with the NSB for import by seed importers every year. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cauliflower (&#039;&#039;Brassica oleracea&#039;&#039; var. &#039;&#039;botrytis&#039;&#039;)   || 11  ||  Out of these 11 varieties only one is from Bangladesh which is being cultivated in Tangail through farmers selection process. Seeds of other varieties are imported from different countries and are mostly hybrids of different nature. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Radish (&#039;&#039;Raphanus sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 5  ||  All are imported varieties for cultivation. One variety Tasakisan was introduced from Japan. The other important one is the Red Bombay. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Onion (&#039;&#039;Allium cepa&#039;&#039;)   || 7  ||  Thaherpuri and Faridpur Bhati are two selected varieties of Bangladesh while all others are from Indian sources. Seeds are imported. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tomato (&#039;&#039;Lycopersicon lycopersicum&#039;&#039;)   || 10  ||  All ten are imported. Most varieties have been cultivated for long time. BARI and BINA released three varieties.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pea (&#039;&#039;Pisum sativum&#039;&#039;)   || 4  ||  All varieties are imported. One field pea (motor) of Bangladeshi origin is cultivated in most low-lying areas, either with Indian mustard or with Khesari. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sweet corn (&#039;&#039;Zea mays&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both varieties are imported hybirds. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cucumber (&#039;&#039;Cucumis sativus&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both are materials introduced from outside of Bangladesh. &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Brinjal (&#039;&#039;Solanum melongena&#039;&#039;)   || 9  ||  BARI has developed three varieties through breeding process. Other six are land races of the past selected by local people.   &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Bottle gourd (&#039;&#039;Lagenaria vulgaris&#039;&#039;)   || 2  ||  Both are imported and introduced materials. There are three local types/varieties available.&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
[Lutfur Rahman]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Pest&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Any organism that attacks growing crops and causes economic injury. Annual crop loss in Bangladesh due to insect pests alone is about 16% for rice, 15% for jute, 11% for wheat, 20% for sugarcane, 25% for vegetables, and 25% for pulse crops. Besides several species of bird and rodent pests, a total of over 700 insect and mite pest species of different crops and stored products have so far been recorded from this country, of which more than 200 species are considered as major.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Table 3&#039;&#039; Major insect pest. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop || Principal insect orders/families || No. of species &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cereals || (rice, wheat, maize, etc) Lepidoptera: Pyralidae, Noctuidae  Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae Homoptera: Cicadellidae || 34 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses || (chickpea, blackgram, mungbean, etc) Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Pterophoridae, Arctiidae, Lycaenidae  Diptera: Agromyzidae Homoptera: Aphididae || 13 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oilseeds  || (rapeseed, mustard, sesame, soybean, groundnut, sunflower, etc) Homoptera: Aphididae, Cicadellidae Lepidoptera: Sphingidae, Arctiidae, Gelechiidae, Noctuidae, Lymantridae Hymenoptera: Tenthredinidae Diptera: Agromyzidae || 19 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || Lepidoptera: Pyralidae, Noctuidae Isoptera: Termitidae Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae Homoptera: Lophopidae, Aleyrodidae, Aphididae || 16 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Jute ||  Lepidoptera: Arctiidae, Noctuidae Coleoptera: Apionidae Orthoptera: Gryllidae  Acarina (mite): Tetranichidae, Tarsonemidae || 6 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cotton || Homoptera: Cicadellidae, aphididae, Aleyrodidae Hemiptera: Pyrrhocoridae Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae  || 8 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Tuber crops || (potato, sweet potato, aroids) Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Arctiidae Sphingidae Coleoptera: Coccinellidae, Curculionidae, Chrysomelidae  Homoptera: Cicadellidae, Aphididae || 17 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Vegetables || (cucurbits, beans, okra, brinjal, tomato, cabbage, cauliflower, etc) Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae, Coccinellidae Diptera: Tephritidae Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Pyralidae, Yponomeutidae, Lycaenidae, Pieridae Homoptera: Aphididae, Cicadellidae Hemiptera: Pyrrhocoridae || 37&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Pest management&#039;&#039;  Rice and jute being most important field crops, control of pests of these crops till 1956 mainly comprised of a few traditional methods such as rotation of crops, manual collection of various stages of pests, destruction of affected plant parts, and some sanitation and cultural practices. In 1956 synthetic [[Insecticide|insecticide]]s were first introduced in Bangladesh by the Department of Plant Protection, Ministry of Agriculture, and were distributed to farmers free of cost. The use of insecticides soon became very popular among the farmers for pest control of rice and other crops. From 1974, the government started selling pesticides at subsidized prices, but from 1979 the subsidy was withdrawn. The farmers, however, are continuing the use of chemicals as a primary measure for pest management. A total of 94 pesticides (including one botanical), with 299 trade names, of different groups and formulations, have been registered for use in agriculture. In 1999, the total consumption of formulated pesticides was about 14,340 m tons, containing 2,462 m tons of active ingredient. It is estimated that about 90% of insecticides are applied for rice pest control throughout the country.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Chemical pesticides alone do not always give satisfactory management results. Recently, the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) initiated Integrated Pest Management (IPM) Programme in 72 upazilas of 63 districts jointly with FAO. The DAE has also taken up another five-year project (1997-2002) called Strengthening Plant Protection Services (SPPS) in 137 upazilas with DANIDA to train 836 extension staff of DAE in IPM for vegetables and rice. About 25,000 vegetable farmers and 80,000 rice farmers are expected to receive in-depth IPM training. In addition to IPM, this project has three other components: pest surveillance and forecasting, pesticide administration and quality control, and developing pest management practices that are compatible with IPM.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Disease&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039; A wide variety of plant diseases are found to occur on crops, causing huge economic losses. Till now, about 536 diseases have been recorded from 43 crop plants. Although accurate statistics regarding the economic loss is not available, it is estimated that it will be about Taka 6 billion annually. Not only the production, but the quality of the produce may also be severely affected. Rice and cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, fibers, sugar and spices are known to suffer from 100, 109, 80, 94, 55, 33, 24 and 31 detectable diseases, respectively. Of these 37, 26, 24, 32, 28, 18, 9 and 8 diseases, respectively, are of major importance. Plant diseases are usually grouped according to their causal agents. These include pathogenic fungus, bacteria, virus and micoplasma, and plant parasitic nematodes. The diseases may be soil-borne or seed-borne when they are perpetuated through contaminated soil or seeds. Some diseases are air-borne and are transmitted by wind, while insect pests transmit many others, particularly viral diseases.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 4&#039;&#039; Crop diseases. &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop group || Total no. of diseases || No. of major diseases || No. of minor diseases &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Cereals || 110 || 37 || 73 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Pulses || 109 || 26 || 83 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Oilseeds || 80 || 24 || 56 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Vegetables || 94 || 32 || 62 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Fruits || 55 || 28 || 27 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Fibers || 33 || 18 || 15 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sugarcane || 24 || 9 || 15 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Spices || 31 || 8 || 23 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Total || 536 || 182 || 354&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; HU Ahmed 1994, PAB-GIFAP Asia Working Group Meeting Proceedings.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of cereal crops&#039;&#039;  Of the total 110 diseases so far reported from cereal crops in Bangladesh, fungus alone causes about 75 diseases. The important diseases of rice and other cereals are bacterial leaf blight, sheath blight, tungro, ufra, sheath rot, leaf scald, blast, brown spot, bacterial leaf streak, stem rot, bakanae, root-knot of rice; leaf rust, loose smut, seedling blight, leaf blight and root rot of wheat; leaf blight of maize; leaf stripe, root rot of barley; root rot, leaf blast and downy mildew of millet; grain smut, leaf spot, anthracnose, rust and downy mildew of sorghum, and loose smut and leaf blotch of oat.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of pulse crops&#039;&#039;  Pulses are attacked by about 109 different diseases of which 26 are of major importance. These have been recorded on chickpea (11), lentil (16), grasspea (14), mungbean (16), blackgram (21), pigeonpea (11), fieldpea (11), and cowpea (9). Notable among pulse diseases are root rot of chickpea, lentil, grasspea, cowpea, mungbean and blackgram; blights of chickpea, lentil, blackgram and grasspea; cercospora leaf spot and yellow mosaic of blackgram, mungbean, cowpea and fieldpea; wilts of chickpea, lentil and pigeonpea; stemphyllium blight of lentil; powdery mildew of blackgram, mungbean and fieldpea; downy mildew of grasspea; and rusts of lentil.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Table 5&#039;&#039; Diseases of cereal crops caused by different pathogens. &lt;br /&gt;
{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Crop || Fungus || Bacteria || Virus and Mycoplasma ||  Nematode || Total &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Rice || 20 || 3 || 2 ||6 || 31 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Wheat ||12 || 0 || 2 || 6 || 20 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Maize || 19 || 1 || 3 || 5 || 28 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Millet || 7 || 0 ||  0 || 3 || 10 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Barley || 11 || 0 || 2 || 0 || 13 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Sorghum  || 4 || 0 || 1 || 0 || 5 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|Oat || 2 || 0 || 1 || 0  ||3 &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Total ||75 || 4 || 11 || 20 || 110 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039; HU Ahmed 1994, PAB-GIFAP Asia Working Group Meeting Proceedings.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Diseases of oilseed crops&#039;&#039;  Nearly 80 diseases including 24 of major importance have been recorded on nine oilseed crops, including mustard, groundnut, sesame, soybean, sunflower, linseed and niger in Bangladesh. The most serious diseases are Alternaria blight of mustard; tikka and rust of groundnut; stem rot of sesame, groundnut and linseed; anthracnose, seed rot/decay, and yellow mosaic of soybean.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Diseases of vegetables&#039;&#039;  Till now about 94 diseases have been recorded from nine common vegetables in Bangladesh, of which about 32 are considered as major. Late blight, early blight, stem rot, black scarf, dry rot, wilt, soft rot/black leg, common scab, potato leaf rot and potato mosaic; late blight, early blight, damping off, bacterial wilt, and mosaic of tomato; foot rot, bacterial wilt, fruit rot and little leaf of brinjal; leaf spot of radish, cabbage, cauliflower; anthracnose of bean; yellow mosaic of okra, and powdery mildew of gourd are important diseases.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Fruit diseases&#039;&#039;  Among the recorded 55 diseases of fruit crops, the most damaging ones are fusarium wilt, bacterial wilt, and sigatoka of banana; mosaic (virus) and stem rot of papaya; anthracnose of mango; dieback of citrus; and wilt of guava. Many diseases are internally or externally seed borne. If they are allowed to survive, the diseases will be manifested in the following season.  [SM Humayun Kabir]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural resources&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh is predominantly an agricultural country and the major agricultural resources are the land and soil, water, agroclimate, different varieties and breeds of crops, livestock and fishes, and forests.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Land and soil resources&#039;&#039; These have broadly been divided into three main physiographic areas: floodplain, terrace and hill. Floodplain areas occupy about 80 percent of Bangladesh. These areas are generally alluvial plains criss-crossed by the rivers Meghna, Jamuna and Padma, and their innumerable tributaries and distributaries. Rivers bring an enormous quantity of clay, silt and sand, and deposit them in the agricultural land. Clays and silts so deposited contain potash-bearing minerals that enrich the soils with potassium nutrient. Four main types of floodplain landscapes have been identified. These are: (a) the piedmont at the foot of the eastern hills; (b) the Ganges tidal floodplain; (c) the meander floodplains of the Ganges, Tista, Brahmaputra, Jamuna and Surma-Kusiara; and (d) the old and young Meghna estuaries. Terrace areas consist of the Madhupur as well as the Barind tracts. These are uplifted and occupy about 8 percent of Bangladesh. The Madhupur tract comprises parts of Gazipur, Mymensingh and Tangail districts; while the Barind tract comprises parts of Rajshahi, Naogaon, Bogra, Joypurhat, Gaibandha and Dinajpur. The hill areas comprise of Chittagong Hill districts and parts of Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar, Comilla, Maulvi Bazar, Sylhet and northern Mymensingh districts. They occupy about 12 percent of the country. These areas have high and low hill ranges.&lt;br /&gt;
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Of the total land surface of about 13.5 million ha (m ha), 9.15 m ha are used for agriculture, while an estimated 2.45 m ha consist of forest or potential forests. The use of agricultural land has intensified during the last three decades. There is continuous transformation from single crops (30% of net cropped area) to double (55%), and triple crop (15%). The cropping intensity of the country is now about 182%.&lt;br /&gt;
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Based on physicochemical properties, colour, depth, and presence of lime, the soils of Bangladesh have broadly been classified into 20 general soil types.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Water resources&#039;&#039;  Water is one of the important natural resources of Bangladesh. The rainfall during the monsoon (June-October) varies between 125 cm in the northwest region and 400 cm in the northeast. This immense quantity of surface water flows through the major rivers and overflows their banks. Moreover, the huge quantity of water coming from neighbouring country during the same time often aggravates the situation, giving rise to floods in the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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Irrigation coverage has increased considerably from about 2.65 million ha in 1990/91 to about 4.0 million ha in 1996/97. Ground water irrigation covered 64.5% of the total irrigated area while surface water accounted for only about 31.5% in 1996/97. Irrigation expansion is projected to reach 5.41 million ha in 2005-2006 which is about 72% of the total potential irrigable area of 7.56 million ha.&lt;br /&gt;
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There is abundance of surface water in the south but the quality of water is a problem. Salinity exists in the shallow aquifers near the coast and locally inland in the southeast. The hydrological situation and irrigation coverage has a significant bearing on the overall performances of the crop diversification programme during the dry season.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Agroclimate&#039;&#039;  Four agroclimatic zones have been recognised throughout the country by analysing the daily rainfall as well as other climatic parameters such as, potential evapotranspiration, wind speed, and sunshine. The four agroclimatic zones include average length of pre-kharif period when rainfed moisture supply is intermittent and uncertain; average length of rainfed kharif and rabi growing period; average number of days in a year with minimum temperature (below 15BAC); and average number of days in a year with maximum summer temperatures (higher than 40BAC).&lt;br /&gt;
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Performances of different agricultural sectors  Agriculture is the lifeline of the Bangladesh economy, despite the marked decline in its contribution to GDP, from about 50.4% in 1984/85 to about 21% in 2006/2007 at current market prices. The crop sub-sector alone provides about 56% of the value added by agricultural sources while an additional 14% comes from livestock, 21% from fisheries, and 8% from forestry. The agriculture sector also employs 52% of the civilian labour force.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Crops sub-sector&#039;&#039;  During the past three decades cereal production has increased about three times from 10.26 million m tons in 1972/73 to 28.39 million m tons in 2006-07. The principal sources of growth came from boro and Aman rice as well as wheat. Among non-cereal food crops, potatoes have had an impressive growth record from 1.09 million m tons in 1981/82 to 8.2 million m tons in 2007/08. Yields of other crops such as pulse and oilseeds have also improved despite a fall in total production because of a reallocation of land to irrigated boro rice. To attain self-sufficiency within the shortest possible time, intensification of crop production by multiple cropping, increased cropping intensity, and use of high yielding varieties is a must. This involves adoption of complete management practice of seed-fertilizer-water technology through intensive use of land and soil resources with maximum efficiency.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Livestock sub-sector&#039;&#039;  Livestock represents an important component of Bangladesh’s traditional farming system. The share of livestock sub-sector to GDP at constant prices was 2.92% and growth rate was 6.15% in 2005-06. This sub-sector has immense contribution towards meeting the daily protein requirements, crop cultivation and export of leather and leather goods. According to an estimate made by the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock, the number cattle was 22.8 million, buffalo 1.16 million, goat 19.96 million, sheep 2.57 million, chicken 192.82 million and duck 38.17 million in 2005-06. The density of cattle population is high but there productivity is low in Bangladesh. Thus, the gap between production and demand for livestock products is enormous. Most livestock breeds are of poor genetic stock and are, therefore, poor yielders. However, high performing exotic breeds have been successfully introduced under intensive and semi-intensive systems. Further research and development activities are in progress in this regard. Moreover, appropriate measures have been taken to solve problems of feed, diseases and management. [[Bangladesh Livestock Research Institute|bangladesh livestock research institute]] has so far developed 59 new technologies for development of the livestock sub-sector and some of them have been transferred to the farmers successfully. Among those technologies, cattle fattening, preservation of green fodder, development of PPR and goat pox vaccine, broiler and layer rearing models for small farmers, quail and pigeon rearing etc. are important.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Fisheries sub-sector&#039;&#039;  This sub-sector accounts for the major share in the country’s animal production system, providing about 58% of the animal protein intake. The share of the fisheries sub-sector to GDP at constant prices was 4.73% in 2005-06. About 12.5 million people of the country are directly or indirectly dependent on this sub-sector for their livelihood. This sub-sector contributes about 22% to agricultural GDP at constant prices. There are 1.3 million ponds and lakes covering an area of 0.3 million hectares and 24,000 km rivers covering 1.03 million hectares. Moreover, there are 1.1 million beels covering 0.11 million hectares, 5,488 hectares lakes, 68,800 hectares Kaptai Lake, 0.2 million hectares Sundarban water areas and 2.83 million hectares open water. The gross production of fish in 2006-07 was 2.44 million m tons, of which 1.007 million m tons came from inland open water, 0.816 million m tons from closed water and 0.487 million m tons from marine water. There are 260 species of fish and 24 species of shrimp in sweet water, and 475 species of fish and 36 species of shrimp in marine water of Bangladesh. In recent years, the production of fish has increased in the country but it is not sufficient in relation to total demand. Meanwhile, some technologies developed by the [[Bangladesh Fisheries Research Institute|bangladesh fisheries research institute]] (BFRI) after 1990 have been successfully transferred to the rural farmers country-wide by various government and non-government organisations through training, demonstrations and distribution of fish culture leaflets/manual. The technologies include: raising of fry and fingerlings of carps; polyculture of carps; culture of nilotica; integrated rice-fish farming; and integrated poultry/duck-fish farming.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Forestry sub-sector&#039;&#039;  The total forest area in Bangladesh is about 12.9%. About 89% of total forest areas of the country is owned by the government and the remainder 11% is privately controlled homestead forest land scattered all over the country. Currently, only about 7.7% of the total land area is covered by tress. This is quite insufficient for ecological balance and sustainable environmental security. Forests supply a variety of products, such as timber, firewood, bamboo, golpata, honey and fish. Total production of these products has been declining over the last three decades. However, efforts have been made by government and private sectors for conservation and expansion of forests. Among different programmes, coastal aforestation, large scale plantation in the denuded and degraded forest areas and social forestry are important. [[Bangladesh Forest Research Institute|bangladesh forest research institute]] has been working on development of new technologies for this sub-sector.  [Md. Shahidul Islam and Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Environmental issues related to agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh is affected by almost all the environmental events that occur in a tropical region. A single environmental event such as hail, tornado, massive rainfall or tropical cyclone can destroy the labour of the whole year. It is apprehended that due to global warming the rise in sea level in future may inundate vast areas of southern Bangladesh by sea water. Moreover, in recent years, changes in the ecosystems are of concern about sustainable agricultural production. The major environmental issues which need to be addressed are floods, droughts, cyclones (and tidal surges), river bank erosion, soil erosion, land degradation, declining soil fertility/organic matter depletion, tornadoes, earthquakes, nor’westers and hailstorms, salinity, siltation, pests and diseases of crops, poultry and livestock, and extreme temperatures for crop production. Major ‘man-made’ environmental problems are landslides, ground water table depletion, declining of forest, fish and livestock resources, and air and water pollution (including contamination of ground water with arsenic). Some of these problems are recurrent, such as floods, droughts, and cyclones, while others are accumulative, such as deforestation, decrease in water availability, and increasing salinity.&lt;br /&gt;
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The monsoon or rainy season between June and October brings floods, normally inundating some 2.6 million ha of land surface. Estimates over the last 45 years show that there were devastating floods in 1954, 1955, 1956, 1962, 1964, 1968, 1970, 1971, 1974, 1978, 1984, 1987, 1988, and 1998 engulfing areas ranging from 3.5 to 12.2 million ha. Recent estimates show that 50 percent of the total land of Bangladesh (about 14.4 million ha) is vulnerable to floods of one kind or the other. In Bangladesh, about 1.32 million ha of cropland are highly flood prone and 5.05 million ha are moderately flood prone. The unprecedented flood of 1988 devastated close to 60% of the land area of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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The flood depth to which the land is normally inundated ranges from 30 to 250 cm, but in some areas, particularly in depressions and haors, it may reach to 500 cm. Extensive river floods cause great disruption and damage to infrastructure, and loss of standing crops. Flash floods also often cause considerable, localized damage to crops, fish ponds, property, and infrastructure, particularly in the north, northeast and eastern part of the country. In Bangladesh spread, depth, and duration of floods vary from year to year.&lt;br /&gt;
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Historically, drought-induced famines were also devastating, but the effects of drought have been reduced by increased access to irrigation and by the provision of food aid. Nevertheless, drought remains a threat to the livelihoods of subsistence farmers and agricultural labourers, particularly in the northwest area of the country. In Bangladesh drought is an important limiting factor for crop production where crops are grown mostly under rainfed condition. Droughts affect about 2.32 million ha in Kharif and 1.2 million ha in Rabi seasons in almost every year. The Kharif drought severely affects the transplanted Aman, reducing its production by about 1.5 million m tons annually. The Rabi season drought affects mainly wheat, potato, mustard and aus paddy crops. Obviously, rainfall is the primary single factor influencing the incidence of droughts in the macro-climatic sense. From long term rainfall data, it appears that droughts affect the country, on an average, almost once in every five years. It affects the Aus and deep water rice (March to May) and transplant Aman (October to November) crops, depending on the period of drought. Severity, intensity, yield reduction, and supplementary irrigation needs vary according to rice cultivars. Yield losses often exceed 45% in very severe drought areas. The maximum yield reductions are found in the vulnerable zones of northwest and southwest parts of the country which are considered as very severe drought-prone areas. Since the agro-climatic conditions during Rabi season are usually unfavorable, the crop yield reduction varies from less than 10% to more than 70% depending on the crop, the time of planting and severity of the drought. The northern and eastern parts of the country are included in the slightly drought-prone class.&lt;br /&gt;
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Major cyclones in the last fifty years indicate that they were responsible for large number of disaster-related deaths as well as considerable losses to agriculture and damage to infrastructure in coastal areas. Occurrence of cyclones and tidal surges is a regular phenomenon in Bangladesh. The worst ever cyclone and tidal surge of 29 April 1991 destroyed standing crops of about 1.8 million ha and caused colossal losses to human lives, livestock, and aquatic resources. Likewise, crop losses worth about Taka 30 million are caused annually due to damages by pre-monsoon hailstorms and excessive rains. During 1795-1900, the country experienced major cyclonic storms and tidal surges almost once in every ten years. But after this period during (1901-1985) such natural hazards occurred almost once in every two years. During 1960’s and 1970’s, the country received higher number of these hazards compared to other decades. The 85 year accumulated data on monthly occurrence of major cyclonic storms and tidal surges show that about 33% of these pass over Bangladesh during May, 31% in October, 14% in November, and 8% in December. This indicates that about 78% of the cyclonic events inflict Bangladesh during May, October, and November. Coastal areas, particularly Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar, and the offshore islands are the most affected areas. The frequency distribution of cyclones forming over the Bay of Bengal from 1948 to 1970 shows that out of 19 severe storms, the highest 6 occurred in May, followed by 5 in October, 4 in December, and 3 in November.&lt;br /&gt;
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River bank erosion along many rivers, both major and minor, carries away agricultural land and destroys houses and other structures. It is estimated that about a million people are displaced every year as a direct result of erosion.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bangladesh, out of the 2.85 million ha of coastal and offshore areas, about a million ha are affected by various degrees of soil salinity. Agricultural land use in these areas is very poor, much lower than the country’s average cropping intensity (170%, ranging from 62% in Chittagong coastal region to 114% in Patuakhali coastal region). Soil erosion and soil fertility problems are the two principal causes of low productivity in Bangladesh. Organic matter content of most soils are below the critical level. Moreover, more than 4 million ha of cropland are Sulfur-deficient, and another 2 million ha are deficient in zinc. Crop loss due to damage by different pests and diseases is also high; 10-15% production losses are attributed to pest damage alone. A recent report shows that more than hundred types of pesticides are used indiscriminately over the country which may lead to water and soil pollution.&lt;br /&gt;
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Tornadoes cause localized devastation of cropland in widely scattered areas. A seismic zone extends across the country and there is a risk of earthquakes that could cause serious damage to infrastructure, including embankments and other flood control structures. Landslides often occur in hilly areas due to heavy rainfalls, causing damage to agriculture and other resources.&lt;br /&gt;
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Very high population density, unplanned urbanization, industrialization, and other form of human activities add substantially to environmental degradation. These lead to the growth of unplanned squatter settlements, reduction of agricultural land, as well as increasing landlessness, unemployment, and poverty.&lt;br /&gt;
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A study based on historical climatic data over the country showed a decline of sunshine hours since 1970, annually or seasonally, but rainfall and temperature did not show any perceptible variations except minor fluctuations. Declining sunshine hours may be related to low productivity over the last decade.&lt;br /&gt;
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The increasing threats of environmental vulnerability and high rate of population growth are the principal contributors to the long-run stagnation of the economy. These facts clearly indicate that agricultural resources in Bangladesh are already under severe environmental stress and where possible, are to be urgently augmented to raise the productive capability of the scarce and essential agricultural resource base.  [Md. Serajul Islam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Cyclone|cyclone]]; [[Drought|drought]]; [[Flood|flood]]; [[Nor’wester|nor’wester]]; [[Tornado|tornado]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Crop hazard management&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The application of measures to avoid or to minimize the impact of disasters on various agricultural development activities. Essentially it means regulating cropping and other land use in order to reduce the vulnerability of crops, livestock, fisheries, forestry, people and properties. It also implies structural or non-structural interventions or combination of both, as applicable and dissemination of scientific information. Motivation and ensuring peoples’ participation are essential as a part of the cropping strategy of managing disasters in agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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Disasters are a common phenomenon in Bangladesh agriculture and is experienced in one form or another almost every year. The peasant communities are accustomed to disasters that normally occur, and they apply coping mechanisms learnt from their ancestors. In case of a high devastating situation, however, loss to agriculture is enormous as improved technical information is not yet available. Further, it is of great concern that the magnitude and the frequency of disasters are increasing and will be more severe under the predicted global warming and climate change situations. Research on disaster management for sustainable agricultural development is thus an imperative. Introduction of appropriate technology and its wider use will be essential in the future years. Comprehensive policy decisions and strong research and extension interventions will be necessary to combat disasters in the future. Through dissemination of modern research information and the ability of farmers to utilise new technologies, the impact of disasters could be significantly minimized. Since there is scant evidence of structural (polders, embankments, etc) measures having helped to reduce flooding (drainage congestion rather more) and boost production, appropriate blending of structural and non-structural measures to overcome flooding, salinity and drought situation is required.  [M Anwar Iqbal]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Machinery for land preparation&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  It includes all sorts of hand tools, equipment and accessories that are used in agricultural farms for land preparation, at the initial stages of crop production. Use of machinery depends on the type of soil and soil conditions, sources of power, socio-economic conditions of farmers etc. A single crop often needs different kinds of machinery at different stages of its growth. Land preparation is the first and most important stage in the crop production process. In Bangladesh several kinds of traditional, improved, and imported machineries are used for this purpose. Following are the different kinds of land preparation machinery generally used for cultivating major crops by Bangladeshi farmers:&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Spade&#039;&#039; (kodal)  This is the most ancient agricultural implement abundantly available in Bangladesh. It has two parts a steel blade for cutting soil, and a wooden handle for operation. There are different sizes and shapes of spades available in different regions of Bangladesh. Spades are generally made by village blacksmiths and in small workshops in towns. Farmers use spade for seedbed preparation, weeding, cutting and removing soil, making dikes, and other household activities. The length, width and thickness of the blade generally ranges from 25-30, 20-25 and 1-3 cm respectively. The weight varies from 2 kg to 3.25 kg. It is used in small plots where cultivation with country plough is difficult.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculture1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Tillage using Indigenous country plough]]   &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Indigenous country plough&#039;&#039; (langal)  A very old implement used by the farmers for many centuries for land preparation. There are several local names, such as Nankol, Nahal, Akkoing, Bangla langal, Shiami langal etc. It is perhaps the most widely used implement in Bangladesh. There are more than 100 kinds of country ploughs. It has three different parts: (i) bottom and handle, (ii) beam, and (iii) share. The plough bottom and the handle is made from a single piece of wood. However, in some regions the bottom and handle are made separately and then fixed together. The plough bottom may be wider or narrower depending upon the soil condition and size of bullock.&lt;br /&gt;
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The plough is generally 1.9-2.0 metre in length, 5.0-7.5 cm in width, and 3.75-5.0 cm in thickness. The ploughshare is made of steel of about 21-345 cm in length, 2.5-11.5 cm in width and 0.32-3.0 cm in thickness. The country plough can cut soil but cannot invert it. The capacity of a country plough is about 0.16-0.2 ha/day. Some improved types of country ploughs are being used in many parts of the country nowadays.&lt;br /&gt;
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Single animal drawn plough (mohisher langal)  Similar to the country plough in construction, but it is operated by a single bullock or buffalo. The tying arrangement of the plough to the neckharness is also different. The neckharness, commonly known as joal, is a beam, generally made from 1.25-1.6 metre long bamboo or wood, and is used in both types of ploughs. There are several sizes and shapes of neckharnesses. It is used mostly in the Sylhet region.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculture2.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Land leveling by Ladder or Moi]]    &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Ladder&#039;&#039; (moi)  The ladder, also locally named as chongha, chongham, hapta, septa, dolon, dolna, hatta, keyai, basoi etc, is used to level the ploughed land and also to break soil clods after cultivation. Often it is used to cover crop seeds after broadcasting. The construction of ladder is very simple; a village carpenter makes it from bamboo, but in some places it is made from hard wood. It is drawn by a pair of bullocks or buffaloes. The ladder is connected to the ends of the neckharness with ropes during operation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mallet&#039;&#039; (mugur)  The main purpose of mugur is to break the large soil clods when breaking of clods by laddering is not satisfactory. It is also known as uja, kurish, shappaya etc. It is generally made of bamboo or wood.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Agriculturepowertiler.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Tillage by Power tiller]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Power tiller&#039;&#039;  An engine-operated soil tilling unit. During the sixties power tillers were first imported from Japan on a limited scale. Since the late eighties, however power tillers have been gaining popularity in Bangladesh due to the acute shortage of animal power in cultivation. There are about 100,000 power tillers now in use in Bangladesh. A single axle, two wheeled, 7-12 hp power tiller can cultivate about 1 ha of land per day. At present, power tillers are imported mainly from China. Some local manufacturers have started to make power tillers recently.      &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Hydrotiller&#039;&#039;  It consists of a rotary tilling unit, a pontoon and an engine. The machine is suitable for cultivating marshy land where a power tiller cannot be operated. It can cultivate about 1 ha of land/day.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Tractor&#039;&#039;  A self propelled machine which is used for cultivation, carrying loads, hulling, etc. It is powered by a diesel engine of 40-60 hp. It can work both in running and stationery conditions. At stationery condition it delivers power to the machine with a shaft called power take off (PTO) shaft. Pulleys, hydraulic system and drawbar are empowered through PTO shaft. Tractors are categorized according to their structure and the type of job they perform, such as 2-wheeled, 3-wheeled, 4-wheeled etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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Machinery for seeding, planting and intercultural operation  Although seeding, planting and intercultural operations are mostly done manually by Bangladeshi farmers, certain devices are used for reducing cost of production and improving yields.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RicePlant.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Paddy seedlings are transplanted by traditional methods]]&lt;br /&gt;
Since ancient times seed sowing and planting operations have been accomplished mainly by traditional manual methods. In dry field conditions paddy seed is randomly broadcast by hand. Under wet field conditions paddy seedlings are transplanted randomly in puddled land. However, for line transplanting, labourers use a graduated wooden stick called Kyme as a guide.&lt;br /&gt;
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In transplanting, farmers firstly sow rice seeds in a small plot and grow seedlings for 3-4 weeks. Then they uproot the seedlings and transplant them in a puddled field. Other grain crops such as wheat, maize, pulses etc are cultivated in dry field conditions. However, herbs, shrubs, bushes, and trees are always cultivated through the manual planting method. &lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Jhum.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Jhum cultivation]] &lt;br /&gt;
Jhum cultivation is usually practiced in the hilly areas of Bangladesh. Land preparation by conventional tillage implements are difficult, and at times, impossible. In hill slopes instead of cultivating the entire area, people of hilly areas make holes in the ground with the help of special tools such as knives, dao, small spades, axes, kurals, khuntis, sickles etc and put seeds or seedlings of different crops in those holes and fill them up with earth.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern seeding and planting machinery&#039;&#039;  (i) Seed drill: consists of a wheel, a hopper, two furrow openers, a press wheel and a handle. The furrow openers open the furrows and seeds are dropped into the furrow from the hopper and subsequently covered with the soil by the press wheel attached behind the furrow openers. This seed drill is used to sow seeds in lines at equal distances facilitating the use of hand hoe or rotary weeder to save labour as well as quantity of seeds. The capacity is about 0.4 ha/man-day. (ii) BRRI drum seeder: made of light weight tubing and sheet metal. It has 8 rows, 18 to 25 cm apart. This machine successfully sows sprouted paddy seeds in lines on a puddled land. It is a new concept over traditional transplanting. This machine seeds paddy in neat rows which can be conveniently weeded with push type mechanical weeders. It permits uniform seeding of fairly low seed rates of 50-100 kg/ha. The capacity is about 0.1 ha/man-day. (iii) BRRI manual rice transplanter: consists of a seedling tray, a handle with seedling pickers and wooden skid. It can transplant paddy seedling raised by special (dapog) method on trays or polyethylene sheets. It can also be used for weeding. There are provisions of 6 rows at 20 cm apart. The capacity is about 0.14 ha/man-day.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Weeder&#039;&#039;  Four categories of weeders are generally used in Bangladesh (i) Nirani, (ii) Achra (Rake), (iii) Hand hoe, and (iv) Rotary weeder. (i) Since ancient times nirani has been in use to control weeds. It has several local names, such as Seni kachi, niri kachi, senipachoon, pashri, kurmi, khurpi, pachoon, dahuki, pushri, punja, tengi, tengari, douti, tanakodal, etc. A man can operate a nirani with his hand in dry land. It consists mainly of a steel blade and a wooden handle. The size and shape of nirani depend on soil conditions and technique of the local blacksmiths of specific region. (ii) Rake or Achra is used in controlling, thinning and loosening of soil crust of land having seedlings of about 1-2 weeks. It is also known as bidha, bindha, nangala, nangula, hatnangula etc. The main part of achra is made of wood or bamboo. Iron or bamboo nails are fixed to the main wooden part. It is generally 1.5-2.0 metres in length. (iii) A hand hoe consists of a front wheel of about 25 cm in diameter, 2-3 hoes, and a wooden handle. The wheel and the hoes are made of steel. It is suitable for weeding in dry field conditions. (iv) A rotary weeder is also known as the Japanese Rice Weeder. It consists of a tray and one or two rows of spikes attached to a wooden or iron rotor. The weight of a Japanese weeder varies from 3-5 kg. This type of weeder is used in wet field conditions. It can be used in row crop cultivation.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Pest control devices&#039;&#039;  (i) Pichkary-  An indigenous implement generally used for applying insecticides manually. It is made of bamboo. The piston is a bamboo stick and at one end of the stick a piece of rag is wound around. This acts as the piston head. Farmers can easily make a pichkary. (ii) Sprayer- Several types of sprayers are used in Bangladesh, the Knapsack type being the most common. A sprayer consists of a liquid tank, a pressure chamber, and a nozzle. The liquid tank may contain about 10 litre of spray material. (iii) Rat trap (Idurer fand)  There are several types and categories of rat traps in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:IrrigationSwingBasket.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional irrigation method]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Irrigation Machinery&#039;&#039;  Both traditional and modern irrigation equipment coexist in Bangladesh. These devices supply irrigation water from various sources, such as dug wells, rivers, beels, hoars, canals, ponds, shallow tubewells and deep tubewells. Irrigation devices/pumps may be grouped in the following categories:   &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional water lift&#039;&#039;   (i) Counter poise-bucket lift (Duf)-  This device consists of a long bamboo pole pivoted as a lever on two posts. It is locally known as Tara, duf, kerka, etc. A weight, usually a large stone, is fixed to the shorter end of the pole. This weight serves as a counterpoise to a bucket suspended by a rope or a rod attached to the long arm of the lever. A man pulls down the rope or rod until the bucket is immersed in the water of a dug well. The bucket is then drawn up by the counter weight. Dug wells are usually made by hand tools such as spades, shovels etc by manual labourers following a traditional method. Centrifugal pumps are also employed to lift water from these types of wells.&lt;br /&gt;
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(ii) Swing basket (Seuti)-  The swing basket is one of the ancient water lifts. It has several local names, such as Seuti, heot, sechni, ucha, hocho, uchi, shayot, uri, dobki, heith, hichuni, Ichuni, lui, duri, jhajra, dobka etc. It consists of a basket or shovel-like scoop to which ropes are attached. Two persons stand facing each other and swing the basket to fill water. The basket is raised and water thus lifted is discharged into the field. It is generally used for lifting water from surface water sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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(iii) Doon-  A manually operated boat shaped trough closed at one end and open at the other. Other local names are Donga, Kunda, Kon, Junt, etc. The closed end of the trough is lifted with a rope to a long pole, which is pivoted as a lever on a post. A weight is fixed to the shorter end of the lever. The open end is hinged to discharge point. Water is lifted by the counter weight on the lever. It is mainly used for lifting water from surface water sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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Improved pumps-  (i) Diaphragm pump- This pump was developed by the Agricultural Engineering Division of [[Bangladesh Rice Research Institute|bangladesh rice research institute]] (BRRI) in 1977. The pump is made primarily of two suction chambers each of 35 cm sq in size made from steel sheets. It is locally known as Baqui Pump. (ii) Reciprocating pump or Tara pump- The device is a shallow well suction pump and constructed almost entirely of cast iron. (iii) Treadle pump (Dheki Pump)- A shallow tubewell suction pump. The pump head is a twin cylinder made of steel sheet; the plungers are molded PVC cup seals; the check valves are simple flap valves made of rubber. The pumps superstructure is made of bamboo and is normally installed with PVC tubewell (3.75 cm dia). (iv) Rower pump- This pump was introduced in 1979 by the Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) and the Mirpur Agricultural Workshop and Training School (MAWTS). The Rower pump is mainly a manually operated reciprocating pump.&lt;br /&gt;
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Modern pumps- (i) Power pump- Mostly of the centrifugal type and consists mainly of one stationery part called casing and one rotary part called impeller. During operation the impeller sucks water into the casing along the centre of the impeller and delivers water along the periphery of the impeller by the centrifugal force of rotation. In Bangladesh various kinds of power operated pumps are currently being used. Among them the one used for pumping water from surface water sources (pond, river, beel etc) is known as the low lift pump (LLP).&lt;br /&gt;
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The other form of power pump in use is the shallow tubewell; it consists of a pipe made of steel or PVC and a well point forced into the ground by driving the pipe with some suitable means.&lt;br /&gt;
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Deep tubewells are constructed like shallow tubewells but their depth is greater than that of shallow tubewells. The depth of deep tubewells depends on the hydro-geological characteristics of a particular formation. They are generally 45-100 metres in depth.&lt;br /&gt;
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Harvesting, threshing, drying and cleaning machinery  Harvesting, threshing, drying and winnowing of crops in Bangladesh are still done with traditional devices. However, modern threshing implements are becoming increasingly popular for certain crop varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional harvesting&#039;&#039;  Sickle is the only implement used to harvest both rice and wheat crops. It has been used throughout the ages in Bangladesh. It is variously known as Kachi, Kanchi, Chari, Chakrey, Kaicha etc. It has two parts: (i) a slightly curved serrated blade made of mild steel, and (ii) a handle made of wood.   [[Image:RiceHarvesting.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional harvesting]]     &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Dao&#039;&#039;  is another tool made of steel used for various jobs such as cutting of jute, bamboo, sugarcane, etc, and for cleaning bushes. It is also locally known as haisa, shole, bagi, seni-dao, jat.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern harvesting&#039;&#039;  A reaper or mower is a power-operated harvesting machine. These are generally used to cut grass in large government farms. However, a mower only cut and lays down the crop in rows in the field. Afterwards, the mowed crop is collected manually and carried to the threshing floor.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional threshing&#039;&#039;  (i) Molon- It is not a machine, but a widely used method of separating grains from the stalk of a plant in rural Bangladesh. Here, two to four cows/bullocks are tied together and made to walk over the harvested crop in a circular path.&lt;br /&gt;
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Hand beating is another method of traditional threshing in Bangladesh. Farmers use a metal drum or wooden plank or a bamboo platform to beat bundles of crop. Grains are separated by the beating action.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceThreshing1.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|1.Using domestic animals]] [[Image:RiceThreshing2.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|2. Beating on the bamboo platform]] &lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:RiceThreshing4.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|3. With the help of Pedal Thresher]] [[Image:RiceThreshing3.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|4. With the help of Power Thresher]] &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Different methods of Threshing&#039;&#039;: &#039;&#039;Modern threshing&#039;&#039;  (i) Pedal threshers- The pedal thresher consists of a triangular metal frame, where a threshing drum, a crank, and two gears are assembled. The threshing drum is mainly made of wood where spikes of mild steel wires are engraved in rows. Threshing is accomplished with these spikes. The threshing drum is attached to a shaft with a bush and a bearing. The operator stands behind the thresher and holds the bundle of paddy over the threshing drum so that panicles remain on the threshing drum. While rotating the operator make the threshing drum to rotate clockwise using the pedal. The spikes separate the grain from the rice plants. (ii) BRRI open drum power thresher- An improvised version of the pedal thresher powered by a small diesel engine. This machine is especially suitable for female workers. The length of the drum is about 1.5 metre. Three to four persons can work together and can thresh about 400-500 kg paddy/hr.  (iii) Power thresher- Both threshing and winnowing action is accomplished through a power operated thresher consisting a metal frame, a threshing drum, a blower assembly and a cleaning assembly.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional drying&#039;&#039; In Bangladesh crop drying is generally accomplished through the traditional sun drying method in home yards or open fields.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mechanical drying&#039;&#039;  (i) The BRRI batch dryer is made of brick, woven jute, and bamboo, with an electrical gear built and assembled locally. Pot furnaces burning rice husks are used as heating element. The capacity is about 1000 kg in 8 hours. An electric fan is used to control air flow and temperature (about 45°C) by adjusting the tiles above the furnace. Hot air of relatively low humidity passes through the grain bed evaporating moisture and warming the grain. The unit is quite effective for seed drying.   [[Image:AgricultureDrying.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Drying through Traditional Method]]   &lt;br /&gt;
(ii) BRRI SRR-1 dryer consists of two bamboo-made hollow cylinders (Dole), a 1000-watt electric heater, a blower, and a 0.5 hp motor. It can dry about 1000 kg of wet paddy in 60 hours. (iii) The commercial dryer is a fully mechanical drying unit where hot air is passed through wet grain kept in a bed or bin.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceSorting1.jpg|thumb|left|400px|Traditional winnowing by Kula]]&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Traditional winnowing&#039;&#039;  (i) Kula is the most common winnowing implement traditionally used in rural Bangladesh. It is generally made from woven bamboo splits. (ii) Chalon is generally made from woven bamboo splits like a kula but it is circular in structure and its platform is perforated. (iii) Hand operated winnower is becoming popular among farmers. A man can clean 300-400 kg of paddy per hour. It can be operated even in bad weather conditions. A hand-operated winnowing machine consists of a hopper, a blower, a frame, and an outlet. (iv) A power winnower consists of a power source, an oscillating screen, and a blower. The power source may be an engine, or a motor. It is mainly used in farms, rice mills, and seed industries. &lt;br /&gt;
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Postharvest processing machine and storage structure  Postharvest processing machinery include those tools and machines which are used for shaping up agricultural products into consumable forms.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Parboiling&#039;&#039;  The process of parboiling of paddy consists of two activities- soaking and steaming. In rural Bangladesh women usually do the job. After being soaked in clay or aluminium pots or drums, the soaked paddy is partially filled with water and placed over a traditional furnace in earthen pots or drums. The pot is then heated and the paddy is parboiled with boiling water for 30-45 minutes.&lt;br /&gt;
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In commercial rice mills, rice parboiling includes both soaking and steaming. The following structures/ machineries are used: (i) A brick-built soaking tank, 5-10 ton capacity. In the soaking process, the paddy is kept in a submerged condition in it for 24-48 hours. During steaming, the soaked paddy is exposed to steam heat treatment for 15-20 minutes in steaming chambers.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Milling&#039;&#039;  It includes the operations of hulling, polishing and whitening of rice grain. Hulling involves removing the husk from the paddy without removing the bran from the endosperm. Polishing and whitening, however involves the separation of bran from rice endosperm and providing a shining appearance. About 67% of clean rice is obtained after completion of the milling process. Different traditional and modern milling machineries are now being used in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional milling&#039;&#039;  Of the traditional rice milling devices Dheki is widely used in rural Bangladesh. It is made of wood. Usually women operate this device. Its capacity is only about 30 to 40 kg of clean rice/day. Another device, morter and pastle, locally known variously as gail, siagail, chung, urungain, sum-gahin etc, is made of a solid cylindrical wooden beam of about 1.5 metre long and 5 cm in diameter, with a iron ring fixed at one end and a wooden morter. It is also widely used in rural areas for making pressed rice (Chira) and rice powder for cakes.   [[Image:Dheki.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Rice milling through traditional method]]     &lt;br /&gt;
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Doloin, another manually operated centrifugal husking device, has two segments. The upper part is a hopper made of woven bamboo, the bottom of which is fitted with a cone-shaped disc. The lower part is almost similar in shape, while the top is fitted with a disc similar to that of the upper part. These discs are provided with small pieces of wooden bars radially arranged in order to provide friction. Grains are poured in the hopper and become dehusked by the frictional discs. Doloin is generally found in Chittagong Hilly areas.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Modern milling&#039;&#039;  (i) Small Engleberg hullers- About 85% hullers are of this type and 70-75% of the total paddy in Bangladesh are processed by this milling system. The Engleberg huller consists of a cylindrical rotor fitted in a housing. The bottom half of the housing is fitted with a slotted sheet called sieve. The rotor is driven by a motor or an engine with a suitable drive arrangement. (ii) Large Engleberg rice mills employ a slightly improved system for rice processing. These rice mills have neither a paddy cleaner nor a rice grader. (iii) Mini automatic rice mill has the salient features of a modern rice mill and consists of a pair of rubber rollers for shelling (dehusking), a husk aspirator for separating the husk, a paddy separator to separate paddy during shelling operation, and a polisher to polish the brown rice. (iv) Large automatic rice mills- use modern techniques for rice processing. The paddy is pre-cleaned before soaking at high temperature and parboiled under pressure by steaming. Then paddy is dried in a dryer and husked by rubber roll sheller, or disc hullers. The unhusked paddy is separated from the brown rice by a paddy separator and is recycled back to the huller.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:Ghani.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Processing of oil seeds traditional method]]    &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Processing of oil seeds&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh produces about 0.47 million tons of oil seeds. The oil seeds are processed by existing bullock ghanis and mechanical oil expellers. These units are dispersed all over Bangladesh. (i) Bullock ghani- is found in remote villages. It is made of wood and operated by a bullock or cow moving around a circular path. It is locally known as Kalur ghani, teler gach, etc. A bullock ghani crushes about 5 kg of mustard seeds in 4-5 hours. (ii) Power ghani- looks like a traditional bullock ghani, but its components are made of steel and powered by an engine or a mortor.  &lt;br /&gt;
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(iii) Mechanical oil expellers- these are generally found in towns, bazars and urban areas. Traditional bullock ghanis are gradually disappearing with the introduction of power mechanical oil expellers. They are made of an iron screw press powered by a motor or engine connected by a belt.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Processing of pulses&#039;&#039;  is done with a stone disc (Jata) which consists of two stone discs. The bottom disc is fixed but the upper disc is rotated manually over the bottom disc with a wooden handle. The upper disc has an opening through which unhusked pulse seeds are poured. The husked pulse seeds come out through the periphery of the disc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Sugarcane crusher&#039;&#039;  consists of a wooden frame and three rollers made of solid cylindrical iron. Among the rollers, one is the driver while other two are the driven rollers. The driver roller is operated by a pair of buffaloes or two pair of bullocks or a diesel engine installed in a suitable power transmission arrangement.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Storage structure&#039;&#039;  In rural households, crop grains are stored mainly in traditional structures such as Dole, Matka, Berr, Kuthi, Gola, gunny bags etc. However, godowns and silos are used for short and long-term storage by government and private institutions. Of the traditional storage structures, the most commonly used one at the household level is bamboo containers or Dole. It is made from bamboo splits that are cylindrical, about 0.5-1.0 m in diameter. Farmers can store 240-250 kg of paddy in a Dole which is usually kept on a bamboo platform. It has several regional names such as dooli, lai, kalloom, berang, berr, auri, ugar etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:RiceGrainStorage.jpg|thumbnail|300px|left|Traditional methods of crop grains storage]] &lt;br /&gt;
&#039;&#039;Gola&#039;&#039;  is a large rectangular or cylindrical container constructed over a bamboo platform. Generally, rich farmers construct golas to store their paddy. It is also locally known as Varar, Zabar, Mora, Motka, Auri etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Matka&#039;&#039;  or a large earthen pot looks like a large pitcher made of clay. In one such container farmers can store 40-50 kg of paddy.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Gunny bag or Chhala&#039;&#039;  made from woven jute is widely used for transportation, marketing and storage of grains everywhere in Bangladesh. Even in government godowns, grains are stored in gunny bags for short and long term storage.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mud bin or Kuthi&#039;&#039;  is also made of mud and is generally larger than matka. It may be rectangular or cylindrical in shape. Farmers can store about 100-500 kg of paddy in it.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Godown&#039;&#039;  It is mainly a brick built-house containing enough ventilation and moisture reducing devices. The capacity of a godown varies from 500-1000 m tons of grains. There are about 750 godowns to preserve nearly 0.6 million m tons of food grain in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Silo&#039;&#039;  is a modern storage structure used generally government procurement institutions. Silos are used mainly for bulk storage of imported grains. These are equipped with modern emptying and filling devices.&lt;br /&gt;
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Rice by-product processing machinery/technology  By-product processing machinery/technology includes all sorts of handtools, implements, containers and indigenous method which are used to make different food items from the crop grains.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Chida making technology/machinery&#039;&#039;  The process of chida making is done according to an age old method in Bangladesh. Freshly harvested paddy (without husking) is heated in a pan for 5-10 minutes. Then the hot paddy grains are allowed to undergo high compressive stress. Indigenous dhekis and Sia-gails are generally used to impart such vigorous compression through pounding or hammering action. As a result, hot paddy grains become deformed into thin-flat shaped chips. The modern chida mill consists of a rotating bowl and a rotating roller. Both the bowl and the roller are made of cast iron.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mudi&#039;&#039;  or puffed rice is another valuable rice by-product for human consumption. Paddy is heated for 15-20 minutes, and then soaked in water for about 24 hours. The soaked paddy is then parboiled, dried, and milled in a conventional rice mill. Mudi makers mix about 1/2 kg of common salt solution per 100 kg of milled rice. The milled rice thus obtained is heated again in an iron pan for 10-15 minutes through continuous stirring with a cluster of bamboo sticks. Sand is also heated on a separate clay pot. At the time when the sand as well as the milled rice attains the expected temperature, the heated milled rice is quickly put into the container with heated sand. Women take the container of heated sand out of the furnace and hold it with her hands and starts swinging. Because of the swinging action, the heated milled rice gets swollen and bursts into larger shapes which is known as mudi.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rice powder for cake making&#039;&#039;  The milled rice is soaked into water for 2-3 hours. After being soaked, it is put in a perforated container. The rice is then pounded with Dheki until it becomes rice powder. The rice powder thus obtained is mixed with water in different proportions for different kinds of rice cakes. There are about 100 different kinds of rice cakes that are prepared from rice powder in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rural transportation machinery&#039;&#039;  Different devices are used to carry or transport goods or materials in rural areas. Since modern transportation is virtually absent in remote villages, the rural people still use old-age methods or devices. Traditionally, farm workers carry harvested crops to the threshing floor on their heads. A man can carry about 50-60 kg with this manual method. Other devices or vehicles that are used for carriage are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bahuk&#039;&#039;  It is mainly made of bamboo split and is specially made to carry goods on the shoulder in rural areas where road communication is poor. The device is usually 1.5-2.0 metre in length and 3-6 cm in breadth. A man can carry a 50-70 kg load up to a distance of 3-5 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal cart&#039;&#039; (Garur gadi) Animal cart or ox-cart is generally used for carrying crops from fields, and transporting, carrying fertiliser, seeds, and agricultural products for marketing. It consists of two wheels made of wood, a bamboo platform, and a yoke. It is locally known as garur-gadi or mohiser-gadi, depending on the type of draught animal. The platform is usually 100-130 cm wide and 5-6 metre long, and can carry 500-1500 kg goods to a distance of 15-20 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Image:LivestockTransportation.jpg|thumbnail|300px|right|Cattle/Buffalo cart used for crop grains transportation]] &lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Push cart&#039;&#039; (Thela gadi)  It looks like an ox-cart, but is operated by the pull and push action of labourers. Usually, 3-4 persons are engaged in operating the cart. A pushcart can carry a 500-1500 kg load to a distance of 5-10 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Horse cart&#039;&#039; (Ghodar gadi)  In some rural areas horse carts are still in use. It consists of a wooden platform and two wooden wheels fitted to an axle. The length of the horse cart is about 4.5 metres. It is pulled by a horse and can carry a 400-500 kg load to a distance of about 5-6 km.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Rickshaw van&#039;&#039; (Van gadi)  With the development of road communication, animal-carts started disappearing gradually from rural Bangladesh and are being replaced by the mechanical carrier locally known as van gadi. Rickshaw vans are now the main transport medium in many rural areas due to their speed. A man can pull 500-1500 kg of goods to a distance of up to 30 km/day using a rickshaw van.  [Mohammad A Baqui]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Farm inputs and implements&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Irrigation water, as well as inputs like seeds, fertilisers, labour, and pesticides are the physical determinants of crop production. Balanced application of these inputs can only ensure higher output from a crop at the farm level. Because seeds are the basic inputs, research and extension services are involved in developing and supplying good quality seeds of high yielding varieties of crops. A good number of high yielding varieties of rice, wheat, maize, jute, sugarcane, pulses, oilseeds, tuber crops, and vegetables have so far been developed and released for farm level use. Generally, farmers are used to keeping their own seeds. Although [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]] (BADC), a public sector organisation, was once solely responsible for the supply of certified seeds, it could hardly supply more than 5 percent of the total requirement. Consequently the private sector is now involved in the seed business.&lt;br /&gt;
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Along with high yielding crop varieties, use of irrigation water input started to show an increase from the mid-60s. Area under irrigation has been increasing progressively. More than 30 percent of the net-cropped area has been brought under irrigation so far.&lt;br /&gt;
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Fertiliser is another important input for crop production closely associated with the expansion of irrigation and high yielding crop varieties. There has been a rapid increase in fertiliser use in Bangladesh since the early sixty’s. In 1962/63, the total quantity of N, P, K nutrients from urea, ammonium sulphate, TSP and MP was only about 20 thousand metric tons. Since 1980, the use of S and Zn nutrients started, along with N, P, and K. In 1995/96, the total quantity of nutrients used increased to 1.2 million m tons. The fertilisers used were urea, ammonium sulphate, TSP, SSP, MP, gypsum, and zinc-sulphate. At present fertiliser nutrient use per ha cropped area per year is about 100 kg. Besides, some quantity of organic and biofertilisers are also used.&lt;br /&gt;
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Sometimes pests damage crops to a great extent. To fight pests and to protect crops from harm, pesticides are often used, along with other methods of pest management. On an average, about 3.5 million kg of pesticides are used in Bangladesh annually, including insecticides, fungicides, and herbicides.&lt;br /&gt;
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Along with modernization of agriculture, different farm implements have come into use for different operations. Both traditional and improved types of farm implements are now being used. The most common farm implements that are presently used for different operations are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Farm operations || Farm implements &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Land preparation || Wooden ploughs: iron mould board ploughs; power tillers; tractors &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Seeding || Manual and power seeder &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Weeding || Wetland weeder; dry land weeder; handhoe &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Irrigation || &#039;&#039;Done&#039;&#039;; hand pump; treadle pump and power pump; shallow tubewell and deep tubewell &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Spraying || Knapsack sprayer; power sprayer, foot pump sprayer for orchards &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Harvesting || Traditional hand sickle; power drawn reaper &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Threshing and crushing || Pedal thresher for rice and wheat; power thresher for rice and wheat; manual and power maize sheller; animal and power- drawn sugarcane crusher &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Drying || Solar dryer; batch dryer; large automatic dryer for rice mill &lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Milling || Large automatic rice mill; traditional &#039;&#039;dekhi&#039;&#039;&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
[Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]];[[Irrigation| irrigation]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Technology used in agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Application of skills, tools and machines for agricultural purposes is a universal phenomenon. Agricultural technologies affect and are affected by the society that uses them, and the importance of technological development can only be evaluated after consideration of a variety of social and technical factors. Agricultural operations in Bangladesh are more of the traditional rural type and are profoundly affected by local conditions of weather, soils, water, pests and diseases, and by land tenure systems. Most agricultural lands are fragmented and the farmers do not generally use as such modern implements. The indigenous technology practised by the farmers of this subcontinent for centuries, in some form, are still in use in rural agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal and Mechanical Power&#039;&#039;  In agriculture, power is required to perform different operations like ploughing, sowing, irrigation, intercultural operations, harvesting, threshing, cleaning, sorting, processing etc. This power is obtained from human, animal and mechanical sources.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Animal power&#039;&#039;  During the ancient period, agricultural operations were carried out with human labour. Later, men were able to domesticate animals such as cattle, buffaloes, horses, camels, donkeys, and elephants, to supplement human power. Of them, cattle and buffaloes are mainly used for agricultural operations in Bangladesh now. Cattle of Bangladesh are smaller in size compared to that of other countries. On an average, they can exert a force equal to one-tenth of its body weight, though for a short period, they can apply forces many more times than the average force.&lt;br /&gt;
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To calculate power available for crop production, it is assumed that each bullock and male buffalo can produce 0.373 kW power and each cow and female buffalo can produce 0.25 kW. Based on the 1996 census of agriculture, there are about 5,372,000 bullocks, 1,678,000 cows, 430,854 male buffaloes, and 76,483 female buffaloes used for work. The total output from all the animals is about 2603 mW. The share of animal power in total direct power input in agricultural production is about 24 percent. Utilization of animals as a draft power source depends mainly on their harnessing, training, and taming.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Mechanical power&#039;&#039;  With the introduction of animal for agricultural operations, the burden and drudgery of human being has been reduced considerably. Humans still have to apply their own energy to get the work done by animals and also for doing many agricultural operations. The use of mechanical power in agriculture further reduced human drudgery and released many agricultural labourers to other attractive jobs requiring less muscle power. In fact, the use of mechanical power has revolutionized agricultural operations and output per worker has increased tremendously. Today’s world population could not be fed without the application of mechanical power in agriculture. From the middle of the nineteen eighties, the use of power tillers (two-wheel tractors), usually with a capacity of 8 kw, has increased considerably in Bangladesh. It is now possible to prepare land required for multiple cropping in time because of these implements.&lt;br /&gt;
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Land preparation is one of the most intensive power-consuming operations and on an average, about 40 percent of the total energy input in agriculture is used for this purpose. At present, apart from about 2603 mW power available from animals for land preparation, about 150,000 power tillers and 5200 tractors consume about 1356 mW power. The next most intensive power consuming operation is irrigation. About 54,000 low-lift pumps, 24,000 deep tubewells, and 483,000 shallow tubewells consume about 4293 mW power.&lt;br /&gt;
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As in other developing and developed countries, human and animal power is costlier than mechanical power in present day Bangladesh. For example, the cost of land preparation per ha by country ploughs, power tillers, and tractors is about Tk 1300, Tk 1080 and Tk 810, respectively. The cost of threshing paddy by human, pedal thresher and power thresher is Tk 0.25/kg, Tk 0.18/kg and Tk 0.18/kg, respectively.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural production is directly related to energy input to agriculture. In Bangladesh, the direct energy input for crop production is only 0.74 kw/ha, and is one of the lowest in the world. Unless the power input is increased, agricultural production cannot be increased significantly. The only option to increase the energy input is to increase mechanical power through the introduction of more machinery in different agricultural operations.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Traditional and modern irrigation&#039;&#039;  The artificial application of water to the soil for the purpose of supplying the moisture required for plant growth. It also cools down the plant environment. Doons and swing baskets are the most widely used traditional devices for irrigation in Bangladesh. Doon is a small boat-shaped device, usually 3 to 4.5 m long, acting on a fulcrum. It is made of plain tin sheets or woods. One man can operate it. Its discharge capacity ranges from 117 to 378 litres per min. When the surface water level is within 2.25 m, it is the best manual method of irrigation. A swing basket is a triangular shaped basket made of a plain tin sheet or stripped bamboo or wood. The basket is swung by two persons standing at two ends of two ropes fitted to the basket. At 90 cm head, the discharge may be up to 227 l/min. Like doon it can lift water from a maximum of 2.25 m head. It is also a widely used traditional water-lifting device.&lt;br /&gt;
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Modern irrigation methods were introduced in Bangladesh in the 1960s with a view to growing extra rice during the dry season. Low lift pumps (LLP), deep tubewells (DTW), shallow tubewells (STW) and canals are examples of modern irrigation methods. Though canal irrigation system was introduced for irrigation in Egypt as early as 5000 BC, it is a relatively new method utilized in Bangladesh. Low lift Pumps (LLP)&#039;&#039;&#039; &#039;&#039;&#039;are used for lifting water from a relatively low head. This is essentially a 28 to 112 litres per second (lps) (1 to 4 cusec) centrifugal pump directly coupled with an oil engine or an electric motor. Since a centrifugal pump is used for lifting water, its maximum head is 7 m. LLPs are set on solid grounds by the bank of the water sources from which water is lifted. Its use is limited to areas having good sources of surface water. At present, there are about 54,000 LLPs in Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Deep Tubewells (DTW), a turbine is installed under water. The turbine pump is operated by an oil engine or electric motor coupled with the shaft of the pump on the ground surface. In a submersible pump, the pump is coupled with an electric motor and is installed under water. In Bangladesh, most DTWs used for irrigation is of 56 lps capacity and are of the vertical turbine type. Depending on the aquifer, the depth of DTW varies from 30 m to more than 100 m.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Shallow Tubewell (SWT) is constructed to lift water from a relatively shallow depth, usually up to 30 metres. A centrifugal pump usually having a capacity of 14 lps, is coupled with an oil engine or electric motor and is set on the surface to lift water from the tubewell. STW was introduced in 1970s and became very popular quickly because of its low initial cost and because it is easy to construct and operate.&lt;br /&gt;
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During the last three decades, different types of manual pumps like No. 6 hand pumps, rower pumps, treadle pumps, BARI pumps, etc were used for irrigation. But their coverage is not very significant compared to traditional methods, LLP, DTW or STW.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Canal irrigation&#039;&#039;  Due to its flat topography, Bangladesh does not have a good potential for canal irrigation. Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) has 376 small- and large-scale surface water projects, of which G-K Project ([[Ganges-Kobadak Irrigation Project|ganges-kobadak irrigation project]]), Narayanganj-Narsingdi Irrigation Project, Barisal Irrigation Project (BIP), Bhola Irrigation Project, Chandpur Irrigation Project (CIP), Pabna Irrigation Project, Meghna-Dhonagada Project, Karnafuli Irrigation Project, Tista Irrigation Project, and Mohuri Irrigation Project are the main canal irrigation projects. Subsurface and drip irrigation techniques are not used in Bangladesh and only a few tea gardens use the sprinkler irrigation system.&lt;br /&gt;
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The use of modern methods is increasing rapidly since their inception. Ground water irrigation covers more than twice the area of surface water irrigation. Groundwater irrigation has witnessed a significant expansion in the last two decades.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Table 6&#039;&#039;  Trends in the change of area irrigated. &lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| rowspan=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; | Year || colspan=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; | Area irrigated&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|  (thousand ha)  ||  (%) ||  (thousand ha) || (%)&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1971-72 || 589.62 || 56.31 || 457.45 || 43.69&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1976-77 || 514.67 || 42.35 || 700.59 || 57.65&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1981-82 || 587.28 || 30.45 || 1138.48 || 69.54&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1986-87 || 402.22 || 18.29 || 1796.77 || 81.71&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1991-92 || 392.10 || 12.14 || 2837.20 || 87.86&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 1996-97 || 362.95 || 9.83 || 3329.61 || 90.17&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
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Introduction of irrigation generates employment in rural areas since the irrigation process requires additional labour. Moreover, growing extra crop in the dry season employs extra labour as increased production necessitates additional labour for marketing and processing.  [Kshirode Chandra Roy]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Fertilisers and manures&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Fertilisers and manures are sources of basic plant nutrients. Among factors that affect crop production, fertiliser is the single most important component that plays a crucial role in yield increase, provided other factors are not too limiting. Chemical fertilisers today hold the key to the success of the crop production system of Bangladesh agriculture, and contribute about 50-60% of the total production. This important input first came into use in the Bangladesh agriculture is in 1951 with the introduction of 2,698 m tons of ammonium sulphate. But its use started increasing steadily only from the mid-sixties and paralleled the introduction and expansion of modern crop varieties accompanied by the development of irrigation facilities. The increasing trend in fertiliser use, particularly urea-N, still continues. Until 1980, three primary major plant nutrients (N, P, K) were supplied from fertilisers like Urea, TSP and MP to the soils. In the past, fertilisers were handled by the public sector and heavy subsidy was given, in particular to TSP and MP fertilisers. In 1992/93, privatization in this area was introduced and subsidies to fertilisers have now been drastically reduced. However, The possibility of marketing poor quality and adulterated fertilisers has increased. In order to protect the interest of honest traders and farmers, ‘The Fertiliser Control Order 1995’ was promulgated by the Government.&lt;br /&gt;
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Manures are materials of plant and animal origin that are applied to the soil for increasing crop yields. These are alternatively called organic fertilisers and are generally voluminous substances, used either in raw or processed condition. The use of manures in Bangladesh agriculture is a very old and traditional practice. Different types of manures are being used in the soil even today, of which animal manure, poultry manure, farmyard manure, and green manure are notable. Cowdung is the most important animal manure, although this is largely used in the country as fuel. An annual application of 5 m tons/ha manures (dry matter basis) can reduce the need of 33 percent of chemical fertilisers.  [Nurul Islam Bhuiyan]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Pesticide&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Any chemical used in farming, gardening, or indoors to kill plants or animals that are considered to be pests. Pesticides are of several types: insecticides (to kill insects), nematocides (to kill nematodes or roundworms), acaricides (to kill ticks and mites), rodenticides (to kill rats), fungicides (to control fungal diseases), and herbicides (to kill plants, mainly those considered weeds). Chemical pesticides are usually contact, stomach, or fumigant poisons. A contact poison may have immediate or delayed effect after physical contact with a pest. Stomach poisons must be ingested by pests along with their food for lethal effects. As a rule, contact poisons are also good stomach poisons. Fumigants which may initially have the form of a solid, liquid or gas, kill pests while in a gaseous state. Some insecticides and fungicides are systemic, ie, they are translocated by plants from the area of application to other plant parts, where they affect only pests that feed on the treated crop. Pesticides made from plants are comparatively safer for warm-blooded animals such as the pyrethrum, rotenone, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Table 7&#039;&#039;  Use of pesticides during 2002-2005. &lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;table table-bordered table-hover&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Year || colspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Insecticide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Fungicide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Herbicide  || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Rodenticide || rowspan=&amp;quot;3&amp;quot; | Total (m tons)&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| Granular || Liquid ||  Powder&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
|&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2002 || 12335 || 1497 || 142 || 2419 || 964 || 39 || 17393&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2003 || 11781 || 1830 || 155 || 2941 || 1354 || 19 || 18080&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2004 || 12113 || 2008 || 229 || 4279 || 3463 || 23 || 22115&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| 2005 || 14061 || 2511 || 323  || 5772 || 2775 || 24 || 25466 &lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Source&#039;&#039;  Bangladesh Pesticide Association.&lt;br /&gt;
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Most potent pesticides are synthetic products. To date, thousands of chemicals have been discovered having pesticidal properties of every description. The largest group of pesticides are insecticides, which are classified according to their chemical composition as chlorinated hydrocarbons (such as the DDT and its analogues), cyclodiene compounds (such as dieldrin, aldrin, heptachlor), carbamates (such as sevin, sevidol), and organophosphates (such as malathion, diazinon, carbicron, etc). Pesticides are available for use under various formulations or physical forms, namely, granular, liquid or emulsifiable concentrate, dust, wettable powder, aerosol, etc. Based on formulations these are applied through various methods: sprays, dusts, atomizable fluids, low pressure aerosols, smokes, and seed dressings.&lt;br /&gt;
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Pesticide chemicals have been used in Bangladesh since 1956. In the past the Department of Plant Protection of the Government imported pesticides and distributed them free to the farmers. From 1975, the Government started selling pesticides at subsidized prices and continued to do so until 1979. The subsidy was fully withdrawn in 1979 and the trade was handed over to the Pesticide Association of Bangladesh (PAB), a private organisation. A technical committee, however, determines which pesticides are to be imported or to be used. Nearly two dozens business enterprises procure or produce pesticides and sell the products through their agents. Because of their quick and visible effect, and low cost, the use of pesticides became very popular among the farmers. As a result, the total consumption of insecticides in the country rose from a few m tons in 1956 to 5,560 m tons in 1973. Although the subsidy was fully withdrawn in 1979, pesticide consumption, after a brief fall in 1980s, is now showing an upward trend. Presents the distribution pattern of different pesticides during 1996 through 1999.&lt;br /&gt;
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Pesticides have not only greatly improved crop production, providing a much needed increase in supplies of food for an ever-growing human population, but have also reduced insect-borne diseases. Thus DDT played a significant role in eradicating malaria from many countries, including Bangladesh.&lt;br /&gt;
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The continued use of pesticides is now being challenged. These include growing public concern about the effects of the chemicals on human health, wildlife and environment; the increasing genetic resistance of insects to chemicals; and the disruption of naturally occurring biological control agents. A survey conducted a few years back by WHO reported that at least half a million people are affected annually due to insecticide poison in the developing countries, about 10,000 deaths occur as a result. Undoubtedly a sizeable portion of this figure falls to the share of Bangladesh. Efforts are being made by the Department of Agricultural Extension (Plant Protection Wing) to reduce chemical pesticide use in favour of integrated pest management (IPM), biological controls, and plant breeding for inherent pest resistance.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Pesticide regulation&#039;&#039;  The rules, ordinance, legislation, etc regarding the uses of pesticides in relation to crop protection and human welfare. It has now been decided that all pesticides when recommended for general use must be registered with the appropriate authority of the Government of Bangladesh. Pesticides are controlled through implementation of the Pesticide Ordinance 1971 and the Pesticide Rules 1985. Agricultural Pesticide Ordinance 1971 was promulgated in 1971 to regulate the import, manufacture, formulation, sale, distribution, and use of pesticides. The ordinance was amended in 1980 to accommodate legislative requirements, including the provision of licensing and repacking of pesticides. The law was further amended in 1983. At present, 94 pesticides with 299 trade names have been registered for use in agriculture and 75 brands for use in public health.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Pesticide Ordinance 1971&#039;&#039;  Under the Ordinance, a Pesticide Technical Advisory Committee (PTAC) has been formed. In addition, a Pesticide Technical Advisory Sub-Committee has been established. The Ordinance has the following provisions: (i) registration and licensing of the import, formulation, repacking, sale, distribution, and use of pesticides; (ii) establishment of a Pesticide Technical Advisory Committee; (iii) establishment of a pesticide laboratory and appointment of government analysts and inspectors; (iv) renewal and cancellation of registration; (v) procedure of obtaining pesticide samples and reporting of analytical results; (vi) power of inspectors, offences and penalties; and (vii) power to make rules.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Pesticide Rules 1985&#039;&#039;  The rules provide for the following: (i) registration of pesticides, renewal, fees, cancellation of registration, and of the conditions to be fulfilled after registration; (ii) import of pesticides; (iii) issuance of licenses and corresponding fees for imports, formulation, stocking for wholesale, retail sales, repacking, commercial pest control operations, and advertisements; (iv) functions of the advisory committee, laboratory and analytical methods; (v) manner of packing and labelling; (vi) toxicity classification of pesticides; (vii) facilities required for manufacture, formulation, repacking and handling of pesticides; (viii) safety precautions; and (ix) relevant schedules and forms for various activities.&lt;br /&gt;
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The Director, Plant Protection Wing, Department of Agriculture Extension, is the registration and lincensing authority, and is also the Director, Pesticide Laboratory. After registration is granted, before marketing, a draft label is to be submitted for approval.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Procedures for the import of pesticides&#039;&#039;  The import of pesticide is controlled by the Department of Customs. However, the Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture, GOB, on the recommendation of the Director, Plant Protection Wing, DAE has to give permission. The importer also has to give a legal undertaking that the product is for agriculture use only. With formulated pesticides, no permission is required from the Ministry of Agriculture, but customs officials will check registration certificates to ensure that pesticides are registered.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Strengthening pesticide regulation&#039;&#039;  The Plant Protection Wing of the Department of Agriculture Extension (DAE) conducts regular training courses to upgrade the technical capabilities of its staff so that they can properly implement the provisions of the Pesticide Ordinance and Rules. Pesticide Association of Bangladesh, (PAB) in collaboration with Plant Protection Wing of DAE, has recently started organising courses for select pesticide dealers and farmers on safe and judicial use of pesticides.  [SM Humayun Kabir]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Appropriate technology and technology transfer&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Technology refers to the combination of knowledge, inputs and management practices that are used together with productive resources to gain a desired output. It may be thought as the way knowledge, inputs and services are composed and combined to enable a certain system to function and survive. However, ‘appropriate technology’ means ‘a technical change or technology which meets a specific need in a specific situation’. The key features of the technologies are (i) newness; (ii) technical appropriateness; (iii) experimental proved; (iv) adaptability; (v) economic profitability; (vi) environmentally friendliness; (vii) sustainability; (viii) relative advantage; (ix) compatibility; (x) access and availability; and (xi) social and cultural acceptability.&lt;br /&gt;
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As climate, soil, water availability and topography vary widely throughout the world as well as within a country, one technology considered to be appropriate in one location may not be appropriate in other locations. Again, some technologies may be appropriate in more than one agroecological zones. These technologies may be crop varieties, farm machinery, pest management, etc. But certain crops, fertiliser doses, water requirement, etc may be zone specific as different agroecological zones have different soils and climates. Certain areas tend toward a specialized agriculture, whereas other areas engage in a more diversified agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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In 1970s, the Government of Bangladesh gave top priority to appropriate agricultural technology and established a cell named ‘Appropriate Agricultural Technology Cell’ in [[Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council|bangladesh agricultural research council]]. At that time technology was thought to be more related to engineering technology. Later this concept was widened to all the disciplines of agriculture including livestock and fisheries.&lt;br /&gt;
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In Bangladesh different R and D institutions have developed numerous technologies in the fields of agriculture, forest, fisheries and livestock. Many of these technologies have already been adopted, some are in the process of being transferred to users. In the crop sector, Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI), Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute (BARI), [[Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture|bangladesh institute of nuclear agriculture]] (BINA), [[Bangladesh Jute Research Institute|bangladesh jute research institute]] (BJRI), and Bangladesh Sugarcane Research Institute (BSRI) have released technology packages of many high yielding varieties of rice, wheat, maize, jute, cotton, and sugarcane. The salient features of the technologies, relevant instructions for cultivation, input applications, and management procedures are detailed out along with the packages.&lt;br /&gt;
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In the livestock sector the important innovated technologies include: Urea-Molasses-Straw (UMS) as feed for fattening cattle; integrated chicken-fish farming; goat rearing model for landless and small farmers, and leaf protein concentrate mixture in laying hen feeding.&lt;br /&gt;
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Culture of genetically improved catfish (hybrid) in mini cement cisterns, integrated rice-fish culture, fish culture in pen, and culture of pungus fish in ponds are some of the technologies that were successfully transferred to the growers. The Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) under the Ministry of Agriculture, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, plays a vital role in transferring agricultural technologies among farmers through its extensive network up to the union level. In addition, Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB), Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation (BADC), and different NGOs, both national and international, are involved in disseminating agricultural technologies through their own mechanisms and strategies. The Directorate of Livestock Services (DLS), and the Department of Fisheries (DOF) are responsible for transferring technologies for the livestock and fisheries sectors respectively. Different teaching media, such as result demonstration, group discussion meeting, method demonstration, bulletins, leaflets, posters, and radio and television programmes play a significant role in transferring appropriate technologies among a potential adopters.&lt;br /&gt;
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To increase the rate of adoption of technologies, Bangladesh government has formulated the New Agricultural Extension Policy (NAEP) in 1996 in which an attempt was made to understand the farm, farmers, and farm environment in a holistic manner. In this policy, guidelines for extending technology to women farmers are given. In the NAEP, extension-research linkage has been emphasized in order to augment technology transfer. To popularize and familiarize appropriate technology in agriculture to common people, every year DAE organises agricultural fairs at different upazilas and district headquarters.  [M Abul Kashem and Kshirode Chandra Roy]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;See also&#039;&#039;  [[Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation|bangladesh agricultural development corporation]].&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Nuclear techniques in agriculture&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  Use of isotope and radiation techniques in agricultural research to increase crop production. In Bangladesh the major areas of agricultural research in which the applications of nuclear techniques have proved to be successful are mutation breeding, soil-plant studies, insect pest management and fungicide research, and food irradiation. Institute of Food and Radiation Biology (IFRB) and Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture (BINA) are using radiation and isotope techniques to boost up agricultural production and preservation in the country. BINA released six high yielding varieties of rice (Iratom 24, Iratom 38, Binasail, Binadhan 4, 5, and 6); 2 jute (Atomphat 38 and Binadeshipat 2); 4 mustard (Agrani, Safal, Binasarisha 3 and 4); 2 chickpea (Hyprosola and Binasola 2); 5 mungbean (Binamoong 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5); 1 blackgram (Binamash 1); and 3 tomato (Bahar, Binatomato 2 and 3). The developed varieties are not only high-yielding but also possess other good characters like early maturing, high protein, insect-pest resistance and high biomass producing. The institute has developed low cost, environment friendly biofertiliser for six legume crops like lentil, chickpea, groundnut, mungbean, cowpea, and soybean. Farmers are using this biofertiliser as a substitute of urea. BINA delineated plant nutrient status of Bangladesh soils, identified nutrient deficiency, developed management packages of fertilisers, integrated nutrient management, integrated pest and disease management and other agronomic practices for sustained crop production. BINA is also engaged in screening of breeding materials of various crops against disease and insect pests. IFRB is using the nuclear techniques in the process of preserving different post-harvest agricultural products and disinfesting stored food and food products including cereals, pulses, flour, spices, dried fishes, etc.  [M Idris Ali]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural agency&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  The following agencies provide services to the country’s agricultural sector:&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Ministry of Agriculture&#039;&#039; (MOA)  At the apex, the Ministry of Agriculture is responsible for achieving agricultural production goals and targets adopted by the government, sponsoring projects and programmes towards that end, providing necessary funding support through [[Annual Development Programme|annual development programme]]s (ADP) and the Foreign Exchange Budget, and implementation of the same through different agencies under its umbrella. The Ministry provides support to all its agencies in their dealings with the Planning Commission and the Ministry of Finance, and coordinates their efforts to achieve common goals adopted by the government. It monitors the implementation of physical programmes under various projects and the expenditure thereof. The ministry appoints key personnel to manage various institutions and agencies working under it and looks after their human resource development (HRD). The Ministry of Agriculture is responsible mainly for crop production. The other sub-sectors of agriculture, such as fisheries, livestock and forestry are taken care of by the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock and the Ministry of Environment and Forest.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Agricultural Extension&#039;&#039; (DAE)  Motivates farmers to adopt measures to achieve higher production, trains them up in modern techniques at the field level, adopts production programmes for various crops, and implements through its fieldforce spread out at the Union/Block levels. The Department works through the following directorates: (i) Directorate of Agriculture Extension and Management (DAEM) which is responsible for general extension of all agricultural motivational efforts and management of the same throughout the country; (ii) Agriculture Directorate (Jute Production); which is responsible for extension and related activities in jute growing areas; (iii) Agriculture Directorate (Plant Protection) which initiates activities for motivations and training of farmers in the use of appropriate plant protection measures, choice of chemicals, and their use, utilizing methods such as Integrated Pest Management (IPM); and (iv) Central Extension Resource Development Institute (CERDI) which is responsible for development of resources to be used in extension messages for farmers. It achieves this goal, by using recommendations and advice of researchers/breeders and preparing messages suited to skills of the farmers in general. Major functions of the Department of Agricultural Extension include popularization of and motivation to use improved seeds, irrigation water, and chemical fertilisers among farmers, and propagating their uses, methods and doses of application. It sets up demonstration plots, conducts farmers’ rallies, and trains them up. It helps implementation of initiatives like the crop diversification programme (CDP) to promote nutritional balance in the diet of the people, and the horticulture development programme to encourage production of fruits, vegetables, etc.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Agriculture Information Service&#039;&#039; (AIS)  An informative and educative agency dedicated to dissemination of information to farmers in general. It uses the materials developed by the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) and the Central Extension Resource Development Institute (CERDI). It publishes pictorial magazines, newsletters, books, leaflets, etc and distributes educative and training materials. Moreover, it produces documentaries and screens them in rural areas and also conducts radio and television programmes on agricultural matters.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Agricultural Marketing&#039;&#039; (DAM)  It helps regulation of marketing of agricultural produces through dissemination of information on price, and quantity of various agricultural produces in important market centres, improvement of market conditions, and guaranteeing of fair prices to producers. It has its headquarters at Khamarbari (Farmgate), Dhaka. It publishes and broadcasts weekly bulletins on market prices in selected centres.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Cotton Development Board&#039;&#039; (CDB)  Set up to reduce the dependence of local spinning factories on imported raw cotton. The Board has already identified areas suitable for cotton cultivation. It distributes seed cotton and other inputs to growers in such areas and buys back the seed cotton at pre-declared prices. Its headquarters is located at Dhaka but it has zonal offices at cotton growing centres of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Seed Certification Agency&#039;&#039; (SCA)  Responsible for quality control and certification of seeds produced in the agriculture sector for crops such as paddy, wheat, jute, seed, potato and sugarcane. To this end, it carries out tests on purity of the line, germination of the stock, and their moisture contents. For the same purpose, the SCA conducts field visits to the seed plots of the breeders and to multiplication agencies, including the contract growers, on a regular basis. It serves as the secretariat of the Natural Seed Board (NSB). The SCA is located at Joydebpur, Gazipur. It has set up a central testing laboratory at Gazipur and smaller ones in outlying field stations as well.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Central Extension Resources Development Institute&#039;&#039; (CERDI)  Founded at Joydebpur, Gazipur to develop agricultural extension service messages through training and coordination of extension activities.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BADC)  It was set up in 1961 to make agricultural inputs like fertilisers, seeds, irrigation water, etc available to farmers on commercial basis. For doing so, it procures chemical fertilisers, irrigation equipment, plant protection chemicals and equipment, and arranges for production and distribution of seeds. However, distribution of chemical fertilisers and irrigation equipment has since been privatized. At present, the Corporation runs seed multiplication farms, organises production of seeds by contract growers, and organises agro-service centres (ASCs) for boosting production of fruits and vegetables. It also runs some irrigation-based area development projects.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council&#039;&#039; (BARC)  It coordinates planning prioritization of fieldwork and approval of agricultural research programmes and their funding. It was set up in 1973 and has its headquarters at Dhaka. It helps integration of the activities of researchers in different fields and institutions of the Ministry of Agriculture and other agencies. It helps formulate national agricultural research plans and oversees their implementation, either by salaried scientists, or by those under contract research. It helps human resource development (HRD) through arranging higher studies of agricultural graduates. It maintains a computer centre, and the National Agricultural Library and Documentation Centre.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BARI)  Standing on the relics of a similar institution functioning in undivided India, Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute is based in at Joydebpur, Gazipur. Headed by a Director General, the institute conducts research and imparts training on all food crops excepting rice. It has outreach stations at several agroecological zones of the country. It carries out research on wheat, potato, pulses, oilseeds, maize, cotton, fruit, root crops and vegetables. The institute experiments with various agricultural machines and implements to determine their appropriateness for field use.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Rice Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BRRI)  Established in 1970, BRRI carries out researches on all aspects of rice, including breeding of new varieties, improvement of yields, plant protection measures, fertiliser doses and cultivation practices. From its headquarters in Joydebpur, Bangladesh Rice Research Institute has set up outreach stations at different agroecological zones of the country. The institute has made a significant contribution towards the development and adoption of new high yielding varieties in of rice the country. It coordinates its efforts with the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) at Los Banos in the Philippines.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Jute Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BJRI)  Established in 1951, the BJRI conducts research on variety improvement and cultural practices for increased yields of jute. It has been entrusted with the breeding of new varieties and effective yield increases. In doing so, it conducts experiments with cultural practices and application of fertilisers. The Jute seed programme is implemented by the BADC. Bangladesh Jute Research Institute carries out research on multifarious use of jute through its technical division.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Sugarcane Research Institute&#039;&#039; (SRI)  Founded at Ishurdi in the district of Pabna in 1973. It conducts researches on improvement of sugarcane varieties, the cultural practices involved in sugarcane production, and application of inputs and extension methodology to reach growers.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture&#039;&#039; (BINA)  Located at the premises of the Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) at Mymensingh and established in 1973, BINA breeds crop varieties through application of atomic radiation. It conducts research on rice, jute, mustard, groundnut, pulses, tomato, etc. The institute carries experiments on the use of appropriate doses of fertilisers on various crops and evaluates the outcome thereof. The Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture has already made a significant contribution to the development of new crop varieties.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Soil Resources Development Institute&#039;&#039; (SRDI)  Responsible for identification of soil characteristics, their classification, and property elements for suitability of crop production. It carries out soil surveys and tests throughout the country, publishes posters for agricultural scientists and farmers. It trains personnel engaged in the development of agriculture, including farmers. In addition to having soil testing laboratories in different places, it has mobile units to carry out soil to testing at the field level.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Agro-economic Research Unit&#039;&#039; (AERU)  Established in 1972, responsible for conducting macro and micro-economic research for national agricultural development planning and policies. In addition to carrying out regular mandated responsibilities, it is also utilized for quick surveys and monitoring of the outcome of a given agricultural policy of the government. Currently, this unit is inactive, which need to be reactivated for greater interest of agricultural development in the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Agricultural University&#039;&#039; (BAU)  Founded in 1961, BAU offers graduate, post graduate, and PhD level courses under faculties of Veterinary Science, Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Agricultural Economies and Rural Sociology, Agricultural Engineering and Technology, Fisheries, etc. It conducts fundamental and development research as well as offers refresher and short courses for agricultural scientists. Currently, there are several agricultural universities, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University (BSMRAU), Sher-e-Bangla Agricultural University (SBAU), Sylhet Agricultural University (SAU), Chittagong Veterinary and Animal Sciences University (CVASU) and some universities of sciences and technology to conduct research and training on agriculture.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Fisheries Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BFDC)  Established in 1964 to help the development of the fish industry (harvesting, processing and marketing) in the public and private sectors, covering with marine and fresh water species. Its headquarters is in Dhaka.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Sugar and Food Industries Corporation&#039;&#039; (BSFIC)  Established in 1976, it controls sugar mills, and develops sugar and food processing industries in the public sector.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation&#039;&#039; (BFIDC)  Engaged in extraction of forest products from the forests of the country, establishment of timber based industries, rubber plantation, production, processing and marketing, best utilization of forest resources and processing of the extracted timber. The activities of the corporation are divided into two sectors, namely industrial sector, and agricultural sector. There are three rubber zones and sixteen gardens comprising 32635 acres of forest land. The corporation meets up to about 70 percent of total demand for raw rubber of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Krishi Bank&#039;&#039; (BKB)  Founded in 1973 on the relics of the Agriculture Bank and Agricultural Development Finance Corporation, the BKB extends long and short-term credit for agriculture and allied operations. It also works as a commercial bank. In recent years, another specialized bank known as Rajshahi Krishi Unnayan Bank has been providing agricultural credit to farmers.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Directorate of Livestock Services&#039;&#039; (DLS)  Founded in 1947 to help augment the production of cattle and poultry resources of the country through extension activities as well as through improvement of breed, health and nutritional care. Its head office is located at Khamarbari, Dhaka. Its field offices extends up to upazila level. Central cattle breeding station at Savar, Livestock Research Institute at Mahakhali, National Zoo at Mirpur and Central Disease Investigation Laboratory at Kazi Alauddin Road, Dhaka are important components of the Directorate.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Livestock Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BLRI)  A national institute for conducting research on livestock, which was crated in 1984 by an Ordinance promulgated by Hon’ble President of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. Since its establishment, the institute has been carrying out adoptive research on filed problems relating to livestock and poultry development. Meanwhile, the institute has developed 40 technologies and 19 packages on livestock and poultry production. These technologies have been approved by the Board of Management of the institute and are being extended to the farmers by various government and non-government ogranizations. The institute has seven research divisions; five of then are engaged in technology development, one is engaged in socio-economic research and evaluation of generated technologies and the other is engaged in testing of technologies in the field. This institute has two regional stations; one is located at Nikhongchari, Bandarban and the other at Baghabari, Sirajganj. The headquarters of the institute is located at Savar, Dhaka.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Fisheries&#039;&#039; (DoF)  Providing extension services for boosting fish and shrimp production, conservation of fisheries resources, quality control of fish and fish products, formulation of policy framework and socio-economic development of fisher-folk. Te main objective of this department is to support sustainable growth in fish and shrimp production for domestic consumption and export. To achieve- this objective, the department has been and imparting training to the farmers. Initially this was established as a directorate in 1908 and was upgradraded to department in 1983. The headquarters of the department of is located at Kakrail, Dhaka. Its local offices are extended up to district and upazila level. This department has developed a national Fisheries Strategy-2006 to implement the National Fisheries Policy-1998.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh Fisheries Research Institute&#039;&#039; (BFRI)  Established in 1984 through promulgation of an Ordinance by President of Bangladesh. The headquarters of the institute is located at the Bangladesh Agricultural University (BAU) campus, Mymensingh. The institute has five research stations and five sub-stations in different regions of the country. The main objective of the institute is to generate various aquaculture and management technologies for better management of resources and increase fish production. So far, the institute has evolved 47 new technologies of which, 7 are widely disseminated. Remarkable research achievement has been obtained in case of breeding and culture of local endangered fish species, riverine cat fish, prawn and shrimp culture and hilsa fisheries management.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Department of Forest&#039;&#039; (DoF)  Engaged in conservation, management and extension activities in the forestry sub-sector. The headquarters of the department is located at Agargaon, Dhaka. The entire forest areas of the country are divided into few circles, which function under the control of the Chief Conservator of forest. The circles are divided into ranges and the ranges are divided into beats. This department plays an important role in the development of physical, socio-economic development, maintenances of environmental balance and sustainable land based production system. In order to meet the shortfall of forest products in the country, to ensure supply of raw materials to wood based industries, to conserve and develop environment and wildlife and to increase the recreational facilities for the people; the department has undertaken different development programmes. Besides, training programmes have been revamped at all levels to develop technological aspects of forestry. Moreover, different activities of the department in forest management, aforestation, conservation of wild animals, management of production areas, development of Safari Park etc. has directly contributed to biodiversity and environment development. The government has approved a twenty year (1995-2015) Forest Sector Master Plan for overall development of forestry sector of the country.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Forest Research Institute&#039;&#039; (FRI)  Founded in 1955, the FRI is located at Shola Shahar, Chittagong. It conducts researches on the development of forests and the forest wealth of the country. The main objectives of the institute is to generate new technologies to augment and preserve forest resources, improve environment, create employment opportunities and reduce poverty. Meanwhile, the institute has developed various seedlings nursery and established new garden system in coastal region, which has positive impact in creation of mangrove forest of coastal region.&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Bangladesh National Herbarium&#039;&#039; (BNH)  A research organisation of botanical species. It is a national organisation to survey, collect and conservation of plant species. The main objectives of the national herbarium are to identify, collect and preserve all plant species including those associated with national tradition and culture. This organisation deals with taxonomic studies of plants, investigates medicinal and other economically important plants, threatened plant species and plays an important role in the conservation of biodiversity and environment. The headquarters of the organisation is located at Mirpur, Dhaka.  [Muhammad Abul Hashem and Jahangir Alam]&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;Agricultural extension&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;&#039;  An applied science, consisting of contents derived from research, accumulated field experiences and relevant principles drawn from the behavioural sciences synthesized with useful technology. Extension involves the conscious use of communication of information to help people form sound opinions and make good decisions.&lt;br /&gt;
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Agricultural extension activities in Bangladesh in crop, livestock, and fisheries sectors are organised, managed, and operated by the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE), Directorate of Livestock Services (DLS), and Department of Fisheries (DOF) respectively. Among them, the DAE is the largest organisation, and has extensive networks.&lt;br /&gt;
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The institutional foci for the organisation and management of extension services at the DAE are Headquarters (national level), Zone (district level), Unit (upazila level), and Block (union level). At the national level, the DAE is headed by a Director General (DG) who is assisted by a Director, responsible for each of the 7 wings, viz, Food Crops Wing, Cash Crops Wing, Plant Protection Wing, Training Wing, Planning and Evaluation Wing, Administration and Personnel Wing, and Field Services Wing. The Field Services Wing of the DAE exercises the functions over field extension services. The Food Crops, Cash Crops, Training, and Plant Protection Wings provide essential support and expertise, largely through technical supervision of Subject Matter Specialists, and Subject Matter Officers at district and upazila levels. At present there are 9 operational regions in the country at the DAE, each managed by an Additional Director (ADAE). The function of the ADAE is to maintain liaison between education and research with extension, and ensure close contact between field level extension officers and workers and national level extension personnel. However, the Zone (district) is the most important focal point for managing DAE operations. A Zone is headed by a Deputy Director of Agricultural Extension supported by one Crop Production Specialist, one Plant Protection Specialist, one Horticulture Specialist, and one District Training Officer. Moreover, in the bigger districts there is one Senior Irrigation Engineer. The Unit is under an Upazila Agricultural Officer who is assisted by one Additional Agricultural Officer, one Agricultural Extension Officer, one Assistant Agricultural Extension officer, and one Junior Agricultural Extension Officer. At the Block (union) level a Block Supervisor provides extension services to farmers or groups of farmers. A Deputy Assistant Agricultural Officer (Block Supervisor) covers 600 to 1200 farm families (an average of about 900).&lt;br /&gt;
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&#039;&#039;Training&#039;&#039;  It implies the purposeful arrangement of teaching for developing skills. It involves the process of improving knowledge for doing a specific job. It also involves informing, and educating people about the latest and appropriate technologies in their chosen field of profession. Agricultural training is usually of two kinds: (i) Pre-service, and (ii) In-service training.&lt;br /&gt;
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The DAE of the Ministry of Agriculture has 12 Agricultural Training Institutes for providing pre-service training in agriculture with a view to preparing and producing field level extension agents (commonly known as Block Supervisors). In-service training is offered by the following training institutes: (i) Central Extension Resources Development Institute (CERDI), Joydebpur, Gazipur; (ii) Graduate Training Institute (GTI), Bangladesh Agricultural University, Mymensingh; (iii) [[Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development|bangladesh academy for rural development]] (BARD), Kotbari, Comilla; and (iv) Rural Development Academy (RDA), Bogra.&lt;br /&gt;
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Some NGOs working in Bangladesh have their own training institutes, and provide short training to their own staff for increasing skills and efficiencies in the field of agriculture, rural sociology, fisheries, and related disciplines.  [M Abul Kashem]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[Category:Agriculture]]&lt;br /&gt;
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[[bn:কৃষি]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Mukbil</name></author>
	</entry>
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