Ijara - Revision history

Mukbil at 15:27, 17 July 2021

2021-07-17T15:27:08Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:27, 17 July 2021
Line 1:		Line 1:
	'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.		'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[Sher Shah\|sher shah]] and [[Akbar\|akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.

	A ''~~farm''''a''''n~~'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''~~Parga''''na~~'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.		A ''farman'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[Aurangzeb\|aurangzeb]] and the [[Farman\|farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Pargana'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.

	The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ~~''''a''''fzud';~~''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''~~jam''''a~~'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''~~mut''''aa''''hidi~~''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.		The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as ''rasad afzud''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jama'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mutaahidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.

	An Ijara~~'' ''~~arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.		An Ijara arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[Zamindar\|zamindar]] as an intermediary.

	The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ~~ijarada''r''~~ or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals~~'' ''~~and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''~~lis~~''''a'''' ~~sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries~~.		The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijaradar or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''khalisa'' sharifa'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.

			Nawab [[Murshid Quli Khan\|murshid quli khan]] made more effective system by establishing a new land revenue settlement in 1722. During his time a new Zaminder class emerged and usually the Hindus got preferences to be the new Zaminders. Nawab took a twofold plan to increase the land revenue in his territory. First, he made all the jagirs who were responsible for the khalisa, under direct supervision of the revenue collectors. Secondly, he made a contractual revenue system through the Ijara system. Though he collected security bond from the new contractors of the revenue collection. This new designation was defined as Ijaradar. He termed the system as ''mal-damini'' or ''ml-jamini''. With these new contractors Murshid Quli Khan formed a new landed aristocracy who were confirmed by [[Cornwallis, Lord Charles\|lord cornwallis]] in the [[Permanent Settlement, The\|permanent settlement]] (1793). During the British period, settlement was also made with the Ijaradars regarding the government controlled market, ''jalmahal'' etc. [Nasrin Akkter]

	Nawab [[murshid]] [[quli khan]] made more effective system by establishing a new land revenue settlement in 1722. During his time a new Zaminder class emerged and usually the Hindus got preferences to be the new Zaminders. Nawab took a twofold plan to increase the land revenue in his territory. First, he made all the jagirs who were responsible for the khalisa, under direct supervision of the revenue collectors. Secondly, he made a contractual revenue system through the Ijara system. Though he collected security bond from the new contractors of the revenue collection. This new designation was defined as Ijaradar. He termed the system as ''m''''a''''l-d''''a''''mini'' or ''ml-j''''a''''mini''. With these new contractors Murshid Quli Khan formed a new landed aristocracy who were confirmed by Lord [[cornwallis]] in the [[permanent settlement]] (1793). During the British period, settlement was also made with the Ijaradars regarding the government controlled market, ''jalmahal'' etc. [Nasrin Akkter] [Akhter, Nasrin Assistant Editor, Banglapedia]

	[[bn:ইজারা]]		[[bn:ইজারা]]

Mukbil at 15:23, 17 July 2021

2021-07-17T15:23:04Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:23, 17 July 2021
Line 1:		Line 1:
	'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.		'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.

	A ''farm''''a''''n'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Parga''''na'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.		A ''farm''''a''''n'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Parga''''na'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.

	The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ''''a''''fzud';''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jam''''a'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mut''''aa''''hidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.		The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ''''a''''fzud';''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jam''''a'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mut''''aa''''hidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.

	An Ijara'' ''arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.		An Ijara'' ''arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.

	The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijarada''r'' or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals'' ''and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''lis''''a'''' sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.		The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijarada''r'' or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals'' ''and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''lis''''a'''' sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.

Nasirkhan: Content Updated.

2021-06-18T06:06:11Z

Content Updated.

← Older revision		Revision as of 06:06, 18 June 2021
Line 1:		Line 1:
	~~<p class=Normal >~~'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.		'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.

	~~<p class=Normal >~~A ''farm''''a''''n'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Parga''''na'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.		A ''farm''''a''''n'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Parga''''na'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.

	~~<p class=Normal >~~The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ''''a''''fzud';''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jam''''a'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mut''''aa''''hidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.		The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ''''a''''fzud';''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jam''''a'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mut''''aa''''hidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.

	~~<p class=Normal >~~An Ijara'' ''arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.		An Ijara'' ''arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.

	~~<p class=Normal >~~The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijarada''r'' or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals'' ''and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''lis''''a'''' sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.		The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijarada''r'' or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals'' ''and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''lis''''a'''' sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.

	~~<p class=Normal >~~Nawab [[murshid]] [[quli khan]] made more effective system by establishing a new land revenue settlement in 1722. During his time a new Zaminder class emerged and usually the Hindus got preferences to be the new Zaminders. Nawab took a twofold plan to increase the land revenue in his territory. First, he made all the jagirs who were responsible for the khalisa, under direct supervision of the revenue collectors. Secondly, he made a contractual revenue system through the Ijara system. Though he collected security bond from the new contractors of the revenue collection. This new designation was defined as Ijaradar. He termed the system as ''m''''a''''l-d''''a''''mini'' or ''ml-j''''a''''mini''. With these new contractors Murshid Quli Khan formed a new landed aristocracy who were confirmed by Lord [[cornwallis]] in the [[permanent settlement]] (1793). During the British period, settlement was also made with the Ijaradars regarding the government controlled market, ''jalmahal'' etc. [Nasrin Akkter] [Akhter, Nasrin Assistant Editor, Banglapedia]		Nawab [[murshid]] [[quli khan]] made more effective system by establishing a new land revenue settlement in 1722. During his time a new Zaminder class emerged and usually the Hindus got preferences to be the new Zaminders. Nawab took a twofold plan to increase the land revenue in his territory. First, he made all the jagirs who were responsible for the khalisa, under direct supervision of the revenue collectors. Secondly, he made a contractual revenue system through the Ijara system. Though he collected security bond from the new contractors of the revenue collection. This new designation was defined as Ijaradar. He termed the system as ''m''''a''''l-d''''a''''mini'' or ''ml-j''''a''''mini''. With these new contractors Murshid Quli Khan formed a new landed aristocracy who were confirmed by Lord [[cornwallis]] in the [[permanent settlement]] (1793). During the British period, settlement was also made with the Ijaradars regarding the government controlled market, ''jalmahal'' etc. [Nasrin Akkter] [Akhter, Nasrin Assistant Editor, Banglapedia]

	[[bn:ইজারা]]		[[bn:ইজারা]]

0:0:0:0:0:0:0:1: Content Updated.

2021-06-17T19:14:38Z

Content Updated.

New page

'''Ijara''' means farming of revenue. The Ijara'' ''was a well-known practice in the land-revenue administration under the sultans of Delhi. But it fell into disrepute under [[sher-shah]] and [[akbar]]. It was revived again during the reign of [[jahangir]], and became quite widespread in the course of seventeenth century. Under [[shahjahan]], the Portuguese obtained certain ''mahal''s in Bengal on ijara. During his reign the practice of ijara was widespread and in fact brought ruin to large parts of the Empire.

A ''farm''''a''''n'' was issued in the 8th regnal year of [[aurangzeb]] and the [[farman]] contained a number of instructions for preparing the revenue records. One of these enjoins the local administration to note the number of revenue farmers and cultivators in every village. This leads to the inference that the Ijaradars were to be found in every ''Parga''''na'', if not in every village of the empire. This was also the first general statement of the land-revenue policy of the Emperor.

The practice of ijara has been defined in some detail in a revenue glossary compiled in the later half of the eighteenth century. Ijara constituted a sort of contract and implied the farming out of the revenues of a mahal or more that one mahal and the Ijaradar was required to pay the fixed amount as stipulated in the agreement. One form of ijara was known as '''rasad ''''a''''fzud';''. This arrangement was made for a village for which the ''jam''''a'' had decreased on account of natural calamities, and it implied an agreement on the part of the ijaradar for the collection and payment of a sum lower that the original Jama. Another form of ijara was ''mut''''aa''''hidi''. The main difference between ijara and mutaahidi lay in fact that the former agreement was generally made without any conditions except the payment of the full amount as agreed upon between the parties. Ijaradar was an intermediary for collecting land-revenue and a mutaahhid was treated later as a government servant.

An Ijara'' ''arrangement implied the right of collecting land-revenue on behalf of the state or the Jagirdar for a fixed period and paying a fixed amount to the Jagirdar or the government officer as stipulated in the agreement. An Ijaradar had no proprietary right in land and in this he differed from the [[zamindar]] as an intermediary.

The practice of ijara affected the working of the land-revenue administration and weakened its stability. It gave rise to a class of bankers who invested their money in the business of revenue farming. The new class generally came from the cities and proved to be a constant source of danger to the interest of the zamindars. The effects of the system on the peasantry were even worse. The burden of the increased land revenue demand was distributed among the peasants. Whatever settlement was made with the ijarada''r'' or with the zamindar, the condition created by artificial competition invariably tended to increase the land-revenue and ultimately the burden fell on the peasantry. Eventually the oppressed peasantry took refuge in the nearby zamindaris, which were owned by powerful zamindars that openly defied the authority by the state, neglected the payment of land-revenue. Khalisa land- the bulk of the imperial territory consisted of the mahals'' ''and parganas assigned to mansabdars in lieu of their salaries for services rendered to the state. The remaining mahals and parganas in almost all the provinces were earmarked as khalisa or ''kh''''a''''lis''''a'''' sharif''''a'' and the income from them was remitted to the imperial treasuries.

Nawab [[murshid]] [[quli khan]] made more effective system by establishing a new land revenue settlement in 1722. During his time a new Zaminder class emerged and usually the Hindus got preferences to be the new Zaminders. Nawab took a twofold plan to increase the land revenue in his territory. First, he made all the jagirs who were responsible for the khalisa, under direct supervision of the revenue collectors. Secondly, he made a contractual revenue system through the Ijara system. Though he collected security bond from the new contractors of the revenue collection. This new designation was defined as Ijaradar. He termed the system as ''m''''a''''l-d''''a''''mini'' or ''ml-j''''a''''mini''. With these new contractors Murshid Quli Khan formed a new landed aristocracy who were confirmed by Lord [[cornwallis]] in the [[permanent settlement]] (1793). During the British period, settlement was also made with the Ijaradars regarding the government controlled market, ''jalmahal'' etc. [Nasrin Akkter] [Akhter, Nasrin Assistant Editor, Banglapedia]

[[bn:ইজারা]]